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With contributions by Dževad Juzbašić, Husnija Kamberović, Vladimir Petrović, Aleš Gabrič,Damir Agičić,Gorgi Čakarjanevski,Boro Bronza,Seka Brkljača,Ivana Dobrivojević,Emily Greble-Balić,Bojan Godeša,Ivo Goldstein,Goran Hutinec,Nikica Barić,Sanja Petrović-Todosijević,Carl Bethke,Azem Kožar,Izet Šabotić,Fedžad Forto,Fikret Midžić,Vera Katz
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The principal research question pursued by this work is as follows: How do the Republic of Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine present one another in their history curricula and textbooks? How do the history textbooks of each of these three countries present the relationship between majorities and minorities?This book is thus focused on two main objectives: first, to generate improved understanding of the state of the discipline of history in these countries via discussion of reforms to and debates around history curricula in each country, and second, to shed light on the ways in which history textbooks in each of the three countries represent the other two and their peoples.Curriculum development and textbook production in all three countries still remain centralised. Textbooks are produced by state and private publishing houses. Most textbooks are curriculum-based and developed according to the guidelines issued by the Ministries of Education. Through their textbook publishing policy, these ministries control the content and quality of textbooks. History curricula and textbooks in all three countries have progressed, but we still encounter many problems. Among them are the following:• the content of curricula and history textbooks continues to place too much emphasis on national aspects to the detriment of the world, regional, and local dimensions of history;• it reflects the history of wars and violence instead of giving more space to periods of peaceful coexistence, cooperation and cultural communication, or of mutual enrichment between various social groups as well as between nations;• it neglects regional history and cultural and historical links with neighbouring countries;• as it stands, it causes problems in history education and the development of ethnic identity, as well as the relationship between “Us” and “Others”;• it leads to or accepts poor textbook design.The relationship between national and European history remains a closely debated topic in all three societies. Their shared reality, as evidenced by this study, is that all three countries are currently not presenting one another in any meaningful way in their history textbooks at all educational levels. In all three countries, history education and textbooks are dominated by political history and narratives of victimisation. National histories do not pay attention to their neighbours.History textbooks play an important part in the process of collective identity formation, building a relationship with the past and creating an image of the “other”. The content of textbooks determines, in many cases, students' attitudes to their neighbours. Therefore, in order to improve the situation in history education and to develop a tolerant approach to “others” in history textbooks, there is a great need for joint efforts by politicians, professionals and members of civil society in Moldova, Romania and Ukraine.
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Tido J. Gašpar začal popri svojej umeleckej tvorbe produkovať politicky angažovanú publicistiku už v období prvej Československej republiky (ČSR). Postupne, najmä v priebehu 30. rokov sa politicky angažovaná publicistika dostávala do centra jeho tvorivých a publikačných aktivít. Paralelne so zvyšovaním počtu politicky angažovaných článkov sa jeho vlastná spisovateľská tvorba začala radikálne umenšovať, až sa napokon po etablovaní ľudáckeho režimu po 6. októbri 1938 vytratila takmer úplne. V našom príspevku sa chceme zamerať na poslednú etapu Gašparovej politickej publicistiky, ktorú tvorilo obdobie existencie Slovenskej republiky v rokoch 1939 – 1945 a v rámci nej sa venovať jej dominante, ktorú predstavovala ideologická konštrukcia slovenského národného socializmu. Gašpar bol totiž prívržencom pokračovania tzv. slovenskej revolúcie v národno-socialistickom duchu a v tomto smere sa zaraďoval do radikálneho krídla Hlinkovej slovenskej ľudovej strany (HSĽS) pod vedením Vojtecha Tuku a Alexandra Macha. V tejto súvislosti je zaujímavou skutočnosť, že do aktívnej politiky Gašpar nevstúpil v období demokratickej 1. ČSR, ale až v podmienkach ľudáckeho režimu. Svoj vstup do politiky Gašpar aspoň retrospektívne vnímal ako nevyhnutný kvôli potrebe „slú- žiť národu“: „Pudila nás láska k národu. Boli sme ľuďmi ťažkej dejinnej chvíle. Chceli sme národ zachovať!“1 Jednou z motivácií Gašparovho vstupu do aktívnej politiky teda bolo podľa jeho vyjadrenia úsilie „zachovať národ“ vo vtedajších neistých podmienkach, keď geopolitická situácia nevyznievala pre ČSR pozitívne.
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What is World War II? When does it start? These, seemingly, easy to answer questions have a surprisingly too many diverse answers. Compared to Word War I, the later is subject to much more unpopular views, in both, public and specialized literature.There are too many distortions, subjectivism and deliberate concealment of basic facts. Many are convinced that World War II in Europe started with Germany's attack on Poland, while in reality Poland has been invaded at least 17 days in advance from Germany and then from Russia. For example, few know that the Soviet-Nazi Alliance, signed with the Non-aggression Pact on 23 August 1939, began to act as the closest combat co-operation in the first hours of the invasion of the "Wehrmacht" on September 1.
