(RE)SHAPING POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARTICIPATION THROUGH SOCIAL NETWORKS

Author(s): Marija Andreeva / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2019

The influence of social networks is growing intensely. They do not only influence only certain aspects of our lives, but they also influence political participation and political culture. In recent years, this influence has been very notable. We have seen a change of policies as a result of pressure, a lot of significant political movements started via social networks. This paper concentrates on the influence of social networks on political participation and political culture. The paper tries to foresee the future implications and the intertwining of social networks and political culture and political participation. It also gives conclusions for the past, present and future implications and it gives a comparison between political participation before and after the rise of social networks. It also analyses the positive and negative implications that social network could have on political participation.

(YUGOSLAVIA'S) EXPORTS OF SHIPS

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Issue: 15/1963

The importance of maritime shipping has increased so much since the Second World War, that the natural result has been an intensive development in shipbuilding all over the world. In the last ten years preceding the war, the volume of maritime transport grew at an average annual rate of 1 per cent, as compared with 6 per cent in the post-war period (up to 1961). According to Lloyd’s Register, in 1931 the total tonnage of the world merchant fleet amounted to 68,722,000 GRT (index figure 100) as against 135,916,000 GRT in 1961 (index figure 198).

(YUGOSLAVIA'S) INTERNATIONAL TREATIES CONCLUDED IN 1970

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/1971

(Не)видљива места сећања

Author(s): Olga Manojlovic Pintar / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

The paper analyses how personalization of tragedy of the participants of WWII was used to strengthen Yugoslav-Soviet ties in the first days after the liberation of Yugoslavia. The text also analyzes the processes of rapprochement and of establishing closer ties between the two countries during 1960s when new forms of political and cultural cooperation were based on renewed remembrance of the courage of the participants in the war. Special attention was devoted to interpretations of WWII in contemporary historiography which unearthed new data and opened new perspectives. Turning to experiences of individuals was suggested as a possibility of drawing conclusions without ideological revisions of the whole history of 20th century.

(Не)реална очекивања југословенско-совјетски војни преговори 1948.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2014

Yugoslav-Soviet military negotiations were initiated in an already tensed relations related to Yugoslav attitude towards the question of Balkan federation, Greek civil war and Yugoslav presence in Albania. Ambitious plans of economical and military development were contrary to country's actual possibilites as well with potential Soviet assistance. Unreallistic and overambitious Yugoslav plans for strenghtening of military industry, creation of strong, numerous and up to date equiped army, as well navy capable to react not only to defend its own coast encountered the Soviet restraint. In several occasions Soviets demonstrated willingnes to help Yugoslavs within the boundaries of their own reallistic possibilities. Disagreements between the two concepts of development, as well Yugoslav insisting on realization of their own plans resulted in Soviet denial of further assistance. Failure in military negotiations coincided with the beggining of Yugoslav-Soviet conflict which finaly led to complete interruption of military cooperation.

(Негативне) перспективе учлањења Косова и Метохије у Савет Европе – осврт на српско и међународно искуство

Author(s): Ratomir Milikic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2016

From a historical perspective the paper encapsulates the experience of Serbia (the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro) in the process of accession to the Council of Europe (CoE), analyzing the qualifications required for membership of the pan-European organization. A comparative method has been used to explore the experiences and requirements set for Serbia, providing an explanation as to why a possible move by Kosovo and Metohija to join the CoE would be unfeasible. Having listed the points of cooperation between Pristina and Strasbourg, the paper is also offering a breakdown of relevant views on Kosovo and Metohija by the organization. The number of CoE member states that haven’t recognized the self-proclaimed independence of Kosovo and Metohija is not small, which only adds to the complexity of a request for membership, hardly in accord with the consensual decisions the CoE has reached thus far.

(Нео)протекционизам и светска економска криза

Author(s): Branislav M. Pelevic,Vladimir M. Ristanovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2011

The collapse of international trade is aftermath of global economic crisis in 2008. Decline in trade was even higher compared with the period of the Great Depression and, moreover, international trade has recorded a much greater decline than the world’s gross domestic product. Previous causality has been confirmed in Serbia and global crisis hit the economy of Serbia with the lag of one quarter. Initial fall in output and trade was smaller in the world than in Serbia. Growingprotectionism is not among the main causes of the collapse of the trade, but it is its essential companion. Protectionism, however, can provide positive effects only in short term. It leads to a decrease in exports, employment and income in other countries, but will invariably have feedback - leading to the fall for products imported from countries that increased protection. Opening the market undoubtedly contributes to more efficient and dynamic growth.

