100 cele mai presante probleme ale Republicii Moldova în 2006

Author(s): Igor Munteanu,Ghenadie Mocanu,Veaceslav Ioniţă,Inga Sinchevici / Language(s): Romanian

This intelligent product provides comparative and analytical elements for the adoption of superior techniques for evaluating decisions that involve significant costs for our society. At the same time, the intention of the authors of this study is to encourage critical reflection and the comparative approach to the elaboration of efficient and effective public policies, as well as to the qualitative increase of the level of public debates on these topics of interest. // The research team consisted of 3 experts and a coordinator. The study was coordinated by Igor Munteanu, and the research team consisted of Ghenadie Mocanu (political analyst), Veaceslav Ioniţă (economist), Inga Sinchevici (sociologist). // The authors of the study sincerely thank the Friedrich Ebert Foundation for the support provided in the elaboration of this research, but also for the encouragement it offered us during this complex study.

140 DE ANI DE RELAȚII DIPLOMATICE ROMÂNO-SPANIOLE

Author(s): Dana Gliga / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2021

The present article presents an introductory historical note about the diplomatic relations between Romania and Spain. This year Romania celebrates 140 years of diplomatic collaboration to Spain and there are presented also another anniversary datas, chronologically, which are relevant for the international presence of Romania. Spain and Romania are connected for millenials through the language, through their origin to the Romanic countries. Currently, the billateral dialogue contributes to the development of the European common values within the E.U. and NATO.

14th EU-India Summit in New Delhi Strengthens Partnership

Author(s): Patryk Kugiel / Language(s): English

The EU-India Summit in New Delhi on 6 October showed an increasing convergence of views on major regional and global issues and boosted the strategic partnership established in 2004. Yet, the lack of a breakthrough in negotiations of the Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA) proves it remains a major challenge, along with the negative effects of Brexit, on EU-India relations. If the negotiations are protracted, the EU may consider a separate deal on investments alone. Poland should consider more actively participating in shaping EU policy on India and using existing mechanisms of dialogue to strengthen its bilateral cooperation.

14th Session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage

Author(s): Hanna Schreiber / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

14th Session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage; Bogotá, 9-14 December 2019

1918 IN THE HISTORY OF LITHUANIA, POLAND AND UKRAINE

Author(s): Olha Morozova / Language(s): English Issue: 30/2019

The article is about one of the most important problem of modern history – proclamation of the independence of Lithuanians, Poles and Ukrainians. Three nations, Lithuanian, Polish and Ukrainian, entered to the twentieth century enslaved and divided between the empires. The most prominent representatives of the Lithuanian, Polish and Ukrainian intellectual elite during the nineteenth century formulated programs regarding national revival and the creation of independent states. But why did the Ukrainians not succeed in expanding their independence in 1918? In the article, the author tried to find the answer to this question.

1924 m. gruodžio 1 d. komunistinis pučas Taline ir diplomatinė jo maskuotė

Author(s): Zenonas Butkus / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 43/2019

This article, based on the archives stored in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Russia and some recently published documents, investigates the coup attempted by the Soviets on December 1, 1924 in Tallinn and evaluates its consequences within the broad context of international relations. During the research, it was established that an attempt to stage a coup in Estonia had been undertaken both by the Estonian communists and the USSR leadership, which had the highest political body – the Politburo – and the Comintern, a self-crafted tool set up for spreading the communist movement around the world, at its disposal. Thus, the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet authorities, whereas the Estonian communists were mainly responsible for its implementation. The task of the coup leadership was to seize power and hold on to it for some time, long enough to request that the USSR “renders support.” Preparations were underway for such support. This is evidenced by military preparations in the northern regions of the USSR and the territory near the Estonian border as well as by the deployment of Soviet ships in the vicinity of Tallinn and the activities of the Soviet embassy located in the capital. The attempted coup turned into a putsch due to the maximum conspiracy of their organizers. The conspiracy was brought about by the then-public awareness that the revolutionary events in Germany in 1923 had been instigated by the Soviets. The attempted coup in Estonia failed due to the extraordinary defensive operations put up by the Estonian authorities and power structures as well as due to the failure to involve the workers and the other strata of society in the coup. Latvia, Estonia’s only ally, was the first country to stand by Estonia’sside after the country withstood the attempted coup. The lessons were learnt not only by these two countries but by Lithuania as well. They began taking adequate measures to stifle communist activities. Neither France nor England or any other Western state made plans to deploy their fleets to the Baltic Sea to support the Estonians or at least show, in a demonstrative way, their support in such a trying time. They also failed to hold any diplomatic démarches against the Soviets opposing the export of revolution practiced by the Soviets. Due to diplomatic pressure imposed by the USSR, Estonia could not publicly and officially name the actual organizers of the putsch. As a result, only the local communists were indiscriminately accused. Such forced tactics, if only indirectly, had at least partially been influencing the area of historical research as well. However, the sudden and unequivocal liquidation of the putsch in Tallinn could have prompted the USSR to no longer expand its revolutionary export to the West, and the “abstinence” of such kind had lasted until the Second World War. The war itself and the previous collusion with Adolf Hitler made it possible for Stalin to cherish even greater ambitions to renew the spread of communism in other countries.

