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Подела Краљевине Југославије 1941. године у светлу међународног права
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Подела Краљевине Југославије 1941. године у светлу међународног права

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Main problem of research is effort of Germany to break Kingdom of Yugoslavia and to present splitting of its territory like a legitimate act in accordance to rules of international law. Intensive diplomatic activity made by Nazis after the military overthrow in Belgrade, March 27th 1941. Point has been made on failure of German diplomacy in their efforts to acquire Vlatko Maček, leader of the strongest political party in Croatia, to make the secession of Banovina Hrvatska, which would give Axis reason for aggression. Characteristic examples of political opportunism, in which base was politic of non-confronting to Germany, are shown by USSR and Vatican, that didn’t even react about splitting of Yugoslavia, although they had diplomatic relationship with her, on embassy level. Negation of Yugoslavian state existence in period after April 18th 1941, although the internal act have been accepted only by the Axis and their satellites, the Nazis were trying to make legally stronger, by giving state attributes to Independent state of Croatia (NDH), and by involvement of this state among Axis. Condition of occupied Serbia is shown only in fi rst faze of occupation, in time of commissary rule by Milan Aćimović, when occupation goverment, in basics, respected main rules of occupation doctrine, accepted in international law.

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Емиграција из Србије у Египту 1945–1956.
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Емиграција из Србије у Египту 1945–1956.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Two groups of emigrants from the Serbian territory found themselves in the territory of Egypt in the years following the Second World War. The first group was formed by the emigrants who settled there in several waves since mid-19th century, and the second one were the former army officers and diplomats who fled from Yugoslavia to the Middle East after the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in spring 1941. For larger part, the older emigration, together with members of other Yugoslav peoples living in the Egyptian territory, was organized in several Yugoslav clubs. The Yugoslav Embassy tried to act politically and propagandistically through these associations. The anti-Communist Egyptian regime did not tolerate this, so these associations were disbanded and their members subjected to various kinds of repression which lasted until the bilateral relations were improved after the Egyptian revolution in 1952. The emigrants who arrived in Egypt during the Second World War tried to act politically against the newly established regime in Yugoslavia. In that they enjoyed the support of the Egyptian government, and, according to the opinion of the Yugoslav diplomats, also of some Western intelligence agencies. The students of Islamic universities stemming from Serbia who refused to return to Yugoslavia, were also propagandistically active against the Communist regime in Yugoslavia, enjoying the support of the Egyptian government and the Arab League in the process. An incipient collaboration in the common struggle against Communism in Yugoslavia can be observed between these groups since 1946. Due to speedy improvement of the Yugoslav-Egyptian relations after the revolution of 1952, these groups ceased operating under the threat of arrest and expulsion, whereas part of their adherants moved out of Egypt.

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Војногеографски положај Југославије на почетку Хладног рата (1945–1954)
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Војногеографски положај Југославије на почетку Хладног рата (1945–1954)

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The first post-war decade was filled with big foreign policy challenges for the newly established communist rule in Yugoslavia. Firmly siding with the Soviet Union, the subsequent sharp conflict, adherence to the Western world as a kind of way out of difficult situation and the subsequent normalization of relations with the Eastern bloc have caused the Yugoslav military-geographic position at the time. In the years of conflict with the western world Yugoslavia represented the most forward point on the west of the Eastern bloc and as such had a special status. The situation has completely changed during the conflict with the Soviet Union when it became an important bridgehead west to east. By its geographic, political, military and economic potentials Yugoslavia in these moments represented an important international factor, the space through which East and West communicated, as well as the space of potential conflict between them. In a way, its geographical location and military importance determined its role and fate during the Cold War.

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Друштвено-географске и економске карактеристике југословенске зоне Јулијске Крајине 1945–1954.
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Друштвено-географске и економске карактеристике југословенске зоне Јулијске Крајине 1945–1954.

