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“The mission of the Marshall Center is to create a more stable security environment by advancing democratic institutions and relationships, especially in the field of defense; promoting active, peaceful security cooperation; and enhancing enduring partnerships among the nations of North America, Europe and Eurasia”.
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“I fully support this French Presidency's initiative to explore the possibilities for improving the exchange of officers during their basic training. I consider it an important contribution to increasing the interoperability of the European armed forces and to providing full knowledge of EU instruments and EU objectives to ensure the comprehensive approach towards crisis management that we want to promote.” Javier Solana
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One of the main issues identified during the study of the Internet as media support and the engineering of the value as a method to develop strategic intelligence effi ciency is the Internet influence on behavior and the rules which conduct the Intelligence working - a complex process of the leading act. The Internet as we know today reconfigures the entire social context of communication in a total different manner; both do to the specific nature of this new environment and to the fastness and unlimited character of the technology development. This fact assures new quantity and quality of the human connectivity. The value engineering– the method of the value analyses – is a part of economical tools, using the functional approach of the products related to the beneficiary demanding. We believe that this tool can be applied also in the fi eld of Military Intelligence with promising results for the future.
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The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the period in the international relations that came after the Cold War has already been completed and we are now in another one, to which he gives the name of the Post-Lisbon order. So far, in the discourse on the international relations it is called the post-Cold War order, without a clear distinction of its timeframe. The author, who presents a theoretical introduction of the definition of the international order which he perceives as a way of determining the relationship between international actors, who also presents the most important provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon and the New NATO Strategic Concept (adopted in Lisbon), called the new period a post-Lisbon order. By analyzing the presented problems the article constitutes an attempt to prove the thesis which was put forward at the beginning.
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Today, western Balkans states are a long way from where they were at the beginning of the decade. The Stabilization and Association process, which has just started in 2000, is almost completed as all the states have negotiated and signed the Stabilization and Association Agreements with the EU, the EU is negotiating visa liberalization agreements and all states are entitled to the new pre-accession financial assistance IPA, designed to address the strategic needs of the region. This progress, apart from the persistent efforts of the national governments and the EU administration, is also partly due to the visionary policy reports and recommendations of people and organizations working on the Balkans. We are convinced that their commitment to the region and the ability to look beyond the limitations of the immediate political context for lasting solutions makes them an irreplaceable item on every reading-list of both those who wish to study the Balkan region and those who aim to produce similar such reports addressing the present dilemmas and challenges for the western Balkan states. “The Enlargement of the EU to Balkans” is a compilation of four reports on the Balkans published since 2000. They all concern the Balkan region and its prospects for the future – away from violent legacies towards peace, stability and European integration. As such, they are a valuable source for all those interested in and studying the recent political developments in this region, for these reports give an overview of the challenges that Balkans states faced on the start of their journey to European integration. We hope this collection of reports will become part of the curricula of schools and departments where Balkan politics, history and EU integration are taught. From the multitude of reports, books and other works written on the Balkans, the reports that follow were not chosen accidentally. Rather, we aimed to include the most influential reports, those which had the greatest impact on the EU and international community’s approach towards the Balkans, those with the most valuable recommendations concerning the features of EU’s policy towards the Balkans. The results of in-depth field research and analysis of diplomatic relations in the region, these reports provided the most credible assistance to the European and other policy-makers when faced with the dilemma ‘how to deal with postconflict post-Milosevic Balkans?’ By publishing their reports again, we also like to pay tribute to those people and organizations that made their most for Balkans to be found in EU integration map.
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Lisbon Agreement on Dec 1st, 2009 has remarked the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of EU instead of European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). European Union has suffered from vital incapabilities in her defense structure although took part in some military operations in World wide such as peace keeping in Africa and police missions in Afghanistan. Hard power gap between EU and USA has drastically widen in recent decades. EU countries provided modest contributions into NATO operation in Afghanistan. EU makes much more effort to develop her soft power and aims transformations in near geographies. However, it is fact that EU system is bulky as witnessed in Arab movements. NATO and EU have to reconsider their defense policies in common understanding.
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The crisis generated by the expulsion of the Romania’s and Bulgaria’s Roma from France has showed that there was no strategy related to Roma issue at the European level, although it is extremely necessary1 . In spite of the numerous and heated debates at the European level on this issue, the European officials are still disagreeing on the concretization and effective implementation of a strategy. This article underlies that the attempts to solve the issue at the national level represent narrow approaches, that seek to gain benefits on short term and do not analyze the potential benefits on long term of the continental approach, in accordance with the endeavors and exigencies stated by the European Union’s officials. Starting from the premise that the integration of the Roma communities exceed – by its geographical extension, but also by the intellectual and financial resources which it claims – the national background, this paper presents a point of view regarding the directions of action to be followed. In the author’s opinion, these directions should encompass two main coordinates: “land binding” of the Roma, respectively, their education in the spirit of the development of better social adaptation/integration. Both coordinates are analyzed and commented in this paper from the perspective of their strong and weak points. At the same time, there are proposed some feasible solutions for integrating Roma communities at the national and European level.