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Razgovori o hrabrim ženama koje nisu pristajale na slijepu poslušnost i koje su prkosile pravilima okoline u kojoj su živjele i borile se za bolje prilike inspirišu na traganje .... traganje kroz vrijeme za pojedinkama koje su pomjerale granice ustaljenog načina ponašanja u svijetu, nekonformističkim djelovanjem u svojoj okolini, i šire. Upravo je to radila grupa ljudi – razgovarali su i tragali – dijeleći uvjerenje da je feminizam važan i da je važno ponovno čitati historiju. Svjesno su odbacili načelo važnijeg iskustva, koje feminizam svakako i problematizuje, i u pisanju su išli za ličnim osjećajem, jer je lično uvijek i političko. Pred vama je rezultat njihovog rada. U nastavku ćete otkriti koje su to žene pomjerale okvire koje im je društvo nametalo. Nadamo se da će i vas njihove priče inspirisati, a da će vas poster sa likovima nekih od njih, koji ćete naći u knjizi, obradovati. To su naši pokloni vama.
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Ignorance towards world history can lead to severe distortions in the national psyche. Even today, Bulgarians either rejoice as the greatest nation, surrounded by enemies, for some reason, or as a hopelessly lagging nation. The book offers the most fateful events and processes from the history of mankind in the twentieth century. During this century, people entered space, found the computer but at the same time faced the threat of nuclear self-destruction and were struck by a new type of plague known as AIDS. The planet became narrow. Clothing, life-style and food are uniform. The globalization, symbolized by both McDonald's fast food and Chinese restaurants, has its furious opponents, but also enthusiastic followers. Current Handbook aims to acquaint students with those historical events and processes in the history of Europe and the world in the twentieth century that directly impact human civilization, and the beginning of the 21st century. Therefore, the approach is not typical for historical science - events and processes are not chronologically but problem-based considered.
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In 2015, the world celebrated its 70th anniversary since the end of World War II. On the initiative of Dr Dragan Aleksić, the Institute for Contemporary History of Serbia decided to join the commemoration of this significant date by publishing a collection of scientific papers that would not only be of a suitable character but would also represent a scientific contribution to the anniversary. It was an honor for me to be the editor of this collection, and my idea of what it should look like revolved around 1945 as a turning point: a time when the war was ending and a new era was beginning. The end of World War II, to a much greater extent than the end of World War I, also marked the end of an old, pre-war world. After World War I, three empires disappeared, a series of new states emerged, democracy and the right of peoples to self-determination became generally accepted ... The end of World War I sowed, however, the seeds of the next world slaughter. It was incomparably greater than the previous or any other war in history, and its end created a world that people who lived in 1914 would never recognize. Europe was devastated, effectively divided between the two victorious superpowers, while the old European powers were losers or mere formal victors: soon after World War II, and in large part thanks to it, the colonial empires of Great Britain and France began to crumble rapidly, giving birth mainly during the first two postwar decades the world as we know it today. [...]
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Други светски рат је на простору Србије и Југославије оставио трајне последице, које су поред својих глобалних обележја имале и низ локалних особености. У свести низа генерација сачувало се сећање на хиљаде изгубљених људских живота, уништену економију, разорену инфраструктуру, тешке материјалне губитке, трагичне људске судбине, небројене цивилне жртве, изгубљене наде, срушене младости, недочекане старости, недосањану будућност, разбијене и расуте породице, револуционарне промене, војне сукобе, стране интервенције и крваве грађанске сукобе. Као такве, локалне особености Другог светског рата на простору Србије и Југославије током минулих деценија су представљале повод за озбиљне друштвене расправе, идеолошке стереотипе и тумачења. Често употребљаване и злоупотребљаване чињенице о Другом светском рату на тим просторима биле су предмет низа манипулација. [...]
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Почетак Другог светског рата у Југославији обележили су брзи војни слом, комадање југословенске територије и грађански рат који је отпочео на простору Србије. Све то било је последица како непријатељске агресије тако и бројних политичких, социјалних и економских противречности нагомиланих у међуратном раздобљу југословенске државе. Југославија је између два светска рата била земља великих социјалних разлике, привредне неинтегрисаности и културолошких различитости, што је, нарочито после Велике економске кризе, избацило на површину радикалне покрете и на левици и на десници који су у својим програмима нудили привлачна социјална мерила. Југословенска државна идеја, идеја националног јединства, у коју се посумњало убрзо по формирању заједничке државе, дефинитивно је званично напуштена стварањем Бановине Хрватске. Међутим, на плану међунационалних односа, стварање Бановине Хрватске не само да није смирило хрватско-српске супротности, нити задовољило национално-политичке тежње Хрвата и учврстило нестабилне државне темеље него је допринело јачању раздора, изазвало незадовољство Срба и подстакло потребу за преиспитивањем југословенске државне идеје. Стога је у овом периоду, из угла национално-политичких потреба српске нације, једно од најтежих питања националне политике чинила дилема за или против Југославије. [...]