Author(s): Miljan Milkić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

By the decisions of the Belgrade and the Devinski Agreement, the territory of Julijska Krajina was divided into Yugoslav zone (Zone B), in which the Yugoslav military administration had the government and the zone in which the Anglo-American military government administered (Zone A). On the basis of the Peace Treaty with Italy, the Free Territory of Trieste was formed, which legally represented internationally recognized state under the protectorate of the United Nations Security Council. The actual situation on the ground was such that the Zone A and Zone B, despite the existence of a common state, continued to evolve independently of each other. The Zone B was in the period from 1945 to 1954 turned toward Yugoslavia in all segments. In the Zone B lived Slovenian, Italian and Croatian population. All three nations had their own schools and cultural centres. Transport infrastructure in the Zone B was poorly developed and the traffic was usually carried out by sea routes. Economic development of the Zone B was significantly dependent on the assistance of Yugoslavia. Trade and international exchange of the Zone B was related to trade with Yugoslavia and to a lesser extent to the Zone A. At the end of this period, in October 1954, the Zone B was formally connected to Yugoslavia.

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Од демаркационе линије до међународно признате границе – Војска и дипломатија у борби за јужне границе Краљевине СХС 1919–1920.
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Од демаркационе линије до међународно признате границе – Војска и дипломатија у борби за јужне границе Краљевине СХС 1919–1920.

Author(s): Dmitar Tasić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The question of the constitution of the Kingdom of SCS is inseparable from the struggle for its international recognition. One of the important aspects of this process was the issue of borders. On the southern borders of the new state, there was the prevailing situation of neither war nor peace. While diplomats and experts at the green table in Paris tried to provide better boundaries for their country, the soldiers in the field endured great sacrifices for the same purpose. Occupations of Strumica, Caribrod and Bosiljgrad were the result of the implementation of a peace treaty with defeated Bulgaria. Events on the Yugoslav-Albanian border represented a continuation of the efforts of the Kingdom of Serbia to ensure itself better positions after the Balkan wars in highly complex military, political and economic conditions that characterized the emergence and further maintenance of the Albanian state.

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Tito i Austrijanci: Susreti Josipa Broza Tita sa vodećim ličnostima austrijske politike 60-ih i 70-ih godina
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Tito i Austrijanci: Susreti Josipa Broza Tita sa vodećim ličnostima austrijske politike 60-ih i 70-ih godina

Author(s): Petar Dragišić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The rapprochement between Yugoslavia and Austria following the decision of the Yugoslav regime to renounce its claims to Carinthia resulted in enhanced economic cooperation between the two countries. Besides, during the 1960s and 1970s tens of thousands of Yugoslav labor migrants immigrated to Austria. Numerous meetings of high-ranking politicians from Yugoslavia and Austria confirmed the improvement of relations between the two countries. During the 1960s and 1970s the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito met several times the leading politicians from Austria, including its president, chancellors and foreign ministers. The records of these conversations represent extremely valuable sources for anyone interested in the relations between Yugoslavia and Austria after the Second World War.

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Antititovske/antijugoslovenske karikature u Bugarskoj (1948-1953): Slučaj Stršljen
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Antititovske/antijugoslovenske karikature u Bugarskoj (1948-1953): Slučaj Stršljen

Author(s): Dmitar Grigorov / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The article deals with a relatively marginal topic which is part of a much larger framework that shapes the Tito-Stalin conflict after the Cominform resolution against Yugoslavia - namely the cartoon propaganda which took place in Bulgaria. The accent is put on the cartoons dedicated to the Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito in particular and Yugoslavia in general. This problem is discussed on the background of the dynamical and controversial Bulgarian-Yugoslav and Bulgarian-Serbian relations. The author tries to examine whether Bulgarian cartoons after 1948 used the older Bulgarian stereotypes regarding Serbs and Yugoslavs and whether there were new messages which under the influence of communist ideology departed from traditional images attached to the Bulgaria’s western neighbors.