,,Дијалектичка равнотежа’’ институционалног система ЕУ у области спољног представљања: фикција или реалност?

Author(s): Dejana M. Vukcevic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2012

Dans cet article, l’auteur s’efforce d’analyser l’identité institutionnelle de l’UE en matière de la représentation extérieure. Malgré la tentative proclamée d’une plus grande cohérence et de l’efficacité dans le domaine extérieur de l’UE, le traité de Lisbonne crée une image institutionnelle complexe dans laquelle une représentation extérieure unique de l’UE est difficile. Cela est dû au fait qu’il y a un grand nombre d’acteurs et une confusion quant à la compétence dans le domaine de l’action extérieure de l’Union. Le nouveau traité demeure prisonnier d’un mélange hybride des logiques intergouvernementale et supranationale qui se caractérise par un manque de clarité des rôles des institutions prévus par le traité. L’article est divisé en deux parties. Dans la première partie, l’auteur analyse la nouvelle identité institutionnelle de l’UE dans le domaine de l’action extérieure. Dans la deuxième partie, l’auteur traite l’application des dispositions istituionnelles, marquée des tensions permanentes pour le contrôle des positions de pouvoir. Cela est dû à des dispositions vagues et imprécises du traité de Lisbonne laissаnt aux Etats membres et aux institutions une grande marge de manœuvre quant à l’interprétation de leurs compétences. L’auteur conclut que la pluralité d’acteurs dans ce domaine témoigne d’un compromis du traité de Lisbonne quant à l’allocation du leadeship politique dans le cadre de l’UE. Pour cette raison, il est difficle d’établir un équilibre entre les intérêts des Etats membres et des institutions dans la consolidation postLisbonne en matière de représentation extérieure ce qui n’est pas sans répercussions quant à la visibilité de l’UE sur la scène internationale.

,,Смем ли се ја, син таквог оца осрамоћен вратити у Србију“: Александар, син Живојина Мишића у руском јункерском училишту

Author(s): Vasily Borisovich Kashirin / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2008

This article looks at an interesting and as yet completely unknown episode in the life of Aleksandr Mishich, son of a prominent Serbian commander field-marshal Zhivoin Mishich (1855-1921). Aleksandr Mishich (1891-1941) served as an officer in the Balkan wars of 1912-13 and in the First World War. In 1941 he died heroically as one of the leaders of the chethnic movement in Yugoslavia. One of the blank pages in his biography is the time he spent in Russia from 1908 to 1912, where he tried to receive a military education. This article, based on previously unknown documents from the Russian State Military History Archive and the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire looks at how Mishich and his two Serbian friends joined the Vilna Infantry Junker school, their subsequent expulsion, acute conflict with the college’s authorities and the long and unsuccessful efforts of the three Serbs to obtain a review of their case from the military-bureaucratic machine of the Russian empire. The article also examines the discussions which took part between Russian authorities at interdepartmental level concerning the education of southern Slavs in military institutions of the Russian empire, which coincided with Mishich’s presence in Russia. The difference in opinion of representatives from the Russian military and diplomatic institutions on the problems of raising the effectiveness and the goals of Russian military-educational policy towards southern Slavs is shown. Also covered are the circumstances regarding the preparation of the Rules of admission of subjects of south Slavic states into Russian military-educational institutions, approved in 1912. This article can be of interest to all those interested in the life of field-marshal Zhivoin Mishic and his family, as well as in the questions of Russo-Serbian cooperation in the sphere of military education at the start of the 20th century.

