Publisher: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji

Bosnia-Herzegovina - The Core of the Greater Serbia Project

Bosna i Hercegovina - jezgro velikosrpskog projekta

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

"The international community's recognition of Bosnia-Herzegovina on April 6, 1991 set into motion the formidably brutal policy of extinction of the Muslim population. From April to August 1991, the Serbs have actually occupied 70 percent of Bosnia's territory. Numerous cases that have been or are still processed by the tribunal in The Hague testify of that. Many have not even been investigated so far, particularly those related to Eastern Bosnia and the Drina River valley. The Serbian troop's blitzkrieg besieged Sarajevo in couple of days only. "The siege of Sarajevo begun earlier in 1991. The fact that the Army entrenched itself all round Sarajevo as early as in autumn 1991 and distributed arms to the Serbian population also testifies that the aggression against Bosnia was planned way back. It was in October 1991 that Radovan Karadzic, preparing the Serbian population in Bosnia-Herzegovina for a plebiscite, said, "You must take over the power energetically and totally. Regardless of what will come out of Bosnia, no foundation for a Muslim house shall be laid in Serbian lands or in a Serbian village. Any foundation laid will be blown to pieces. The world will understand our opposition to any change in demographic structure be it natural or artificial. Our territories belong to us alone. We may be hungry, but we'll stick to those territories. This will be a battle for life or death, the battle for living space." Referring to possible difficulties with the international community, Karadzic said, "Foreign observers will come for sure, they'll keep everything under surveillance. They'll be malevolent. All of them will be malevolent except for those we'll acquire from England - only they will be objective," says the editor in Chapter I - "Destruction of Bosnia." Chapter II presents a chronology of the Bosnian war, Chapter III carries testimonies before the tribunal in The Hague, mostly expert testimonies, Chapter IV stands for a Sarajevo "dossier," Chapter V deals with the media presentation of the war in Bosnia, while Chapter VI carries integral sentences in Galic and Plavsic cases.

Zoran Djindjic: The Ethics of Responsibility. Collection of Works

Zoran Đinđić: etika odgovornosti. Zbornik Radova

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

The attempt to interpret the phenomenon of Zoran Djindjic in Serbian politics at a historical juncture has not ended yet. This particularly refers to clarification of the murder of Serbia's first post-communist Premier. As long as the Serbian society - its intellectual elite in the first place - are not ready to ask themselves why with Zoran Djindjic gone they have returned to the same spot they had been in before him, they would be unable to untie the knot his murder had tangled by erasing the line between politics and crime," says Dr. Latinka Perovic in her introductory study to the collection of papers of over 15 authors. // At the books launch, on June 2, 2006, in the Belgrade Media Center, Chairperson of the Helsinki Committee Sonja Biserko said among other things: "Today - three years after Zoran Djindjic's assassination and six years after Slobodan Milosevic's ouster - Serbia is still incapable of self-definition and unable to confront the future. In other words, Serbia cannot come to grips with her recent past. Seen from today's angle, Zoran Djindjic's emergence in Serbian politics and his tragic end are a metaphor for Serbia herself. Or, as Latinka Perovic put it, his personal and political fate sublimates Serbia's drama. // "Those who have either doubted or denied Zoran Djindjic as a man of vision at the beginning of 20th century cannot but say now that he has been in the right. With him gone, Serbia suffered a historical setback - particularly when it came to her ability to learn the lesson from a failed decade, the warring policy and the crimes that had made a part of her warring strategy. // "With this book the Helsinki Committee pays the tribute to Zoran Djindjic both for his personal courage and statemanly resoluteness to fight regressive forces.Zoran Djindjic was among those few figures in the Serbian history, whose vision moved them towards Europe. Confronted with the ethnic model of the state, this fragile trend has always been marginalized, while its advocates discredited and often physically threatened. Zoran Djindjic was such a figure. It is clear today that the masterminds behind his murder have tried to curb this trend. // "At the same time, this collection of papers testifies of Zoran Djindjic's theoretical opus and his creative energy. This book is a document of an era and its major actor we wish not to be forgotten. And even more than that - we wish not to allow manipulation with either of the two. "This book primarily addresses young people, generations to come. Unfortunately, they are doomed to bear the biggest burden of the recent past. To them, Zoran Djindjic can be a compass of maturing and overcoming the past. "Before I give the floor to our panelists, I wish to thank all authors in this major project. I particularly thank Latinka Perovic, who has managed to bring together so many competent people and, from a relatively short historical distance, present an epoch of Serbia's history through Zoran Djindjic's person and writings. "My special thanks go to Jadranka Jelincic, director of the Fund for an Open Society, who recognized the significance of this endeavor and made it possible to bring this collection of papers before the public eye."