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Sovjetski uticaj i Josip Broz Tito uoči izbijanja ustanka u Jugoslaviji 1941. godine
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Sovjetski uticaj i Josip Broz Tito uoči izbijanja ustanka u Jugoslaviji 1941. godine

Author(s): Aleksej J. Timofejev / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the holdings of the Comintern reports by J. B. Tito are preserved that testify to the role of this organization in appointing new leader of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and in determining personal and financial policy of the Party on the eve of WWII. Considerable number of Yugoslav communists received good military-partisan training in the USSSR and Spain during the prewar period. It is very likely that Josip Broz Ttio himself was educated at the „partisan school" in the USSR and that he later taught there himself. Connection with the Soviet security organs is also proven by Tito's special engagement in a tricky „cader" matter during the Spanish civil war. After the defeat of the Spanish republic most of the Yugoslav „Spaniards" were interned in France. Only in 1941 did part of the „Spaniards" manage to return to the Balkans. According to the official version of Tito’s biography the whole action was organized by Cvetko Većeslav Flores „without anyone’s help". Obviously someone with military and partisan experience had to help the Yugoslav communists to reach their homeland on the eve of the uprising. In the Comintern’s files of the Yugoslav „Spaniards" questionaries about their engagement on the Iberian Peninsula appeared in late 1940 and early 1941. These enquieries in the files of the Yugoslav „Spaniards" were made at the request of the „external organization" i.e. of the Soviet intelligence service. Some 250 former Spanish combatants took part in the events in Yugoslavia 1941-1945 and to all intents they were one of the main pillars in creation of the partisan movement The ascent of Tito’s career was aided by several factors which had different importance atvarious stages of his career. On the eve of 1941 the most dominant were the endeavors of Soviet instructiors to impart the Yugoslav Party cadres and even J. B. Tito himself, military and special skills during the 1929-1938 period. An important role was played by Tito’s ties with the Cadre's Department of the Comintern and the Soviet intelligence organs which Tito forged during the sending of Yugoslav cadres to Spain.

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Zmiany kierunków eksportu Polski po wejściu do UE. Znaczenie regionalnych porozumień handlowych w kształtowaniu kierunków handlu

Zmiany kierunków eksportu Polski po wejściu do UE. Znaczenie regionalnych porozumień handlowych w kształtowaniu kierunków handlu

Author(s): Katarzyna Śledziewska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie, jak zmieniły się kierunki handlu Polski w czasie 10 lat członkostwa w UE. Przede wszystkim zaś pokazanie, na ile wzmacnia się pozycja UE jako partnera Polski kosztem innych grup państw. Należy przypuszczać, że przystąpienie Polski do UE mogło mieć znaczący wpływ na strukturę geograficzną wymiany handlowej Polski. Po pierwsze, ze względu na silniejsze zintegrowanie gospodarek i uczestnictwo w jednolitym rynku europejskim znaczenie krajów UE w handlu Polski powinno wzrosnąć relatywnie bardziej niż w przypadku innych grup państw. Po drugie, w wymianie zewnętrznej Polski powinien wzrastać udział państw, z którymi UE ma podpisane umowy o preferencjach handlowych. Mają one różny zakres. Można się spodziewać, że w handlu Polski powinien szczególnie wzrosnąć udział państw najściślej powiązanych z UE za pośrednictwem umów o integracji gospodarczej. Dodatkowo, jeśli założymy spójność gospodarczą państw UE, można się spodziewać tych samych kierunków zmian geograficznej struktury handlowej Polski i pozostałych państw UE. Powyższe zagadnienia były przedmiotem weryfikacji empirycznej podczas badania zmiany w kierunku eksportu do krajów UE, krajów objętych preferencjami handlowymi i do grupy państw, które nie są objęte żadnymi preferencjami (byłe republiki ZSRR).

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Współczesne relacje gospodarcze Polski z państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego

Współczesne relacje gospodarcze Polski z państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego

Author(s): Daniel Butyter / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie zmian, które wystąpiły w polityce zagranicznej Polski po jej akcesji do Unii Europejskiej, oraz analiza ekonomicznych aspektów współpracy pomiędzy Polską i jej wschodnimi sąsiadami, a także próba przewidzenia dalszych wątków współpracy pomiędzy Polską, jako częścią Unii Europejskiej, i wschodnimi sąsiadami UE.