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Imperijalne težnje Trećeg Reicha i Italije bile su pokretač Drugog svjetskog rata, a ideološku orkestraciju činili su rasna teorija, »evolucijski opravdavana« borba za životni prostor i anti-boljševizam. Emocionalni naboj davali su osvetoljubivost i želja za revanšizmom prema pobjednicima iz Prvog svjetskog rata te tradicionalni kršćanski antisemitizam. Europa se politički trebala vrtiti oko osovine Berlin–Rim, a činile bi je još neutralne i profašističke države te satelitske države ograničenog suvereniteta. Pored Židova i Roma, u Europi su rasno inferiornima smatrani i Slaveni općenito, posebno Česi, Poljaci, Rusi i Slovenci jer su ujedno bili i smetnja realizaciji njemačkog Lebensrauma. Rusi i Poljaci su tako, uz Židove, brojčano najveće žrtve nacističke projekcije Trećeg Reicha. Svima njima sudbinu je određivala nacistička genocidna ideologija superiornog arijevstva kao pogonskog goriva njemačkog imperijalističkog plana koji je u njima vidio samo biološki potencijal za ropsku eksploataciju.
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Přechody státních hranic a působení kurýrů a převaděčů po únoru 1948 patří v posledních letech bezesporu k nejfrekventovanějším tématům z dějin protikomunistického odboje a odporu. Hlavní důvody jsou podle mého dva. Téměř kolem každého kurýra, který překročil státní hranice a po určitou dobu se v utajení pohyboval na československém území, se vytvořil okruh osob, někdy i hodně široký a rozvětvený do různých koutů republiky. Po dopadení kurýrů nebo jejich nejbližších spolupracovníků StB většinu těchto osob obvykle pozatýkala. V následujících procesech pak byly stovky kurýrů a tisíce jejich opravdových nebo i jen náhodných spolupracovníků odsouzeny k vysokým trestům odnětí svobody a více než čtyřicet z nich dostalo trest absolutní. Přesná čísla nemáme bohužel dosud k dispozici, faktem však je, že velký počet protistátních skupin, jejichž členové byli pozatýkáni a odsouzeni v letech 1948–1955/56, byl v bližším či vzdálenějším styku s cizinou, a to právě prostřednictvím některého z kurýrů.1 Procesy související s kurýry a převaděčstvím se tedy přímo či nepřímo dotkly velkého množství lidí nejen na úrovni centrální, ale i v regionech.
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Knjiga koja je pred čitaocima obuhvata istoriju slatinske Podravine i Brđanske tokom Drugog svetskog rata. Reč je o teritoriji koje je uoči i tokom rata obuhvatalo područje kotara Podravska Slatina, a nakon rata područje istoimene općine. Granice predratnog i ratnog kotara Podravska Slatina i posleratne općine Podravska Slatina nisu u potpunosti podudarne. Kotar je obuhvatao i pojedina sela koja su nakon rata postala deo općine Orahovica, a pre rata su bila deo seoskih općina Slatinski Drenovac i Nova Bukovica u sastavu kotara Podravska Slatina (Slatinski Drenovac, Prekoračani, Pušina, Krasković, Humljani, Krajna, Četekovac, Čojlug, Mikleuš). S druge strane, nakon rata u sastav općine Podravska Slatina uvršteno je područje nekadašnje seoske općine Čađavica koja je pre rata bila u sastavu kotara Donji Miholjac (Čađavica, Čađavički Lug, Ilmin Dvor). Sva ostala naselja, njih oko 60, koja su pre i tokom rata bila u sastavu kotara, nakon rata našla su se u sastavu općine Podravska Slatina. Knjiga obuhvata događaje koji su se odigrali od 1941. do 1945. na širem području slatinske Podravine i Brđanske, uključujući ne samo delove kotara Podravska Slatina kasnije pripojene općini Orahovica i delove kotara Donji Miholjac kasnije pripojene općini Podravska Slatina, već i rubna područja kotara Virovitica, Daruvar, Našice, Donji Miholjac i Slavonska Požega koja se naslanjaju na slatinsko-voćinski kraj. [...]