Road to Barbarism

Put u varvarstvo

Author(s): Srđa Popović / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: sfr yugoslavia; serbia;bosnia;kosovo and Metohija;serbian nationalism; slobodan milosevic; war;conflict;human right in Serbia;

Srđa Popović's analysis in détail of Serbia's way into the wars and conflicts of the 1990s

Selected Essays by Young Authors (Vol. 1)

Selected Essays by Young Authors (Vol. 1)

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: human rights; children's rights; Romani people; social development; vicious reality; inter-ethnic relations; democracy; Yugoslavia; Germans; modernism; ethno-symbolism; nationalism; identification;

This is the first collection of selected essays by the authors who attended the courses and seminars the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia organized in 2004. Within the three-year project “Building up Democracy and Good Governance in Multiethnic Communities” that is being implemented with the assistance of the European Union, twelve 5-day “schools of democracy” and eight 3-day seminars under the common title “Life and Living in Multiethnic Environments” were held in 2004 in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Kragujevac and Novi Pazar. Over 500 trainees attended these courses and seminars. The project is aimed at capacitating young people – by the means of attractive and interactive courses of training – not only for a life in multiethnic communities that are particularly burdened with the adverse experience of the recent past, mutual distrust and stereotypes, but also for a life in the conditions that mark a modern democracy and reflect its standards. An objective as such implies, among other things, rational perception of notions, developments and trends that are in Serbia still blurred, marginalized and subject to relativism or, moreover, to various and even misguiding interpretations. The Helsinki Committee’s experience testifies this is all about a process that takes time but is worthy of effort – the more so since young people, as evidenced by the selected writings as well, fully perceive it as an imperative need of their own.

Selected Essays by Young Authors (Vol. 2)

Selected Essays by Young Authors (Vol. 2)

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: hatred; Serbia; inter-ethnic relations; customs; cultural anthropology; politics; democracy; media; human rights; human liberties; young people; 1990's; aesthetics; football; nationalism;

This is the second collection of selected essays by the authors who attended the courses and seminars the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia organized in 2005. Within the tree-year project “Building up Democracy and Good Governance in Multiethnic Communities” that is being implemented with the assistance of the European Union, twenty-four 5-day “Schools of democracy” and sixteen 3-day seminars under the common title “Life and Living in Multiethnic Environments” were held in 2004 and 2005 in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Kragujevac and Novi Pazar. Over 1000 trainees attended these courses and seminars. The project is aimed at capacitating young people - by the means of attractive courses of training - not only for a life in multiethnic communities that are particularly burdened with the adverse experience of the recent past, mutual distrust and stereotypes, but also for a life in the conditions that mark a modern democracy and reflect its standards. An objective as such implies, among other things, rational perception of notions, developments and trends that are in Serbia still blurred, marginalized and subject to relativism or, moreover, to various and even misguiding interpretations. The Helsinki Committee’s experience testifies this is all about a process that takes time but is worthy of effort - the more so since young people, as evidenced by the selected writings as well, fully perceive it as an imperative need of their own.

