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In this project, we have tried to implement some practices which will guide our future activities as the ECFR takes its work into new policy areas. First, we have tried to look at several dimensions of European power. We have explored how Moscow sees the EU and uses its power to influence it; how each member state relates to Russia; as well as the links between Moscow and EU institutions. This report draws on data gathered by a team of researchers from all 27 EU member states. Each conducted a survey of their country’s economic, political and military relations with Russia. Secondly, we have tried to avoid the euphemistic phrases and diplomatic practices that cloak tensions within the EU and between the EU and third countries. In order to promote a common European approach, we have illustrated some of the areas where the policies of individual member states have undercut common European objectives. The goal is not to stigmatise particular countries. Future reports on European foreign policy issues will put the spotlight on the policies of other states. Thirdly, we have done our best to understand the issues from the perspective of policymakers. A senior EU official complained to one of the authors about the propensity of outside observers to simplify complex issues and to imply that the only thing standing in the way of a successful EU foreign policy is the stupidity of officials. We have tried to heed this plea and have not offered any easy, ready-made solutions. We are grateful to the many officials who have provided us with useful guidance at every step of the research process, in particular those who took part in a round-table discussion of the interim findings, attended by officials from all EU institutions and a majority of EU member states.
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The election of Barack Obama has seriously narrowed the policy differences between Europe and the US. While significant disagreements remain on ambition, priority and approach, both sides now agree to a large degree on the major challenges facing them. Moreover, the President-elect is likely to be America’s first “post-Special Relationship” leader, eager to see Britain play a role in making Europe work rather than to build an exclusive US-UK bilateral bond.
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The success or failure of Egypt’s transition to democracy will have huge consequences for the Middle East and for Europe. If the country overcomes the obstacles to political reform, it would set a powerful example for the region. But although the ruling Military Council appears committed to hand over power, it is governing in an opaque way and has resorted to summary justice to deal with protest and criticism. Some liberals also worry that the quick timetable for elections will favour the remnants of the old regime and the Muslim Brotherhood. The revolution has also exacerbated the precarious state of the country’s economy. Despite Egypt’s importance, however, the EU has struggled to achieve influence in the country. In March Ashton and Barroso proposed a new policy framework, which is a good start but should be strengthened, for example by cancelling Egyptian debt. In the longer term, the EU should take a more political approach and behave more like a regional power. For example, Europeans should say clearly that military leaders who resort to summary justice to deal with protest and criticism are violating fundamental political rights. EU officials must also be ready to engage with all Egypt’s political groups, including former NDP members and the Muslim Brotherhood. Europe needs to move beyond fear about migration to see the potential for longer-term economic benefits for both sides of the Mediterranean.
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Lisbon Agreement on Dec 1st, 2009 has remarked the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of EU instead of European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). European Union has suffered from vital incapabilities in her defense structure although took part in some military operations in World wide such as peace keeping in Africa and police missions in Afghanistan. Hard power gap between EU and USA has drastically widen in recent decades. EU countries provided modest contributions into NATO operation in Afghanistan. EU makes much more effort to develop her soft power and aims transformations in near geographies. However, it is fact that EU system is bulky as witnessed in Arab movements. NATO and EU have to reconsider their defense policies in common understanding.
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Powerful increase in the use of drones in fight against terrorism through the tactic of targeted killings, especially after the arrival of President Obama to power, causes increasingly ethical and legal issues. The intention of this paper is to investigate exactly these issues. The basic hypothesis is that the US use of drones in war against terrorism is a major threat to international security, human rights and democracy. Instead of reducing the threat of terrorism, drones uses additionally incites hatred and desire for revenge, since it leaves severe adverse consequences on the lives of civilians. The expected contribution of this paper lies in the demystification of drones activities and questioning the many dangers that the use of drones in the fight against terrorism carries.