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Tema pokatoličavanja srpskog pravoslavnog stanovništva u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj predmet je višedecenijskog interesovanja istraživača istorije Jugoslavije tokom Drugog svjetskog rata. Iako su prethodni istraživači svojim istraživanjima obuhvatili mnoge aspekte ove teme, zbornik naučnih radova koji je pred čitaocima predstavlja najobuhvatniji pregled teme na osnovu izvora koje prethodna istoriografija nije konsultovala ili ih nije dovoljno analizirala. Zbornik radova Pokatoličavanje Srba u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj sastoji se iz pet naučnih radova. Naučni radovi nastali su kao rezultat istraživanja u osam arhivskih ustanova u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji i pregleda dvadesetak arhivskih fondova. [...]
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Pučka pravobraniteljica Lora Vidović objavila je 20. novembra 2018. godine analizu naslovljenu: Relativizacija zločina NDH narušava temeljne vrijednosti Ustava, a izostanak reakcija otvara prostor mržnji. U tom tekstu proziva čitav niz državnih i crkvenih institucija te desnocivilnih organizacija za toleriranje i poticanje rehabilitacije nasljeđa tzv. Nezavisne Države Hrvatske i ustaškog režima. Analiza pučke pravobraniteljice svakim slovom pogađa suštinu onoga što se u 2018. Godini iskristaliziralo kao predominantan trend u javnom prostoru, s posebnim naglaskom na djelovanju Rimokatoličke crkve, Hrvatske radiotelevizije, raznih ratno-veteranskih udruženja, desnih udruga civilnog društva, ali i samih vrhova državne vlasti. Tako, primjerice, kaže: “Unatoč tome, eksplicitni ustaški ili nacistički simboli ili oni koji asociraju na ustaški pokret prisutni su u javnom prostoru u Hrvatskoj. Tako se posljednjih godina tiskaju knjige, pišu i objavljuju članci i intervjui, održavaju tribine, snimaju dokumentarni filmovi i emitiraju televizijske emisije u kojima se negira ili umanjuje zločinački karakter NDH. Osim u huškačkim i nacionalistički obojenim medijima, ovakvi stavovi iznose se i u službenom glasilu Katoličke crkve, a prodrli su i u prevladavajuće medije, uključujući i na javnu televiziju.” [...]
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The article focuses on the main Cold War ideologemes constructed in the Russian émigré press of the 1930s, before, during and immediately after World War II. The main source is the journalism of Georgy Fedotov in a comparative analysis with that of Nikolai Berdyaev. The article traces the construction of Fedotov's concept of Pax Atlantica as an ideological ideal and counterpoint to the Soviet Union. Fedotov's main ideologem is the alignment of fascism and national socialism with Stalinism in a hybrid "communofascism" in order to blur the boundaries between defeated and victorious after the war and leave the only victor, the Atlanticist world.
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The Weimar Republic, through its victories against the early insurrections aimed at taking down the imposed republican state, showed that the Republic was able to survive on its own. However, opposition to republicanism remained very much alive underground through certain radical political parties and paramilitary organizations. This paper will analyze both left and right-wing opposition to the Republic, which were both not strong enough to overthrow it, but did force its supporters into underground paramilitary organizations that contributed to the Nazi takeover. First, this paper will show how the Kapp Putsch was a manifestation of monarchist discontent against the fledgling republic. Second, it will elaborate on socialist opposition against the Weimar government, as seen through the Bavarian Soviet Republic. Third, it will explain the phenomenon of paramilitarism as an outgrowth of anti-republicanism and cyclical brutalization. Finally, it will explain how the Nazis’ Sturmabteilung (SA) utilized paramilitary members from both the left and right-wings to fill its ranks and overthrow the Weimar Republic.
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Attack on a Jewish prayer hall in Pilsen on March 7, 1939, was orchestrated by the Vlajka movement amid rising anti-Semitic sentiments in Czechoslovakia. It describes the socio-political climate of the late 1930s, marked by economic and national crises, and the increasing radicalization of the German minority influenced by Nazi Germany. The attack involved the use of explosive devices, resulting in the deaths of two perpetrators due to a premature explosion. The investigation revealed the involvement of local authorities and the broader anti-Semitic activities of the Vlajka movement. The document also covers the post-war trials of the perpetrators, highlighting the challenges in prosecuting them due to the political changes and the onset of World War II. It concludes with reflections on the significance of this event as a reminder of the dangers of extremist ideologies and the importance of preserving historical memory.
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Based on unpublished and published archival material of Yugoslav provenance, as well as available relevant literature, this paper analyzes the efforts of the Association of Yugoslav Jews in the USA to repeal two anti-Jewish decrees of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1940, during a portion of World War II and the implementation of the Holocaust in the territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1942–1943). The main focus is placed on the activities of the Association of Yugoslav Jews in the USA aimed at influencing the Yugoslav government-in-exile to revoke the anti-Jewish decrees (1942–1943). Special attention is given to the questionable legal nature of the annulment of the anti-Jewish decrees carried out by the Ministerial Council of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on June 2, 1943.
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