We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
The prevailing intellectual climate is a total belief in democracy. The more one country is “democratic”, the better for it. Democracy and economic prosperity are thought to be linked to one another. With its welfare state, Swedish social democracy is considered (at least here, in Serbia) to have the highest level of democracy. The equation says: more political freedoms = richer country. If only we became democrats, the economy would flourish.
More...
Tolerancija je postala sastavni deo javnog govora u Srbiji. O njoj govore zagovornici civilnog društva, intelektualci, mediji, vlast i opozicija, predstavnici međunarodne i lokalne zajednice. Stiče se utisak da je tolerancija univerzalno prihvaćen fenomen, vrednost oko koje postoji najširi društveni konsenzus. Treba li ovo sveopšte uzdizanje tolerancije da nas raduje, ili bi, možda, trebalo da nas zabrine? Nije li ova promocija već sama po sebi simptomatična? Ne kriju li se, iza pohvala i lepih reči o toleranciji, brojni primeri netolerancije i nasilja?
More...
Rodno zasnovano nasilje, seksualno uznemiravanje i podzastupljenost žena u političkom i javnom životu – teme su o kojima se danas najčešće raspravlja kada se govori o položaju žena u savremenom društvu. Izvještaje o tome dobijamo zahvaljujući uticajnosti organizacija iz sfere civilnog društva i usljed institucionalnog djelovanja na međunarodnom nivou te kroz usvajanja novih zakona i promjene postojećih zakona na nacionalnim nivoima. Imajući to u vidu, može se reći da savremene države prepoznaju negativne posljedice koje nastaju iz zanemarivanja opresije i nejednakog statusa na osnovu roda, te kroz svoje politike jednim dijelom nastoje i da riješe te probleme. Uspostavljanje formalnih okvira i razvijanje brojnih procedura za poboljšanje položaja svih građana i građanki u društvu važan je korak, ali još uvijek nedovoljan ako nema razvijene građanske svijesti o tome šta uistinu znači biti potlačen/a. To pokazuje u kojoj mjeri neravnopravnost i dalje bitno utiče na živote žena i muškaraca, iako možemo govoriti o skoro 150 godina borbe za rodnu ravnopravnost.
More...
Feminizam prvog vala (vidi rad I.1 Istorija borbe za prava žena i rodnu ravnopravnost autorice Milene Karapetrović) počivao je na uvjerenju da će se položaj žena u društvu bitno promijeniti onda kada žene dobiju određeni set prava (prije svega, pravo glasa, pravo na jednako obrazovanje i pravo na slobodno raspolaganje imovinom). Na teorijskoj ravni, preuzima se prosvjetiteljski ideal jednakopravnosti i slobode, uviđa se da spolno neutralni racionalni pojedinac na pravno-političkoj ravni podrazumijeva muškarca, te se diskurs proširuje na naglašavanje supstancijalne istosti žena i muškaraca kao ljudskih bića. Međutim, nakon što su se žene izborile za određena prava, očekivana važna društvena promjena se nije desila. Tokom drugog vala, lista zahtjeva je proširena, a feminizam je postao označitelj skupa teorija. Unatoč raznovrsnosti teorijskih diskursa, mogu se izdvojiti dva zajednička i međusobno povezana uvida teorija drugog vala, koji će odrediti kako sadržaj, tako i dalju evoluciju i današnju poziciju feminističkih teorija i pokreta.
More...
U ovom radu je predstavljena feministička teorija i istraživanja u periodu od 1995. godine do danas u Bosni i Hercegovini. U radu se identificiraju institucionalni i vaninstitucionalni centri oko kojih se okupljaju teoretičarke i teoretičari, razgovaraju o feminističkim temama te u kojima se razvijaju neformalni i formalni programi edukacije iz oblasti rodnih/ženskih studija i provode naučnoistraživački projekti. U prvom dijelu rada, predstavljena je formalna institucionalizacija rodnih studija, a imajući primarno u vidu aktivnosti Centra za interdisciplinarne studije u Univerziteta u Sarajevu oko kojih su se na koncu okupile naučnice i naučnici koji se bave feminističkim teorijama i sa drugih univerziteta u BiH, regionu i šire. Osim što ove aktivnosti prevazilaze prostornu centričnost, one okupljaju feministkinje i feministe koje/i dolaze iz različitih oblasti društvenih i humanističkih nauka. Sličnu pravilnost uočavamo i kod razvijanja feminističkih teorija u vaninstitucionalnoj sferi o čemu će biti riječi u drugom dijelu rada.
More...
Recent European discourse on integration (e.g. debates about integration tests or national cultural values) focuses more and more on a societal model which understands integration not as societal participation and equality of opportunities (Alexander, 2013; Hess and Moser, 2009; Kaya, 2012) but as cultural assimilation. The markers of difference used in this hegemonial integration discourse work particularly along the axis of cultural difference, a characteristic of a (new) form of racism called “neo-racism” (Balibar, 1991) or “differential racism” (Taguieff, 2000) which focuses on cultural difference instead of biological aspects. Neo-racist arguments are based on the assumption that “cultural groups” are incompatible and xenophobia is a quasinatural attempt to protect one’s “own culture” (Balibar, 1991; Çinar, 1999; Terkessidis, 1998). Thus social categories as culture are naturalized by referring to an underlying essence – a process of psychological essentialism – and “merging different groups” appears as dangerous (Holtz & Wagner, 2009).