1930. Documents Regarding the Passage of Soviet Warships Through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles Straits

Author(s): Marusia Cirstea / Language(s): English Issue: XXIII/2022

The article refers to “the problem of the straits” and the entry into the Black Sea of the Soviet warships „Parischkaya Komuna” and “Profintern”, which led to a “diplomatic conflict” between the Soviet Union and the Straits Commission. The incident came under the attention of Romanian diplomats, who feared that “the Soviets were preparing to attack”.

1956 Süveyş Krizi ve Ortadoğu’ya Etkisi

Author(s): Mehmet Erkan Kıllıoğlu / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2021

In the period after the Second World War, the great colonial empires of the 19th century and their colonial order fade away and a new bipolar international political system led by the USA and USSR, emerged. The emergence of this new international political system forced the disintegration of the old order. During this disintegration process, Britain tried to evacuate and liquidate her former colonies, which put a huge burden on its economic, political and military system, but in doing so tried to keep the strategically important points, at least the ones left in the west of the Suez Canal. The Suez Canal region, which remained in Egyptian territory, was one of those strategic assets. Egypt, whose relations with the West occasionally deteriorated due to its former colonial past history, announced that it had nationalized the Suez Canal after one of such problematic events. Although the USA, the presumed leader of the Western World, was not satisfied with that decision, but tried to decrease the tension in order to cease the USSR intervention to the Middle East and increase its influence. However, Britain and France, who are in charge of the Suez Canal and Canal Company, were not satisfied with Egypt’s decision that nationalized the Suez Company. They took decisive action both to take the Canal back and to overthrow the Egyptian leader Gamal Abdünnasir, who was hostile to them in the Middle East region. As a result, the Suez Crisis of 1956 occurred. Britain and France won the military struggle but lost in the political process. Balances in the Middle East region and the world system have changed dramatically and the Suez Crisis was the starting point of this change.

1995-2015 - Women and Political Life in Post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): / Language(s): English

(English edition) While working on improving our program and portfolio on women’s human rights we quickly realized the absence of a detailed and visible account of “women’s” history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although there are a significant number of publications and several activist initiatives that address certain fragments of history and explore events, periods of time, and regions, there is currently no exhaustive institutional account of women in Bosnia, nor are attempts being made to create one. The academic community has unfortunately failed in this area. The history of women and their contribution to public life remains at the margins of academic inquiry. The Sarajevo Open Centre published the book Women Documented: Women and Public Life in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 20th Century. The book was edited by Jasmina Čaušević, a program coordinator at the Sarajevo Open Centre, in cooperation with ten authors. Through publishing this book, the Sarajevo Open Centre and our partner organizations wanted to celebrate the centenary of the First World War in a different way. It was precisely the work on Women Documented that revealed to us the need for further work exploring women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that our (virtual) museum of women’s history in Bosnia will eventually be institutionalized in Bosnian society. In November and December 2015, we will commemorate the 20-year anniversary of the Dayton Peace Accords – the international agreement that brought peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina and laid the foundations for the long and grueling process of peace-making and trust-building. The Dayton Peace Process was, as this book will demonstrate, a classic example of male politics. The commemoration will, again, be dominated by men – Bosnian and Herzegovinian and world leaders. We decided to conduct this research and publish this book to challenge the male-dominated approach to memory. This publication aims to offer systematic insight into the role played by women in political life. Our goal is to offer a better understanding and a concise overview of political life over the past 20 years, based on the stories of a number of women - activists, politicians and institutional leaders - with the hope that it will inspire other authors to explore BiH political history during this period of time. Since this aspect of history is particularly under-researched, the very process of gathering information was challenging and so we welcome constructive criticism, comments, and suggestions for improvement and enrichment of this text. I would like to thank Marina, Arijana and Edita, who accepted to work with the Sarajevo Open Centre on this project. I would also like to thank my colleague Maida Zagorac, who has helped me immensely with her excellent oversight of both the technical and the substantive aspects of this text. I also owe thanks to the Embassy of Swiss Confederation in Bosnia and Herzegovina for supporting our work and the research of women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovinian.