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Bringing a new reading to collective defence after the Cold War allowed, among other things, an expansion of NATO’s tasks as well as membership. This being said, it is high time for deep reflection about the opportunities and limitations for the Alliance from the perspective of the promotion of peace, more than 25 years after the end of the bipolar order. Drawing on the introductory remarks to this special issue, the paper will focus on 1) the strategic differences between a security versus a peace agenda for NATO in the context of increasingly transnational and complex threats, 2) Russia as both a necessary ally and a challenger at NATO’s borders, including its positioning regarding a “shared neighbourhood” with the European Union (EU) and the Atlantic Alliance, as well as Moscow’s investment in the development of military alliances to the east (the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, or CSTO), 3) the Middle East as a geostrategic area where the conflation of competing interests, norms and values has revealed complex dynamics, both in-country and regional, and impacted on the NATO space (for example, the effect of the Syrian conflict), and 4) whether the conceptualisation on a “European security architecture” remains useful or has become meaningless in face of current challenges.
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The failure of Polish insurrection in 1983 caused despair, moral and spiritual decay, and lack of hope of independence in the Polish nation. During that ime the idea of "Polish Sokół" came to life as an offshoot of the Czech "Sokół" movement. As a result, the organization was created in Lwów in 1867 and by the end of World war I the movement had its units ("nests") in all parts of Poland. The basic aims of this society were promotion of gymnastics and national revival in all parts of partitioned Poland. The group's goal was to develop fitness, both physically and mentally and to prepare young Poles to fight against aggressors. Some thought the "Sokół" society was created only to make Poland an independent country. Similarities and coincidence of historical and cultural context to Okinawa, Janpan can be found. This city was also occupied by an aggressor resulting in the creation of martial arts. People of Okinawa didn't have any weapons to defend against enemies leading to the birth of a new technique wich helped them to fight effectively.
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The initial provision of the North-Atlantic Agreement defines the principles, conditions and standards that countries aspiring for membership need to achieve in order to become a NATO member...So far, NATO countries have not gone to war against each other. Historical experience offers us strong evidence that NATO membership, and its expansion, leads to historic reconciliation (France, Germany) stability and democratization of states (Spain, Greece, Portugal..)...Many relevant comparative research unquestionably shows that, in the long-term, the countries with such an inner-political establishment are by rule of thumb the most stable, not only socially, but also economically, because independent institutions, division of powers and rule of law and protection of human rights...Through full-fledged NATO membership, a country becomes an integral part of the decision-making mechanism in NATO... The first and most basic direct benefit of membership is enjoyment of the rights, as well as obligations, arising from Article 5 of the North-Atlantic Agreement which states that an attacked Member State will be defended by the entire Alliance...According to Article 4 provisions of the North Atlantic Agreement, each state has a right to call for consultations whenever it considers necessary and when, according to its assessment, her territorial integrity, political independence or security of that NATO Member State is threatened.NATO Member States have transparent defense budgets. They try to strategically plan these expenditure together, thus forming mechanisms of joint participation in procurement of equipment and other joint use of resources...In the North-Atlantic world, NATO has no alternative, as it is often argued in Serbia. There is no other military-political alliance with a clearly defined method of decision-making and a developed joint command structure. Although it is hard to detect the exact proportion that only NATO membership brings in economic terms, all new Member States agree that they have experienced a so-called “NATO effect” after joining – starting with an increase in GDP...Therefore – join NATO!
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Nakon 11. rujna 2001. utvrđena je Borba protiv terorizma kao zadaća SAD-a. Uslijedile su ratne invazije u Afganistanu i Iraku, a sloboda građana je u ime sigurnosti ograničena. Teroristi Al Qaide koji su predstavljeni kao islamistički ratnici u ime Boga, pokrenuli su rat protiv zapada. Scenariji prijetnji potakli su filozofe širom svijeta na razmišljanje.
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During the coup attempt on July 15, the TRT building was occupied and the coup text, which was taught by force of arms, was analyzed and the situation of overlapping with the discourse of the publications of the FETET / PDY terrorist organization on this side from Process of 17-25 December was tried to be revealed. Data were collected by the method of document examination and the obtained data were analyzed by discourse analysis. It is thought that the work will be beneficial in terms of political discourse studies.