More...
Globalization effects countries differently and social, cultural, economic and political problems create a lot of conflicts in many countries. As a result of these conflicts many people have been forced to or have voluntarily leave their countries as their countries are no longer safe to be lived in. These people have sought shelter in different countries. Even though the term migration primarily connotes the movement of a particular population from one location to another, migration has a structure that is much more extensive and deep-rooted than mere geographic replacement (Aksu & Sevil, 2010).
More...
multiple constructions, including memories, experiences, observations and many more in the case of migrants. Nevertheless, migration is not a finite event, it is an ongoing process in which migrants deal with different life patterns and social relationships, which have economic, social and cultural characteristics (Basch et al. 1994; Glick-Schiller et al. 1992, Guarnizo and Smith 1998; Levitt 1999, 2001 in Park, 2007:201). The Bulgarian-Turkish migrants have transnational identities, which have multiple attachments to more than one space, and indicate an interplay between ethnicity and nationality. The borders of nation-states do not determine the transnational identity perception of migrants. These borders may only indicate political confinements. However, for Bulgarian-Turkish migrants, the border between Turkey and Bulgaria refers only to a geographical location, which is not related to any political boundary. Hence, a visible interplay of ethnic identity and national identity among Bulgarian Turkish migrants is a significant determinant for their transnational identity. In Bulgaria, they used to have a strong ethnic identity, whereas in Turkey it turns out to be an even stronger national identity. However, they also tend to equalize ethnicity and nationality in Turkey, as they acquired a majority status in Turkey. Nevertheless, they have transnational social attachments between these two political territories, though it does not matter for them if it is a political border or not. Some migrants tend to see these two territories as homelands, depending on the context, since “some migrants identify more with one society than the other, the majority seem to maintain several identities that link them simultaneously to more than one nation” (Schiller, Basch, Blanc-Szanton 1992 in Vertovec 2009:6).
More...
The migration of young, well-educated Turkish academics from Germany to their parents’ home country has become a stronger focus for the integration debate in recent years. The problem appears particularly through the fact that structurally well integrated Turkish migrants of the second and third generation, who are multilingual and intercultural focused, leave Germany voluntarily and thus their work capacity is consequently lost in Germany. As motifs for migration, unfavorable chances of success in career are often mentioned, which are associated with a disadvantage and discrimination in employment and furthermore are accompanied by social exclusion mechanisms (Griese, & Sievers, 2010, Sezer, & Dağlar, 2009). Many of them do not feel being fully accepted in Germany and therefore they leave the country to move to Turkey, where they can expeditiously become successful in their careers using their professional qualifications acquired in Germany (Alkan, 2011). The migration can thus be interpreted as an averting from the German society as well as an evidence of a lack of integration and a failed integration policy, because despite the fact that these individuals were born and grew up in Germany and went through the German education system, they desire to leave the country (Aydın, 2012).
More...
Immigrant voices rarely get their time in the spotlight in mainstream media and therefore their stories rarely get the reception needed for the general public to understand what it is like to be an immigrant or a refugee, but this literary analysis of three novels-Ola Larsmo’s Swede Hollow (2016), Jonas Hassen Khemiri’s Ett Öga Rött [One Eye Red, my transl.] (2003) and Golnaz Hashemzadeh’s She Is Not Me (2015)-shows how literature can provide precisely that perspective. Swede Hollow maps a time of Swedish late 19th century and early 20th century immigration into the United States. Extensively researched and based on authentic, contemporary sources, Larsmo highlights the characters’ toil and hardships in the new country, but he also shows their paths to becoming established U.S. citizens. The two latter novels are written by authors who themselves are well acquainted with contemporary migration and integration issues and processes in Sweden. Khemiri is of Swedish Tunisian origin and his novel portrays immigrant life in a Swedish multiethnic suburb of Stockholm with a 15-year-old boy, Halim, as its main character. The Hashemzadeh family’s country of origin is Iran and Golnaz Hashemzadeh arrived in Sweden at the age of three. Her semi autobiographical novel She Is Not Me portrays “the Girl’s” journey growing up in Swedish almost exclusively white and middle-class Gustavsberg, and her ambition as she was accepted at the most prestigious universities in Sweden, but also the costs for her personally.
More...
Migration, displacement, maturative dislocation and identity crisis constitute themes for literary discourse in the twenty-first century, especially as fall-outs of colonialism and globalization. The Nigerian literature of the twenty-first century reveals the preponderance by writers, some of who live abroad, to confront the notions of migration, dislocation and identity crisis, through their literary works. They portray varying prevalent social realities, especially as they affect people of the Third World. It is not uncommon, therefore, to encounter the child-protagonist as he/she grapples with the vicissitudes of daily existence, maturation and identity formation in a dystopian environment. For example, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie uses the characters of Kambili and Jaja (Purple Hibiscus); Ugwu (Half of a Yellow Sun) and Ifemelu, Obinze, Emenike etc (Americanah) to explore the growing-up motif as a tool for exposing the maturational processes of the child-protagonist who struggles towards identity formation in a seemingly hostile environment.