20 de ani de mutaţii de rute maritime

Author(s): Paul Tourret / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 01/2017

Este evident că, din anii ’90, comerţul maritim a cunoscut profunde schimbări în natura sa geografică. Globalizarea este, ea însăşi, un fenomen geoeconomic aplicat transportului maritim, ce traduce o evoluţie planetară a comerţului materiilor prime, precum produsele manufacturate. În 20 de ani, rutele maritime s-au schimbat în volum, precum şi în utilizare. Jalonarea hub-urilor de containerizare, lucrările la Suez şi Panama, pirateria somaleză, tensiunile în jurul peninsulei arabice, tulburările japoneze, apoi chineze asupra Malacca, speculaţiile asupra Arcticii... Tot atâtea fapte ce dovedesc o dinamică perpetuă a rutelor maritime sub efectele nevoilor de mobilitate a mărfurilor şi, în mod regulat, chestiuni politice. Rutele de-a lungul mărilor şi oceanelor cu jalonările lor de pasaje strâmte rămân, ca mereu în istoria omenirii, provocări geostrategice. Geopolitica contemporană sub pecetea multipolarităţii trebuie, de asemenea, să ţină seama de problematicile itinerarelor maritime.

20 godina od razbijanja SFRJ

Author(s): / Language(s): Russian,Serbian

20 lat Wydziału Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politologicznych Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

The aim of the publication is to discuss research, didactic, and organisational achievements of the Faculty of International and Political Studies [FIPS] of the University of Lodz. The work has been compiled on the occasion of its 20th anniversary which fell in 2020. The Faculty is a unique interdisciplinary academic unit offering courses to Polish and foreign students from almost 50 different countries. It stands out with its strong international focus visible in all areas of the Faculty’s research and teaching activities. It also runs unique courses taught in foreign languages: English and French at full time and post-graduate MBA studies. At the Faculty students can choose between courses in International Relations, Political Sciences, National Security, International Cultural Studies, International and Political Studies, and International Marketing. When it comes to research, the academic staff of the Faculty deal with broadly understood international relations and examine them in the context of political, economic and social relations across different geographic areas (Europe, Asia, Middle East, North Africa, Russia and countries of the former USSR, North and Latin America, Australia), as well as international security and business. The Faculty offers also doctoral studies in political science and administration. The FIPS has a wide network of partnership contacts with universities across the world. The aim of the Faculty is to provide a wide array of advisory and expert services in international relations to actors at the local, regional, and national levels.

2000’LERDE FİLİSTİN’DE MEŞRU TEMSİLCİLİK TARTIŞMALARI: HAMAS İLE EL-FETİH ARASINDAKİ REKABET

Author(s): Pınar Özden Cankara,Yavuz Cankara / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 21/2020

Palestine is not only a struggle for land but it’s also Palestinian people’s fight for a vital being. Every land that has been losing means that thousands of families become homeless. But Western states view it as a political problem rather than a humanitarian drama. Even though there are decisions taken by the United Nations Israel ignores them all. In addition to physical division and a difficult life standard the Palestinians are divided between two different organizations politically; Hamas and Fatah. Fatah has been criticized by some Palestinians because of its relations with Western states. Hamas is experiencing a crisis of legitimacy because of not abandoning the armed struggle. Hamas has been seen as a terrorist organization in the eyes of Western states and Israel. The aim of this study is to reveal the effect of the split between the two actors on the Palestinian resistance by mentioning the differences and competition between these two organizations. The study will also include official statements of the leaders of the organization and Palestinian bureaucrats.