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Tis paper evaluates the planning capacity of two Common Security and Defence (CSDP) missions (EULEX Kosovo and EUFOR Althea) in order to assess the efectiveness of CSDP planning process. Both missions sufer due to partial interests within the EU and low positioning of CSDP on political agendas of the member states. Compared to NATO, EU missions’ political control is more much detailed once the mission is deployed. CSDP planning architecture has been considerably reformed since the inception of the frst missions in 2003, however the supervision by the member states is still present in all phases of restructuring and implementation. EULEX planning process includes a well elaborated lessons learnt process, however the implementation of the fndings on the operational level is rather weak whereas EUFOR Althea profted mostly from the access to NATO planning assets. CSDP missions are political missions and their efectiveness seems to be of secondary importance to the EU member states.
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The main aim of this article is to explore and analyze key determinants of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy efficiency. For this purpose a 3C analytical approach is used, exploring EU foreign and security policy consistency, capacities and the dimension of cooperation. Article analyzes both horizontal and vertical, consistency of EU Foreign and Security policy especially with connection to Ukraine crises and diverging interests of EU member states. EU capacities are explored with main focus on military spending and challenges related to limited spending. EU military decline is put in contrast with new emerging regional powers. In the area of cooperation article is dedicated mainly to ineffective partnership with Turkey, cold attitude of Trump administration towards Europe and the implications of Brexit for EU foreign and security policy.
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Formulations such as ‘hybrid war’ that have been used to try and explain Russia’s political campaign against the West have political utility but little scholarly relevance. Apart from the fact that the Russians themselves see gibridnaya voina as a Western approach used against them and their allies, the term also conflates two distinct, even if overlapping Russian concepts. To the military, such non-kinetic means as subversion, hacking, disinformation and sabotage are instruments with which to prepare the battlefield, as in Crimea. However, to the national security establishment, they are an alternative to direct military operations, and it is this kind of ‘political war’ that is being waged on the West. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a proper appreciation of the nature of the challenge and the most effective means with which to resist it.
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Powerful increase in the use of drones in fight against terrorism through the tactic of targeted killings, especially after the arrival of President Obama to power, causes increasingly ethical and legal issues. The intention of this paper is to investigate exactly these issues. The basic hypothesis is that the US use of drones in war against terrorism is a major threat to international security, human rights and democracy. Instead of reducing the threat of terrorism, drones uses additionally incites hatred and desire for revenge, since it leaves severe adverse consequences on the lives of civilians. The expected contribution of this paper lies in the demystification of drones activities and questioning the many dangers that the use of drones in the fight against terrorism carries.
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Nevyužitá příležitost personálních kvalit
Text sums up outcomes of researcher focused on utilizing civilian expertise during their service in Czech Army Active Reserve Forces. The main outcome is that Czech Army is not aware of individual civilian expertise of its reservist and except small group of highly specialized units the armed forces are not even interested in this matter.
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Post-Cold War expansion of liberal order rested on three legs: the implosion of major alternative ordering projects, the enjoyment by liberal democracies of a ‘‘patronage monopoly,’’ and the dominance of liberalizing transitional activist networks and movements. By 2019, all three of those legs have been turned upside down. China and Russia, among others, offer new ordering projects, countries enjoy ‘‘exit options’’ in the form of alternative patronage, and illiberal activist networks are in the ascendant. A closer look at the ‘‘why’’ and ‘‘how’’ makes clear that illiberal forces have appropriated and repurposed the toolkit used to expand liberal order, which suggests an apparent paradox. While some forms of liberal order—primarily on the political side—are in retreat, other forms of liberal order—especially in terms of institutional and multilateral arrangements—are being reinforced. We are, therefore, looking not at the end of liberal order, but at a third great transformation in it.
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Throughout the 20th century, the major powers in the global Anglosphere often found themselves allies in armed conflict. These war-time alliances – sometimes temporary, more often part of a longer term cooperation – are sometimes held to arise because of common histories, common values, similar national ideologies and similar notions of international right and wrong. Indeed, the political rhetoric surrounding the declarations of war has often cited such factors as colonial history, international friendship and “special relationships” as motivators for joining armed coalitions against third party states. Yet while there stand stark examples of these major English speaking powers acting entirely in congress there exist numerous instances where one or more of these powers chose not to join a coalition alongside their Anglophonic associates. This article argues that explanations of Anglophonic coalitions that rely on notions of a shared history, similar political ideologies, common political and social values or similar notions of international morality all fall short of explaining the coalition joining/rejecting behaviour of the major powers of the Anglosphere in war-time during the 20th century. Drawing on data from the Correlates of War (CoW) project, this article will show that pure national interest drove the decisions of states to join or reject coalitions, lending strong support to a structural realist explanation for their behaviour, with this conclusion presenting opportunities for re-assessing alliance politics in Eastern Europe and South America.