TESTIMONY of Vladimir Popović in Front of the Special Court at the Trial for the Murder of Zoran Đinđić

SVEDOČENJE, pred Specijalnim sudom Vladimira Popovića na suđenju za ubistvo Zorana Ðinđića

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: testimony; 2005; Zoran Đinđić; Vladimir Popović; assassination; politics; crime; interrogation;

Proces optuženima za atentat na Zorana Ðinđića je test spremnosti sudstva i srbijanskog društva za suočavanje sa pravim razlozima zbog kojih je prvi demokratski premijer brutalno ubijen. Istovremeno, njegov ishod pokazaće i meru spremnosti Srbije da raskine sa nasledjem režima Slobodana Miloševića i njegovom ratnom politikom. Takva ključna odrednica determinisala je i tragičnu ličnu sudbinu Zorana Ðindjića. Atmosfera koja je prethodila i najavila njegovo ubistvo karakteriše i tok sudskog procesa. Nastavljeno je sa opstrukcijama i diskreditacijama, ne samo Zorana Ðindjića, već i svih svedoka koji su njegovo ubistvo stavljali u politički kontekst bez kojeg se ono ne bi bilo moguće.

Ethnology of Everyday Life

Etnologija svakodnevnog života

Author(s): Aleksandar Bošković / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: ethnology of everyday life; technology; virtuality; design; photography; pornography; Internet; feminism; media; civil society; politics; Serbia; war;

Tehnologija je oduvek zaokupljala ljude, bilo iz praktičnih razloga (kako da sebi život učine lakšim), bilo iz radoznalosti (u smislu proširivanja granica ljudskog znanja). Kako tvrde umetnici/kritičari iz kolektiva Critical Art Ensemble, razmišljanja o svrsi i budućnosti tehnologije su se povezivala sa promišljanjima budućnosti ljudskog roda uopšte, i ona se najčešće odvijaju u dva smera: s jedne strane, tehno-utopisti koji smatraju da razvoj nauke i tehnike čovečanstvu može doneti neslućena dobra, blagostanje i lek protiv svih zala, a sa druge, tehno-distopisti, koji smatraju da je tehnologija izvor svih zala, i da se od nje ne može očekivati ništa dobro. Tehno-utopisti pravi procvat doživljavaju sa industrijskom revolucijom, kada vera u provi đenje ustupa mesto veri u kapitalizam. (Božja ruka provi đenja je nešto kasnije amputirana i prišivena kiborgu kapitalizma Adama Smita.) Naravno, sa dolaskom industrijske revolucije, težište se definitivno pomera u korist nauke i tehnologije: mislioci sa levice (Kondorse, Sen-Simon, Marks), kao i sa desnice (Kont, Spenser) su delili optimizam u vezi svetle budućnosti, uprkos različitim pristupima – tako je Sen-Simon predvi đao socijalizam saveta, dok je Spenser očekivao pojavu buržoaskog Natčoveka.

Dubrovnik: "War for Peace"

Dubrovnik: “Rat za mir”

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Dubrovnik; war; peace; Serbia; siege; 1990's; politics; Croatia; demolition of city; media campaign;

I nakon petnaest godina od višemesečne opsade Dubrovnika, u Srbiji još uvek nema spremnosti da se prihvati istina o učešću srpske strane u napadu na ovaj grad, posebno kada je reč o učešću JNA u njemu. Svako pominjanje razaranja Dubrovnika nailazi na rezervu i nevericu u pogledu razmera razaranja, a često sledi i sumnja da je to ipak bila “hrvatska ujdurma” koja je imala za cilj sticanje nezavisnosti. Zbog toga je ova knjiga namenjena, pre svega, srbijanskoj i crnogorskoj javnosti. Pred čitaocem je kompilacija tekstova koje je priredio Branko Vojčić, novinar iz Podgorice. Namera je izdavača da upozna čitaoca sa hronologijom i pripremama za rat, ne samo na dubrovačkom ratištu, već i u celoj Hrvatskoj. Krajem avgusta 1991. godine, JNA je zauzela Kijevo (hrvatsko selo okruženo teritorijom pod srpskom kontrolom u blizini Knina) i krenula ka Vukovaru. Hrvatska je, potom, blokirala kasarne i druge objekte JNA širom svoje teritorije. Zatim je JNA opkolila Vukovar i bombardovala ga dva meseca, dok nije pao, u novembru 1991. godine. Opsada Vukovara postala je simbol hrvatske borbe za nacionalno oslobođenje i privukla je pažnju međunarodne zajednice. Istovremeno, granatiranje Dubrovnika uzbudilo je celokupnu svetsku javnost. Reagujući na to, Matija Bećković na Drugom kongresu srpskog ujedinjenja u Čikagu kaže: “... iz oplakivanja gradova koji nisu postradali vidi se ravnodušnost prema hiljadama ljudi koji su pobijeni. Ispada da bi Hitler, da se sklonio u Dubrovnik, bio pod zaštitom UNESCO”.