100 dni Donalda Trumpa – próba oceny polityki zagranicznej nowej administracji

Author(s): Patrycja Sasnal / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2017

11 Eylül ve Sonrası Terörizm, Petrol ve Nükleer Tehdit Ekseninde Ortadoğu

Author(s): Ramazan Izol,Samet ZENGINOGLU / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2014

Following the attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on September 11th 2001, three points draw attention. Firstly, these attacks revealed the obligation of evaluating the phenomenon of terrorism with a distinctive method and content when compared with the Cold War period. Secondly, the debates that the essential goal for US was the intervening with Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003 respectively was to control the resources and routes for oil, and these attacks were used as the means of legitimacy are often brought to the agenda. And lastly, during and after the intervention, the issue of nuclear threat came under fire in the Middle East, especially on the Israel–Iran line. Within this general framework, the main goal of this study is to introduce the different perspectives, views, and debates on the Middle East on the axis of three factors about 9/11 and its aftermath.

11. rujna i njegove posljedice (prev. B. Protuđer)

Author(s): Jacques Derrida,Richard Rorty,Stanley Cavell / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 1+2/2016

Nakon 11. rujna 2001. utvrđena je Borba protiv terorizma kao zadaća SAD-a. Uslijedile su ratne invazije u Afganistanu i Iraku, a sloboda građana je u ime sigurnosti ograničena. Teroristi Al Qaide koji su predstavljeni kao islamistički ratnici u ime Boga, pokrenuli su rat protiv zapada. Scenariji prijetnji potakli su filozofe širom svijeta na razmišljanje.

14th EU-India Summit in New Delhi Strengthens Partnership

Author(s): Patryk Kugiel / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2017

The EU-India Summit in New Delhi on 6 October showed an increasing convergence of views on major regional and global issues and boosted the strategic partnership established in 2004. Yet, the lack of a breakthrough in negotiations of the Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA) proves it remains a major challenge, along with the negative effects of Brexit, on EU-India relations. If the negotiations are protracted, the EU may consider a separate deal on investments alone. Poland should consider more actively participating in shaping EU policy on India and using existing mechanisms of dialogue to strengthen its bilateral cooperation.

15 Years of Walking but How Many Steps? Transitional Justice and the Role of the Print Media in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Stela Nenova / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2010

Despite 15 years of major domestic and international peacekeeping and stabilization efforts, there are still major obstacles to state building in BiH. One of the clear signs of the internal divisions and tensions has been the recent alarming trend of efforts to curtail the development of free and independent media in the country to support the process of reconciliation with the past and the growth of a strong civil society. What has been the role of the media in BiH in the process of transitional justice? Have the print media encouraged a constructive social dialogue about the past or they have contributed to further divisions among BiH citizens? This paper looks at the role of print media in the process of transitional justice in BiH. The study investigates the role of the media as a unifying or dividing factor in the process of transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper then looks more in depth into the case of BiH and the print media‘s role for transitional justice‘s successes and failures so far. It argues that the print media have had a more negative impact on the processes of transitional justice in BiH because of the persistent nationalistic rhetoric creating a divided image of Bosnian society.

16. Yüzyılda Kırım'da Köle Ticareti

Author(s): Zübeyde Günes Yagci / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 8/2006

The Ottomans completely controlled the Black Sea trade including slave trade after the conquest of Constantinople. Up to the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire met its slave needs from the war captives and from frontier raids in the Balkans. However, the increasing military resistance in Europe against the Ottomans forced them to find out other ways to meet the demand for slave. Therefore, the Crimean Khanate took over this opportunity and began to export slaves to the Ottoman Empire. It was after this that the Crimean Tatars began to organise raids into Russia, Poland and Caucasus for slaves, and they filled the Ottoman and Egyptian slave markets.

18. yy'da Osmanlı-Azerbaycan İlişkilerinin Başlıca Merhaleleri

Author(s): Tofiq T. Mustafazade / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2004

After the fail of the Safevid state, some local khanates appeared in north Azerbaijan, and the region was never united from then on. The Ottoman and Rus Empires, as well as Iran, first with the Avşar, and then Kajar dynasties, quarreled for dominance over this region. The eventual winner in this game was the Tsardom, which succeeded in invading all of the khanates. Ottoman imperial strategy was to save those princelings.