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Between 1950 and 1960, various incidents occurred both in Turkey and in the world. These kinds of events have created a great influence in the country, especially in the written press and publications. These issues could be seen in the local press as well as in the national press. While international issues were being processed in the national press, these issues also took their place in the local press. Ağrı, which is at the farthest point of the country, has not remained indifferent to such matters. In particular, the activities of Turkey on international platforms was included in the local press of Ağrı with various positive and negative criticisms. In addition to the international events, various national issues and events that influenced both the region and the period were also included in the press. Reflections of some national and international events between 1950-1960 on Ağrı press were tried to be studied in the study.
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20. Medzinárodná vedecká konferencia „RIEŠENIE KRÍZOVÝCH SITUÁCIÍ V ŠPECIFICKOM PROSTREDÍ“ was held on 20–21 May 2015 in Žilina, Czech Republic, organized by The University of Žilina, Faculty of Security Engineering.
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Preparation of the Slovak Republic for membership in NATO in 2001 first followed the Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 approved by the Government of the SR on 27th September 2000 and subsequently the Updated Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 (UANP PRENAME 2001) approved by the Government of the SR on 28th March 2001.In the UANP PRENAME 2001 the goals and tasks of preparation of the SR were set on national level and were divided in accordance with the Membership Action Plan - (MAP) into five chapters: 1. Political and economic issues; 2. Defence and military issues; 3. Sources; 4. Security issues; 5. Legal issues. By fulfilment of tasks and goals of the UANP PRENAME 2001 the preparation of the SR to take over the commitments resulting from the expected future membership in the Alliance shifted to a qualitatively higher level. At the same time the structures and mechanisms of the process of preparation of the SR for the NATO membership were improved within the whole PRENAME system and in single participating resorts. Fulfilment of conditions for integration of the SR to the Alliance had a complex nature and concerned many aspects of the society life.
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At the beginning of the 2010–2014 term of the Government, we considered it inevitable to introduce and bring new quality and new dimension to our foreign policy; a valuebased approach to formulate our clear positions on particular issues.
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Deterrence/Nuclear deterrence, which was theoretically the most developed and practically the best-applied strategy in the Cold War era, became one of the most important tools for the states to conduct foreign policy at the strategic level. Deterrence, as a product of the Cold War, which was itself a product of bipolar world order and mutual assured destruction between two heavily nuclear-armed super powers, had been developed gradually and studied heavily. Yet, with the end of the Cold War, it somehow lost its attraction for a while. However, with the 9/11 and recent developments in the Eastern Europe and wider Asia, it reiterated its position as the interests on deterrence studies extend. The aim of this article is to analyze the requirement of 21st century deterrence by presenting a brief of the nature and development of deterrence theory and practice. To this end, this article presents a comparative analysis of today’s deterrence theory and practice by analyzing deterrence as a concept, classic deterrence theory, and critics to the classic deterrence theory with a comparative methodology. As an integrated analysis, which is inadequate in Turkish literature on deterrence, the article has a unique contribution to existing literature.
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Without a doubt, Russia’s involvement in the Western Balkans’ energy sector is part of a wider strategy towards the region and is one of the easiest tools Moscow can use to maintain its presence in the region. However, the game is not only about energy, and is far more nuanced.
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The present paper constitutes a comparative analysis of Article 42(7) of Treaty of Lisbon (mutual defence clause) and of Article 5 of the North-Atlantic Treaty (common defence), from the perspective of the consequences their invocation triggers. It approaches the implications entailed by the above mentioned articles concerning the type of measures they can determine, taking into account the nature of the organisations within which they were designed, the decision-making procedure, the operational planning and the use of force. The present demarche was motivated by the necessity of identifying the possible repercussions of France’s invocation of mutual defence clause in the context of the terrorist attacks of November, 13th, 2015.The hypothesis of this study is that the respective articles are substantially different as far as their force and effects are concerned, the gap between them emerging from the nature of the organisations having developed and adopted them, from the institutional framework characteristic to NATO and EU, from the decision-making process, from the available forces, as well as from the significance of the security concepts they enshrine.
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