Forging Anti-Yugoslav Conspiracy - Vol. 1

Kovanje antijugoslovenske zavere – Knjiga 1

Author(s): Sonja Biserko / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Serbian elite; Serbian national program; 1966-2006; Slobodan Milošević; trial; Hague Tribunal; Vojislav Šešelj; war crime; genocide; Carla Del Ponte;

Poslednje dve decenije XX veka vratile su nacionalizam na evropsku političku pozornicu, pre svega u istočnu i centralnu Evropu. Pojava nacionalizma u postkomunističkim istočnoevropskim zemljama bila je rezultat krize identiteta kao posledica kolapsa komunizma i njegovog vrednosnog sistema na kojem je taj identitet počivao, te nesposobnosti i nespremnosti za transformaciju (Jugoslavije) i nespremnosti za tranziciju. Probuđeni nacionalizam u Srbiji bio je karakterističan, pre svega, po teritorijalnim aspiracijama, odnosno osvajačkim pohodima van granica Srbije. Instrumentalizacija vlastitog naroda u cilju mobilizacije za ratne pohode u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, a potom i na Kosovu, tehnologija i karakter ratovanja, srpski nacionalizam krajem XX veka čini najsličnijim nacionalsocijalizmu. Srpski nacizam je izraz palanke, kaže srpski filozof Radomir Konstantinović, pokušaj povratka duhu plemena, istorijska regresija. Svaka apsolutizacija mita, pa naravno i ksosovskog, vodi netrpeljivom nacizmu. Srpski nacizam s početka osmadesetih XX veka počeo je reaktiviranjem kosovskog mita, koji je "postao izvor i oblik zla sopstvenom apsolutizacijom". Ivo Banac ga definiše kao "novi oblik srpskog integralnog nacionalizma s naznakama fašističkih i komunističkih utjecaja. Premda prividno podupire parlamentarnu demokraciju, Miloševićeva ideologija povezuje protudemokratske ideje i s leva i s desna.

Forging Anti-Yugoslav Conspiracy - Book 2

Kovanje antijugoslovenske zavere – Knjiga 2

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Slobodan Milošević; war crime; trial; Hague Tribunal; defense witnesses; Smilja Avramov; Mihajlo Marković; Čedomir Popov; Kosta Mihajlović; Ratko Marković; Vladislav Jovanović; Dobrica Ćosić; Radovan Karadžić;

Framed Trials of Kosovo Albanians (1999-2001)

Montirani procesi protiv kosovskih Albanaca (1999-2001)

Author(s): Fahri Musliu / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Kosovo Albanians; Serbia; political trial; ethnic distance; list of Albanian prisoners; Flora Brovina; Albanian student in Belgrade; Albin Kurti; Đakovica group; Mazreku brothers; 1991-2001;

The book “Framed Trials of Kosovo Albanians” is a product of the author’s three-year coverage of some of hundreds of proceedings against Kosovo Albanians from the autumn of 1999 till mid-2001. As the only Albanian journalist and longstanding Belgrade correspondent for the media in Albanian, the author was keeping the Albanian public posted on those trials via the Radio Voice of America and the Pristine-seated Zeri daily. Though not in detail such political trials usually necessitate, the book factually and authentically speaks of the legal processes instituted against prisoners of war – actually 2,000 Albanian hostages who were lucky enough to survive. The others met their death in prisons. The author finished his manuscript in May 2001 when all trials were practically over and the great majority of prisoners released under the Amnesty Law. However, for objective reasons, it was only in May 2002 that the book came out of print in Albanian. On March 26, 2002, the last group of 145 prisoners was transferred from Serbian prisons to Kosovo under the agreement between the Serbian authorities and the UNMIK administration. Thus, as mother of the well-known political prisoner Nait Hasani put it, “the doors of Serbian prisons were finally and forever closed for Albanians.” The book also reveals the nature and philosophy of Serbian public prosecutor offices and trial chambers that have been moved from Kosovo to Serbia. They did all but administer justice. They were nothing but mouthpieces of the then criminal regime symbolized in Slobodan Milosevic. The Albanians – including numbers of juveniles and women – they took hostage were indicted of terrorism either as members or supporters of the KLA labeled a terrorist organization. Without a single argument and evidence supportive to the charges, they meted out draconian punishment to those people. Many legal experts, independent intellectuals and human rights organizations from Serbia raised their voice against court decisions, calling those trials “the biggest defeat of the Serbian judiciary ever disgracing not only the legal profession but also the Serbian nation as a whole.”