More...
The paper focuses on self-employed of Turkish origin in the province of Salzburg/Austria. The research questions concern educational processes on the way to self-employment and changes of living conditions of the self-employed. Educational processes here are understood as transformations of self-relations and of the relationship to the world. They are influenced by turning points or crises in ones live. The results show that the reasons for getting self-employed very often correspond to structural disadvantages of persons of Turkish origin in Salzburg, for example unemployment, economic uncertainty or dequalification. They are accompanied by intrinsic motivation and by support of role models or family. Discrimination as a motif for quitting a former employment is not mentioned very often. But experiences of discrimination in other spheres of live are an important issue. At the same time, new forms of discrimination arise due to self-employment itself. Two kinds of status coexist for the entrepreneurs interviewed here. (1.) Status as increasing prestige. It rises gradually through social upward mobility. (2.) They perceive their membership to a status group of entrepreneurs. Yet, the majority of autochthonous categorically denies them this membership: The self-employed are not recognized as business people of a higher social position. Finally, they therefore develop a higher degree of sensitivity against stigmatization and discrimination.
More...
This report has been prepared by independent Hungarian intellectuals who wish to inform the Hungarian and international public as well as European institutions about the severe harm that the Orbán regime governing Hungary since 2010 has caused in the fields of education, science, culture, and the media. The reason for preparing the present report is that the acts of the successive Orbán governments consistently run counter to and consciously violate the fundamental principles, values, and norms of the European Union, not only as regards the rule of law and political and social rights, but also in the case of the cultural areas discussed here. In Hungary, important European values are being jeopardised, including cultural diversity, scientific and artistic autonomy, the respect for human dignity, access to education and culture, conditions for social mobility, the integration of disadvantaged social groups, the protection of cultural heritage, and the right to balanced information, as well as democratic norms like ensuring social dialogue, transparency and subsidiarity. By presenting the activities of the Orbán regime in the fields of culture, education, research, and the media, we provide information about areas little known to the international public. With our report, we wish to draw attention to the fact that an autocratic system has been constructed and consolidated in Hungary with the money of EU taxpayers and with the financial and political support of EU institutions. This system creates a worrying democratic deficit and severe social problems, while it also causes irreparable harm in the fields of education, science, and culture. The authors of the report are leading researchers, lecturers, and acknowledged experts, including several academicians, professors, heads of departments, and a former Minister of Culture. The undertaking was initiated and coordinated by the Hungarian Network of Academics
More...
Suriye, Irak, Afganistan ve Dağlık Karabağ gibi topraklarda silahlı çatışmalar, askeri operasyonlar ve savaşlar olan ülkelerde çocuklar da dâhil olmak üzere mülteci varlığını oluşturmaktadır. Tüm mültecilerde, aynı ve farklı milletlere mensup olan yaş, milli, dini ve cinsiyet farklılıklarına bakılmaksızın bu zorunlu göç durumunun maddi, sosyal ve psikolojik etkileri oluşmaktadır (Buslayeva, Makarova, 2016:3). Göç ve savaşlardan en çok etkilenen ise çocuklardır. Psikolojik sarsıntı geçirerek hayatları tehdit altında olan çocuklar alışılmış ortamı kaybederler ve onlar için değerli olan her şeyi, evlerini, eşyalarını, sevdiklerini, vatanını bırakıp mümkün olan tüm yolları kullanarak yaklaşan tehlikeden kurtulmak için vatanlarını terk ederler. K.Horney kuramında belirtmiştir ki “bu doğal bir süreçtir ve birey yaşamındaki iki temel eğilime bağlı olarak yönelim gösterir. Bunlar emniyet ve doyumdur. Emniyet ve doyum kişiliği yönetir. Birey korkmadan yaşamak ister. Korku ve güvenlik aynı temel ihtiyacın iki kutbudur. Birey güvenlik arar, korkudan kaçar” (URL-1). Bu ‘kaçış’ doğaldır.
More...
12 milyon Suriyeli, ya ülke içinde ya da ülkelerinin dışına çıkarak evlerini terketmek zorunda kalmıştır. AFAD (Afet ve Acil Yönetim Durumu Başkanlığı) (AFAD, 2016), Birleşmiş Milletler ve diğer uluslararası raporlara baktığımızda aslında bu durum II. Dünya savaşından sonra meydana gelen en geniş çaptaki mecburi göç olduğu gözlemlenmiştir (BM) 8 milyon Suriyeli, Suriye içinde yer değiştirmek zorunda kalmış, yaklaşık olarak 4 milyonu ülkeyi kendi içinde batıran çatışmadan, sivil savaştan ve diktatörlükten kurtulmak için sınırlara akın etmiştir. Bu çatışmadan etkilenenlerin coğu çocuklardır ve bunların hasta olma, kötü beslenmeden kaynaklı sıkıntılar yaşama, istismara ve sömürüye uğrama riski vardır.
More...