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Wspólna polityka rolna a polskie rolnictwo – dotychczasowe doświadczenia i ocena możliwych skutków zmian w WPR 2014–2020

Wspólna polityka rolna a polskie rolnictwo – dotychczasowe doświadczenia i ocena możliwych skutków zmian w WPR 2014–2020

Author(s): Barbara Wieliczko / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Celem artykułu jest pokazanie skali zmian i ocena możliwych skutków obecnej reformy wspólnej reformy rolnej. W pierwszej części omówiono najważniejsze skutki dla polskiego rolnictwa włączenia go do WPR, a w drugiej części przedstawiono zmiany w WPR na okres 2014–2020 i możliwości kształtowania polityki rolnej dopasowanej do polskich warunków. W artykule dokonano analizy porównawczej wybranych danych charakteryzujących polskie rolnictwo oraz zaprezentowano wyniki analizy rozwiązań dotyczących nowego kształtu systemu płatności bezpośrednich, czyli kluczowego komponentu WPR.

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Wpływ członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej na konkurencyjność sektora przedsiębiorstw niefinansowych

Wpływ członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej na konkurencyjność sektora przedsiębiorstw niefinansowych

Author(s): Magdalena Nawrot / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

W kontekście długookresowym członkostwo Polski w Unii Europejskiej wpłynęło pozytywnie na prawie wszystkie sfery polskiej gospodarki. Poprawie uległa również sytuacja polskich przedsiębiorstw. Warto jednak pamiętać, że na pełne podsumowanie skutków członkostwa jest zbyt wcześnie. Ponadto poszczególne efekty niekiedy trudno wyraźnie przypisać samemu przystąpieniu do UE, ponieważ gospodarka państwa zależy od bardzo wielu czynników – koniunktury na rynkach zagranicznych, stanu uregulowań prawnych w kraju, sytuacji na rynku pracy, struktury sektora przedsiębiorstw, czynników instytucjonalnych – w tym politycznych czy nawet geograficznych. Nie można również zapominać o dużym wpływie kryzysu na zmniejszenie oddziaływania niektórych czynników (spadek inwestycji, wzrost bezrobocia). Artykuł przedstawia m.in. kanały wpływu akcesji na sektor przedsiębiorstw, wpływ członkostwa Polski w UE na jakość otoczenia makroekonomicznego, wzrost wymiany handlowej, napływ bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych, innowacyjność polskich przedsiębiorstw, oraz jest próbą bilansu tytułowego zagadnienia.

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Europejskie programy współpracy transgranicznej Polski z państwami członkowskimi Unii Europejskiej w latach 2004–2013

Europejskie programy współpracy transgranicznej Polski z państwami członkowskimi Unii Europejskiej w latach 2004–2013

Author(s): Andrzej Żuk / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Celem rozdziału jest ukazanie, jak unijne środki na programy współpracy transgranicznej Polski z państwami członkowskimi UE zostały rozdysponowane pomiędzy poszczególne programy oraz na co te środki zostały wydane i jakie zmiany w tym zakresie nastąpiły lub mają nastąpić w kolejnych okresach finansowania.

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System wspierania eksportu w Polsce w okresie poakcesyjnym

System wspierania eksportu w Polsce w okresie poakcesyjnym

Author(s): Elżbieta Bombińska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Wejście Polski do Unii Europejskiej miało rozległe skutki dla wielu dziedzin polskiej gospodarki, m.in. dla sfery wymiany handlowej z zagranicą. W szczególności akcesja wiązała się z istotnymi zmianami w obszarze polityki proeksportowej kraju. Politykę tę można rozumieć jako zbiór reguł, metod i narzędzi stosowanych przez rząd dla przyspieszenia rozwoju eksportu danego kraju, a ogół instrumentów przez nią wykorzystywanych dzieli się zazwyczaj na: środki polityki traktatowej, narzędzia finansowe oraz wsparcie informacyjno-promocyjne i szkoleniowe. Dokonujące się w związku z akcesją zmiany w polityce proeksportowej Polski dotyczyły zakresu jej autonomii, dostępnego instrumentarium wsparcia eksportu, stopnia jego wykorzystania, a także źródeł finansowania oraz struktury organizacyjno-instytucjonalnej systemu wspierania eksportu. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie oraz próba oceny najważniejszych zmian zachodzących w polityce proeksportowej Polski wynikających z jej akcesji do UE.