The Unfinished Process - What was Left Unsaid during the Trial to Assassins of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić

Nezavršeni proces - Šta je ostalo nedorečeno tokom suđenja atentatorima na premijera Zorana Đinđića

Author(s): Srđa Popović / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Zoran Đinđić; assassins; trial; politics; 1991-2006; Serbia; extending the indictment; Aca Tomić;

Proces atentatorima na predsednika prve demokratski izabrane vlade posle Miloševića, tokom četiri godine svog trajanja, u našoj javnosti uporno je pogrešno nazivan „suđenjem za ubistvo Đinđića“. Krivično delo koje je optuženima stavljeno na teret, međutim, nije bilo krivično delo ubistva. Optuženima se sudilo za dva krivična dela: „udruživanje radi neprijateljske delatnosti“ (Član 136. OKZ) i „ubistvo predstavnika najviših državnih organa“ (Član 122. OKZ). Dakle, optuženima se uopšte nije sudilo za krivično delo ubistva. Ubistvo je delo koje za zaštitni objekt ima „život i telo“, sistemski se nalazi u drugom poglavlju Krivičnog zakona, a u doba savezne države bilo je čak inkriminisano i drugim zakonom (republičkim). Dela koja se optuženima stavljaju na teret optužnicom jesu dela koja imaju za zaštitni objekt „ustavni poredak i bezbednost zemlje“. Ubistvo se kod jednog od ova dva dela pojavljuje samo kao specifično sredstvo izvršenja toga dela, čija je suština napad na ustavni poredak i bezbednost. Najprostije rečeno, ubistvo je delo kojim se napada - život, dela koja se stavljaju optuženima na teret jesu dela kojima se napada - država.

Vukovar Tragedy 1991 – In the Network of Propaganda Lies and Armed Power of the JNA (Book I)

Vukovarska tragedija 1991 – U mreži propagandnih laži i oružane moći JNA (Knjiga I)

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Vukovar tragedy; 1991; media; Croatia; Serbian political aspiration; war crime; Yugoslav People's Army (JNA); mobilization; 1987-1992;

Knjiga „Medijska priprema rata u Hrvatskoj“ predstavlja deo kontinuiranog nastojanja Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji da dokumentuje stvarne uzroke raspada Jugoslavije. Materijali i dokumenti sakupljeni u ovoj knjizi doprinose razumevanje političkog i društvenog konteksta koji je prethodio ratu. Zbog toga ovo izdanje Helsinškog odbora spada u korpus nezaobilaznih izvora za istraživače koji se bave aktuelnom istorijom balkanskog regiona. Presudom “Vukovarskoj trojci”, a pre toga presudom za Dubrovnik, te onoj Milanu Martiću, hrvatski rat je dobio i svoj sudski epilog. Posebna optužnica protiv Slobodana Miloševića podignuta 17. septembra 2002. godine i to za učestvovanje u udruženom zločinačkom poduhvatu, koji je “nastao pre 1. avgusta 1991, a trajao je najmanje do juna 1992”, nažalost, nije dobila svoj sudski epilog.