1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’ndan Nato Üyeliğine: Boğazlar Sorunu Ve Türkiye’nin Batı İle “İttifakı”

Author(s): H. Bayram Soy / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 45/2015

From the middle of the 19th century onwards, whose territorial integrity left to the Great Powers assurance, the Ottoman Empire remained in between the Russo-British struggle in the Near East. Britain tried to resist the Russian march towards the south by keeping the Ottoman territorial unity. After the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-78, when the Ottomans were defeated and forced to sign the Treaty of St. Stefano, the British being disturbed by the new situation in the Balkans, initiated a congress in Berlin and modified it by the Berlin Treaty. Britain in doing this, did not consider the interests of the Ottoman Empire, but her own. In a similar condition, in 1945 when the USSR demanded a base in the Straits and revision of the Turkish northeastern borders, since it arouse old “Russian fear” in Turkey, they resorted to the US. In this period, having inherited the British Empire’s imperial mission, the Straits were also important for the US. Same as the British, the American would also not allow the Soviet Union crossing the Straits and penetrating to the Mediterranean. But Turkey did not recognize the US strategic vulnerability and by paying unnecessary prices, she got both economic and military aids from the US and bounded her to it. The prices paid for the security against the USSR to US are non-equivalent what Turkey gained from the US both military assistance and economic aid. However, how Britain did not allow the Russians to threaten the Straits in 1878 by herself, so would the US and her allies stop the USSR in the Straits in 1945 by themselves. Because, although the political conditions and states alters, geostrategic position does not change.

19. YÜZYIL OSMANLI DIŞ POLİTİKASI ÜZERİNDE İNGİLİZ TESİRİ

Author(s): Zekeriya Isik / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2011

In 19th century, the Ottoman Empire was under a heavy Western influence in all respect which also includes the foreign policy. In this century, the political, militaristic and economic campaigns of the major European Powers, in particular, were influential on the Ottomans to adopt the European organizational and ceremonial patterns, and thus the Ottomans were influenced by the Europeans, primarily by the Great Britain. In this study, it is aimed to explain the foundations of the Classical Ottoman foreign policies, the changes in the traditional Ottoman foreign policies in relation to the developing and expanding New World and finally the policies of the Empire which had to move toward international expansion to survive in the If century. On the other hand, we emphasize the effects on Empire's domestic and foreign policies particularly when Germany built its union, the current political and economical balance started to change in late century. In this most difficult period of state If century British political colonialism activities firstly commenced with India but then involved the Balkans, the Caucasus and Middle East and this long-running British policy kept on affecting on Ottoman State and its foreign policy.

19. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Türkistan'da Yerli Eğitim Kurumlarının Durumu

Author(s): B. Tümen Somuncuoglu / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 03/2007

Since the second half of the 19th century, the occupied region of Turkestan was occupied by Russia and the entire Turkestan region came under Russian rule. Tsarist Russia started to work for the establishment of the Russian administrative system in this region after the occupation. But in this region, which has strong social organizations and institutions, a gradual process was followed in order not to encounter riots and not to endanger the Russian administration in the military field. For this reason, the Russian administration did not abolish the educational institutions of the indigenous people and allowed them to live in order to avoid the reaction of the Muslims. In this article, the situations and functions of educational institutions, one of the most important dynamics of society, in 19th century Turkestan were tried to be put forward.

19. yy. Sonunda Rusya’nın Osmanlı Devleti Politikası ve Rusya Karadeniz Donanması Kaptanı Lev Brusilov’un Gözüyle Rusya’nın İstanbul Büyükelçisi A. İ. Nelidov

Author(s): Ihsan Çomak / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 47/2015

At the end of 19th. Century, Russia, in accordance with policy of Concert of Europe, was consulting her foreign policy towards the Ottoman Empire with European powers. But, as a result of distrust to England, Russia doubts about that England is planning to capture Bosphorus without consulting Russia. Nelidov, Russian ambassador in Istanbul, moving under the pressure of wories of British attack to Bosphorus, wrote many report to St. Petersburg in the last years of his mission (1895-1897) recommending to capture Boshporus before the Brtish do it. Lev Brusilov, a captain of russian flot, who has been in Istanbul at the end of 1897, left very important letter behind which give us valuable information about Nelidov’s character and his view of events. We can understand the psychology of Nelidov from these letters. Russia did not attack Bosphorus due emerging problems in the Far East. On the contrary, she began to follow policy of preservation Ottoman territorial unity in negotiation with :Austro-Hungary.