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The state, under the Westphalian order, was both the creator and product of international law which determined its position as the central actor of this system. The norms of international law defined the normative content of the internal security regime, where state security was identical with security as such in international relations. The reality that laid the foundation for this logical syllogism has been subject to gradual transformation that had its climax in the early decades of the 21st century. The states, previously holding monopoly of using force in international relations, which allowed for prevention of wars by means of intergovernmental agreements or maintenance of peace through institutionalized intergovernmental cooperation, lost their exclusive authority to use force. Stipulating ‘non-war’ by means of an (intergovernmental) international treaty became impossible since the non-state actors who apply force pursue counter-systemic goals and reject the international (and internal) order based on the rule of law. The state sovereignty, whose significant albeit not exclusive referent was autocracy and total power, has been transformed from the title of claim to cease the violation by the state into the personal right to protection (vested in an individual or minority/people/mankind in general).
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Bringing a new reading to collective defence after the Cold War allowed, among other things, an expansion of NATO’s tasks as well as membership. This being said, it is high time for deep reflection about the opportunities and limitations for the Alliance from the perspective of the promotion of peace, more than 25 years after the end of the bipolar order. Drawing on the introductory remarks to this special issue, the paper will focus on 1) the strategic differences between a security versus a peace agenda for NATO in the context of increasingly transnational and complex threats, 2) Russia as both a necessary ally and a challenger at NATO’s borders, including its positioning regarding a “shared neighbourhood” with the European Union (EU) and the Atlantic Alliance, as well as Moscow’s investment in the development of military alliances to the east (the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, or CSTO), 3) the Middle East as a geostrategic area where the conflation of competing interests, norms and values has revealed complex dynamics, both in-country and regional, and impacted on the NATO space (for example, the effect of the Syrian conflict), and 4) whether the conceptualisation on a “European security architecture” remains useful or has become meaningless in face of current challenges.
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Formulations such as 'hybrid war' that have been used to try and explain Russia's political campaign against the West have political utility but little scholarly relevance. Apart from the fact that the Russians themselves see gibridnaya voina as a Western approach used against them and their allies, the term also conflates two distinct, even if overlapping Russian concepts. To the military, such non-kinetic means as subversion, hacking, disinformation and sabotage are instruments with which to prepare the battlefield, as in Crimea. However, to the national security establishment, they are an alternative to directmilitary operations, and it is this kind of 'political war' that is being waged on the West. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a proper appreciation of the nature of the challenge and the most effective means with which to resist it.
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Purpose. The aim of the publication is to present the issue of the content of the Polish scientific journal,,Ido Movement for Culture. Journal of Martial Arts Anthropology “on the example of the first five years (2011‒2015) of its existence. This will probably get at least partial answers to questions about 1) the impact of possible thematic diversity on the development of Polish scientific periodicals in the context of their internationalization, among others, through databases grouping this type of journale and 2) the legitimacy – from the point of view of modern science – the functioning of this type of journales. Introduction. The subject of the article is set in the context of the sociology of knowledge, and scientific information on the development of contemporary periodicals. The object of the research is a journal devoted to physical culture, cultural tourism and selected humanities sciences (philosophy, sociology, history, pedagogy and psychology), which emerged from another journal,,Ido – Movement for Culture” wchich was appeared in 2000‒2010. The periodical, on an international scale, is relatively small group of scientific journals directed towards themed arts and sports (less combat-type systems) fight. It is published by the the Scientific Research Committee of Idokan Poland Association, under the auspices of, among others, International Martial Arts and Combat Sports Scientific Society and the International Association of Sport Kinetics, in cooperation with several other institutions (eg. University of Rzeszow). Methodology. Methodology. The research method used elements of content analysis (also with elements of quantitative and qualitative content analysis). The data obtained are assigned to the appropriate category designated content of the contents is tested journals and categorization carried out by the same editorial team and publisher. Also analyzed the structure of the authors, both due to its titles and degrees, as well as the so-called. factor internationalization. We studied the types of publications posted there. Conclusions. The results indicate the diversity of thematic journal tested for this subject, together with mergers content considered by the authors in interdisciplinary shots. At the same time, you can draw conclusions about the ongoing development of this journal presented both in terms of content and the presence of the most important bases grouping the best scientific journals.
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Starting with April 1964, when the Central Committee of Romanian Workers Party published a Statement that stressed the equality of all communist parties and critised the conflict within the international communist movement, the Romanian foreign policy became the number one issue in the Romanian-Soviet relations. The freedom portrayed by Romanian leadership by taking a stand in foreign policy events in the international arena disturbed Moscow because the Soviets saw it as danger tot he monolithic unity of the Warsaw Pact.
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