Vukovar Tragedy 1991 - In the Network of Propaganda Lies and Armed Power of the JNA (Book II)

Vukovarska tragedija 1991 – U mreži propagandnih laži i oružane moći JNA (Knjiga II)

Author(s): Sonja Biserko / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Vukovar tragedy; 1991; Yugoslav's People Army (JNA); Slobodan Milošević's trial; ethnic cleansing; Serbia; Croatia; testimony; Hague Tribunal; war crime;

Cilj ove studije je analiza uloge Operativne grupe Jug Oružanih snaga SFRJ (Gardijske motorizovane brigade i dodatne jedinice) tokom dejstava u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu u cilju zauzimanja Vukovara, i nakon tih operacija (od septembra do 24. novembra 1991). Dva su bitna aspekta ove analize. Prvo, u izveštaju se istražuje struktura oružanih snaga SFRJ, doktrina komande i kontrole (nad oružanim snagama i unutar njih), disciplina i ostali važni aspekti. Drugo, u izveštaju se analizira na koji način je Operativna grupa Jug oružanih snaga SFRJ u jesen 1991. izvodila operacije u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu (i Vukovaru), uključujući odnose između Gardijske motorizovane brigade i drugih oružanih grupa koje su dejstvovale na vukovarskom području pre, za vreme i posle evakuacije vukovarske bolnice. Da bi postigla svoj cilj na najefikasniji način, studija je podeljena na dve velike celine. Svaka celina se sastoji od više delova. Da bi se olakašalo čitanje, svaki deo počinje sažetim prikazom. Skraćenice su navedene i objašnjene posebno u Glosaru.

Massacre in Suva Reka - March 1999. - Dossier K. V. 02/2006

Masakr u Suvoj Reci - mart 1999. – Dosije K. V. 02/2006

Author(s): Fahri Musliu / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Suva Reka; march 1999; massacre; war crime; Serbia; NATO; Kosovo; Beriša family; trial;

Na Kosovu je od uvođenja srpske uprave 1990. godine vlast počela da sprovodi državnu represiju surovih formi nad svojim džavljanima koji su pripadali albanskoj populaciji. Ta represija je pojačana tokom 1998. godine, kada policijske, vojne i paravojne formacije Srbije počinju „borbu protiv albanskih terorista,“ zbog čega je na kraju bilo potrebno da interveniše međunarodna zajednica vazdušnom kampanjom NATO snaga protiv vojnih, policijskih i drugih strateških objekata Srbije, odnosno Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, uključujući Kosovo. Tokom tromesečnog rata koji su vodile snage NATO pakta i pripadnici OVK protiv vojnih i policijskih snaga Srbije, na Kosovu su se dogodili mnogi varvarski zločini nad albanskim civilima, koje su bez milosti sprovodili pripadnici srpske vojske, policije i paramilitarnih jedinica i u kojima nisu bile pošteđene čak ni bebe... Da bi izbrisali tragove zločina, najviši srpski zvaničnici organizovali su sahranjivanje tela žrtava na vojnom strelištu u Prizrenu, a zatim ih otkopavali i transportovali u Srbiju, u masovne grobnice u Batajnici kod Beograda... Porodice žrtava i dalje su u bolu jer i dan-danas nisu identifikovane sve žrtve zločina u Suvoj Reci i drugde.

Scenography of War - New Trips to Bosnia and Serbia

Scenografija rata – Nova putovanja u Bosnu i Srbiju

Author(s): Jens-Martin Eriksen,Frederik Stjernfelt / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: war; Serbia; Bosnia and Herzegovina; nationalism; media; Memorandum; Srebrenica; war crime; Alija Izetbegović; Ante Marković; nation building;

Ova knjiga je nastala tokom dramatičnih godina za srpsku politiku. U martu 2003. ubijen je premijer Đinđić – sve ukazuje na to da je ubica poticao iz „Crvenih beretki“ pod komandom Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova, uključujući njihove kontaktie u beogradskoj mafiji – pri čemu su možda bili uključeni i veći delovi državnog aparata. Posle više predsedničkih izbora bez rezultata, zbog premalog odziva birača, parlamentarni izbori od 28. decembra 2003. bili su iznenađenje za one koji su mislili da je Srbija na putu normalizacije. Pobednici su bile stranke koje su podržavale ranijeg predsednika Miloševića i još radikalnijeg Vojislava Šešelja – iako su obojica sedeli na optuženičkoj klupi u Hagu. Šešeljeva radikalna stranka postala je najjača, sa 28% glasova – i jedino ju je koalicija četnika, monarhista, liberalnih reformskih ekonomista i prethodnog predsednika, levičarskog nacionaliste Koštunice, sprečila da preuzme vlast; Koštunica se, pak, isključivo zahvaljujući goroj alternativi, predstavljao kao umeren.