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Ujedinjene nacije: pravni okvir i mehanizmi za rodnu ravnopravnost

Ujedinjene nacije: pravni okvir i mehanizmi za rodnu ravnopravnost

Author(s): Damir Banović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Briga Ujedinjenih nacija za prava žena na međunarodnom nivou može se reći da počinje usvajanjem Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija 1945. koja u svom prvom članu navodi da je jedan od ciljeva osnivanja UN-a i podsticanje poštovanja ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda za sve bez obzira na rasu, spol, jezik ili vjeru. U prvoj godini postojanja UN-a, Ekonomsko i socijalno vijeće uspostavilo je Komisiju za položaj žena kao tijelo koje će kreirati politike isključivo s ciljem rodne ravnopravnosti i poboljšanja položaja žene. Univerzalna deklaracija o ljudskim pravima iz 1948., kao obavezujući dokument po običajnom osnovu, potvrdila je da se sva ljudska bića rađaju slobodna i jednaka u dostojanstvu i pravima bez razlika kao što su npr. rasa, boja kože, spol, jezik, religija. Uz Međunarodni pakt o građanskim i političkim pravima (1976) i Međunarodni pakt o socijalnim, ekonomskim i kulturnim pravima (1976), koji uvode opštu zabranu diskriminacije u pogledu prava koja normiraju, dokumenti obrađeni u ovom radu/poglavlju su najznačajniji dokumenti doneseni u okviru Ujedinjenih nacija koji čine osnovni okvir za zaštitu i promovisanje ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda na međunarodnom nivou.

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Vijeće Evrope: pravni okvir i mehanizmi za rodnu ravnopravnost

Vijeće Evrope: pravni okvir i mehanizmi za rodnu ravnopravnost

Author(s): Nedim Kulenović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Vijeće Evrope je međunarodna organizacija osnovana 1949. godine s ciljem ostvarivanja većeg jedinstva među svojim članicama, a radi očuvanja i promovisanja ideala i načela koji su dio njihove zajedničke baštine, te poticanja njihovog ekonomskog i društvenog napretka. Među osnovnim vrijednostima organizacije ističe se demokratija, ljudska prava i temeljne slobode, te vladavina prava, što su ujedno i preduslovi za članstvo čije ozbiljno kršenje može rezultirati suspenzijom ili čak isključenjem (Shaw, 2008, str. 345–347). Privrženost navedenim načelima objašnjiva je u svjetlu tragičnih iskustava Drugog svjetskog rata, koja se ogledaju i u razaranju temelja pravne države te rasprostranjenom kršenju ljudskih prava koje je svoj vrhunac imalo u holokaustu. Padom Berlinskog zida 1989. godine, te otvaranjem svojih vrata za bivše socijalističke države, organizacija je doživjela značajno širenje te danas ima 47 država članica koje naseljava oko 820 miliona ljudi. Nakon pridruživanja Crne Gore 2007. godine, Kosovo je jedino područje bivše Jugoslavije koje još uvijek nije dio ove organizacije.

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Dejtonski sporazum za Bosnu i Hercegovinu

Dejtonski sporazum za Bosnu i Hercegovinu

Author(s): Thorsten Gromes / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Prilog skicira rat vođen za Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i prikazuje sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma u Daytonu. Analizira najznačajnije sadržaje odredbi dejtonskog sporazuma i pokazuje da njegove odredbe po pitanju demokratizacije, povratka izbjeglica i prognanika i procesuiranja ratnih zločina nadmašuju tadašnje odnose moći. Prilog opisuje implementaciju centralnih sadržaja mirovnog sporazuma koji će i sljedećih godina određivati politički diskurs u Bosni i Hercegovini.