The Power of Personal Responsibility

Snaga lične odgovornosti

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

Keywords: Latinka Perović; Serbia; Yugoslavia; politics; international relations; nationalism; identity; political system; communism; socialism; tolerance; multiculturalism; inter-ethnic relations; Russia; China; secularism; Balkans; liberalism;

U oktobru 2008. godine Latinka Perović je napunila 75 godina života. Knjiga “Snaga lične odgovornosti”, zbirka članaka njenih prijatelja i saradnika, je izraz poštovanja njenom dugogodišnjem istraživačkom radu i zalaganju za razumevanje Srbije i njenog napora da se modernizuje. Ova knjiga je omaž njenom životnom zalaganju za istinu, toleranciju, individualno poštenje i hrabrost, odgovornost prema vlastitoj zemlji. Knjiga je takođe počast Latinki Perović – čoveku, istoričaru, političaru i, iznad svega, prijatelju i saradniku. Među srpskim istoričarima, Latinka Perović je verovatno uložila najveći trud da se pronikne u početke moderne istorije Srbije tokom XIX veka, bez čega se ne može razumeti ni aktuelna drama srbijanskog društva u pravljenju bilansa dvovekovnog lutanja. Isto tako, nije moguće dati odgovore na sve dileme sa kojima se Srbija na dramatičan način suočava bez uvida u suštinu dugotrajne političke opcije, Srbije kao hegemona na Balkanu, koja je završila u zločinu. U jednom razdoblju, dok je bila istaknuti političar, Latinka Perović je duboko uvažavala svu kompleksnost jugoslovenske federacije, suprotstavljajući se konstatntnom odbijanju Srbije da pristane na napor koji takva državna zajednica zahteva. Ona je u tom pogledu jedna od retkih koja je razumela tu složenu državnu zajednicu i potrebu za ravnopravnim odnosima između svih republika, bez čega takva zajednica nije moguća. Zato je i njeno razumevanje raspada Jugoslavije jedinstveno među, kako srpskim istoričarima, tako i među političarima. Ova knjiga, kao izraz našeg dubokog poštovanja za Latinku Perović, istovremeno je i pokušaj odupiranja marginalizaciji njene pojave, njenog rada i razumevanja Srbije. Bez takvog uvida i razumevanja, Srbija ne može istinski postati deo zajednice evropskih zemalja.

The Process of Vojislav Šešelj: Disclosure of the Great Serbia Project

Proces Vojislavu Šešelju: Raskrinkavanje projekta Velika Srbija

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

Keywords: Great Serbia project; Vojislav Šešelj; politics; radical party; trial; Hague; International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia; nationalism; war crimes; crimes against humanity; trial reports; media;

Ova knjiga je izbor dokumenata i izveštaja sa suđenja Vojislavu Šešelju pred Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju u Hagu. Podeljena je na nekoliko poglavlja. Prvo poglavlje se odnosi na istorijat radikalne stranke i njen program Velike Srbije. Za potrebe Tužilaštva, Iv Tomić je priredio ekspertski izveštaj o velikosrpskoj ideji radikalne stranke koji obuhvata period od njenog osnivanja do sada. Sa tekstovima Latinke Perović i Olge Popović – Obradović, prvo poglavlje dešifruje suštinu tog programa i daje objašnjenja koja su neophodna za razumevanje drame srpskog naroda krajem XX veka.

War in Figures - Demographic Losses in Wars on the Territory of Former Yugoslavia From 1991 to 1999

Rat u brojkama - demografski gubici u ratovima na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije od 1991. do 1999.

Author(s): Ewa Tabeau,Marcin Żółtkowski,Jakub Bijak,Arve Hetland,Henrik Urdal,Helge Brunborg,Neda Lončarić,Fritz Sheuren,Patrick Ball,Wendy Betts,Jana Dudukovich,Meghan Lynch,Amelia Hoover / Language(s): Bosnian,Serbian

Keywords: Yugoslavia; war; BiH; Serbia; Kosovo; Višegrad; Vlasenica; Bosanski Šamac; Odžak; Prijedor; Krajina; Herceg-Bosna; Mostar; Srebrenica; Sarajevo; victims; killed persons; missing persons; refuges; migration; DNK identification; demography; losses;

Hronološki prvi demografski ekspertski izveštaj pojavio se na saslušanju u Međunarodnom krivičnom sudu za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ITCY) juna 2000. godine. Izveštaj se odnosio na nestala lica prilikom pada Srebrenice 1995. i predstavljen je u slučaju “Krstić” (IT-98-33). Potpisala su ga dva norveška demografa – Helge Brunborg, viši istraživač Statističkog zavoda Norveške, koji je pre toga radio kao demograf pri Tužilaštvu tribunala u Hagu (ITCY), i Henrik Urdal, u to vreme pomoćni istražitelj Tužilaštva, a potom istraživač Instituta za mirovne studije (Peace Research Institute) u Oslu. Izveštaj je napisan za potrebe Tužilaštva u slučaju “Krstić” s ciljem da rezimira odmazdu prilikom pada Srebrenice. Iako su se podaci korišćeni u izveštaju isključivo odnosili na nestala lica, a ne na potvrđen broj ubijenih na osnovu ekshumacija (jer ti podaci gotovo da i nisu bili dostupni u vreme suđenja Krstiću; do tada je bilo identifikovano samo 70 stradalih), izveštaj i svedočenje eksperta Tužilaštva Helge Brunborg pokazali su se izuzetno uspešnim; u obrazloženju presude generalu RADISLAVU KRSTIĆU, osuđenom na 46 godina zatvora (odnosno 35 po žalbi) našlo se nekoliko bitnih demografskih pokazatelja iz izveštaja, izvedenih u dokaznom postupku.

Expressing the Truth - Selected Interviews From Radio Deutsche Welle

Izricanje istine – Izabrani intervjui iz programa Radija Deutsche Welle

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian

Keywords: Serbia; BIH; Croatia; Montenegro; Kosovo; transition; politics; media; human rights; economic policy; military policy; EU integration; education system; ideology; nationalism; corruption; religion; crimes; criminal law; governance; secret police;

Many books have already been written about how Serbia reacted to the challenge at the beginning of the Third Millennium. In front of the reader is a book that stands out from the crowd because of who, when and what is said in it. On the airwaves of Radio Deutsche Welle, 149 intellectuals, predominantly of Serbian nationality, but also foreigners who deal with Serbia professionally, spoke in 169 interviews about the situation in Serbia mainly after October 5, 2000. By definition, the critical, individual opinion of economists, historians, doctors, diplomats, and artists rounded off the worrying picture of the whole. Speaking independently of each other, the interlocutors of Radio Deutsche Welle reveal the reality of Serbia, which is significantly different from the official reality. Marked as a peaceful revolution, as a new beginning for Serbia, as its historic chance to stop wasting time, with the undivided support of the European Union and the United States of America, October 5, 2000, when the consensual autocrat Slobodan Milošević was removed, was ambiguous. the event. Great hopes were raised; created unrealistic but explainable expectations; the apparent unity of intentions of the main actors was achieved. But, by itself, October 5, 2000 did not represent the balance of what happened in the previous 15 years, and even less a clear projection of Serbia in the future. The attempt made by Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić in this direction was brutally stopped by his murder. Legalism was the new name for the large-state project of the 1990s, which led Serbia to disaster, and the Serbian national and state issue to a dead end. The dismantling of Slobodan Milošević's regime could only occur as a consequence of discontinuity with that policy. … Collected in this book, they represent an important testimony that binds the ruling structures in Serbia. The reality cannot be ignored if there is a political will to change it and to stop the regression of Serbia.