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Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine

Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Goran Marković / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine ima karakter oktroisanog ustava, pošto ga nije donijela domaća institucija, nego je stupio na snagu kao aneks (dodatak) jednog međunarodnog sporazuma. Pripada kategoriji pisanih, kodifikovanih, čvrstih i kratkih ustava. Sastoji se od malog broja dugih članova, koji obrađuju ustavnu materiju nepotpuno, donekle neprecizno, prozno i esejistički. Strukturu Ustava čine preambula, normativni dio i dva aneksa. Preambula je kratka i sadrži osnovne principe na kojima počiva ustavno uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine. normativni dio se sastoji od dvanaest članova, kojima se manjeviše cjelovito uređuju pojedini segmenti ustavne materije. Prvi aneks Ustava sadrži spisak međunarodnih akata o ljudskim pravima i slobodama koji se primjenjuju u Bosni i Hercegovini, a drugi sadrži tematski različite odredbe.

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Ured visokog predstavnika međunarodne zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini

Ured visokog predstavnika međunarodne zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Enis Omerović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ured visokoga predstavnika međunarodne zajednice i Specijalnog predstavnika Europske unije u Bosni i Hercegovini (u tekstu: visoki predstavnik, Ured visokog predstavnika) je ad hoc međunarodna institucija/tijelo/organ predviđena općim okvirnim sporazumom za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini (u tekstu: dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom, Sporazumom) 1995, a formalnopravno potvrđena rezolucijom Vijeća sigurnosti Ujedinjenih nacija. Radi se o vrlo specifičnoj instituciji koja ima status diplomatske misije međunarodne zajednice država, koja na osnovu ovlasti i odluka Upravnog odbora Vijeća za implementaciju mira, međunarodnoga tijela koje upravlja mirovnim procesom u Bosni i Hercegovini, predstavlja konačni autoritet u tumačenju i provedbi Sporazuma. Rad deskriptivno prikazuje osnivanje, status, ovlasti, rad i djelovanje ove institucije u Bosni i Hercegovini u svjetlu tranzicijskog procesa kada će, u konačnici, iza specijalnog predstavnika stajati Europska unija sa svojim organima, a ne, još uvijek nejasno definirana i označavana, međunarodna zajednica država.

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Ekonomija Bosne i Hercegovine – stanje i perspektive

Ekonomija Bosne i Hercegovine – stanje i perspektive

Author(s): Aida Zaimović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Prvi i osnovni preduslov koji se nameće zemljama koje žele pristupiti Evropskoj uniji jeste “postojanje funkcionalne tržišne ekonomije sposobne da se nosi s konkurentskim pritiscima i tržišnim silama unutar Unije“. Bosna i Hercegovina je potpisivanjem Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju koncem juna 2008. godine izrazila čvrsto opredjeljenje za evropski put. Međutim, to za sobom povlači i ispunjavanje niza kriterija ekonomske prirode koji imaju za cilj pripremanje bh. ekonomije za funkcionisanje unutar većeg tržišta. Ekonomija Bosne i Hercegovine ima neke sistemske slabosti koje su, ponajviše, rezultat mukotrpnog tranzicijskog procesa kroz koji prolazi naša zemlja. Činjenica je da je znatan dio bh. privrede devastiran tokom ratnih dešavanja 1990-ih godina, a posljedice se osjete i danas – 18 godina poslije. Vrijednost bruto domaćeg proizvoda dostigla je tek 80% vrijednosti prijeratnog, stopa nezaposlenosti je jedna od najvećih u regionu, poslovni ambijent je nepovoljan i ocijenjen kao najlošiji u regionu, konkurentnost bh. Ekonomije je najslabija u regionu i jedna od najslabijih u cijeloj Evropi. Sve naprijed rečeno treba da zabrinjava kreatore ekonomskih politika čija odgovornost za trenutno stanje bh. ekonomije prednjači. U ovom radu, upoznaćemo se sa osnovnim makroekonomskim obilježjima bh. Ekonomije i njene trenutačne pozicije u regionalnom i međunarodnom okruženju.

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