2000’Lİ YILLARDAN SONRA TÜRKİYE-RUSYA İLİŞKİLERİ ve ‘UÇAK KRİZİ’

Author(s): Etibar Musayev / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 47/2020

In conclusion, as I mentioned, both countries are countries that have a place and importance both regionally and globally, with a deep-rooted historical heritage and an established state tradition. Such factors make it necessary for both countries to take on a number of missions at the global and regional level and undertake duties within this scope. The two countries, which are moving towards becoming a leader and strong state in the regional sense and competing in this way, have historically gone through a period of ups and downs. We can also evaluate the recent "plane crisis" in this context. Turkey and Russia in the short term by demonstrating the necessary political will to exit from this crisis in a stable manner the idea is more important than the continuation of bilateral relations and in this way have shown that they are committed. We believe that this positive result achieved in relations will continue in the future in every field, especially in the field of energy.

2000-2020 Yılları Arasında İsrail-Latin Amerika İlişkileri

Author(s): Eldar Hasanoğlu,Oğuzhan Çağlıyan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 11/2022

In the 2000s, the rise of left-wing governments in Latin America gave way to important changes in the Middle East policies of the regional countries. Leftist leaders who rose to power during this period called Pink Tide overwhelmingly sought to diversify their countries’ foreign relations to pursue policies more independent of the United States and forge new south-south economic partnerships. In this context, alongside historic advancements in ties between Latin American and Arab states, unprecedented Latin American-Iranian and Latin American-Palestinian rapprochements took place. Even though the radical changes in Latin American countries’ Middle East policies initially did not adversely affect Israel-Latin America relations, the Mavi Marmara incident and Israel’s military operations against the Gaza Strip drew severe criticism from many Latin American countries and led to significant tensions in bilateral relations. In July 2014, Israel-Latin American relations plunged to the lowest levels following IDF’s Operation Protective Edge. However, from the year 2015, economic and political changes at global and regional levels brought the end of the Pink Tide and the resurgence of right and centre-right governments in Latin America opened a new chapter in Israel-Latin America relations.

2005-2015 Perspektifinden Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin Sahraaltı Afrika Politikası ve Afrika Komutanlığı (AFRICOM)*

Author(s): Yücel Özel,Güngör Şahin / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 35/2020

The continent of Africa, which has long been neglected in the international stage for many years, and which has not received the attention it deserves from neither centres of power poles, especially Sub-Saharan Africa has become a centre of interest after the collapse of the bipolar system. The global financial crisis of 2008 intensified the competition the Powers across the world, and enhanced Africa’s attractiveness as a resource-rich continent. After the 2008 crisis, Africa has become one of the geopolitical competition grounds for the United States (US) and rising powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and Turkey). After the year 2005, the US began to show real interest in the continent, and with the establishment of US Africa Command (AFRICOM) in 2007, African policy of the USA was identified with AFRICOM. The policies that the United States followed for sub-Saharan Africa between 2005 and 2015, when current theories and analyses of international relations were yet to be fully implemented, have influenced Africa’s transformation and regional balances of power. In the adoption of US foreign policy decisions, domestic and international public opinion is critical; however, the external threat perception based on identity and background in African countries have also been important in determining these policies. After the 2008 Crisis, the US engagements in Africa were carefully selected and governed in such a way to achieve national interests.

2009-2017 Arası Küresel Sistemin Güvenlik Dönüşümü: Tek Kutupluluk Çok Kutupluluğa Karşı

Author(s): Ferahşan Gençkaya / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 38/2021

After the Cold War, the US, as the only superpower in the system, created a hegemonic system through alliances, institutions, and geopolitical negotiations. In this new world order, the US has positioned itself at the center of world politics by taking advantage of its military power, regional alliances, and cultural soft power. In this unipolar system, international norms, human rights, financial systems, and the behaviors of the governments have been largely designed and owned by the US and these practices have spread to the political and legal spheres of other states. However, since the 2000s, new developments in the international system leads to slow but gradual redistribution of the power, which was under US monopoly. The purpose of this study is to examine the important developments that point out to the weakening of unipolarity in the international system between 2009 and 2017, known as the Obama era, with the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism. In the study, the transformation process of unipolarity in the international system is discussed in the context of the reflections of the global economic crisis, the rise of China as a global actor, and the prominence of Russia’s global influence. As a result of the study, it has been determined that the structural transition of the international system continues and the Sino-US relations has a competitive potential.

2016 – Szczyt strategicznej adaptacji NATO

Author(s): Wojciech Lorenz / Language(s): Polish

Szczyt NATO w Warszawie zakończy pierwszą fazę dostosowywania sił Sojuszu do nowych zagrożeń związanych z agresywnymi działaniami Rosji wobec sąsiadów oraz z kryzysami na Bliskim Wschodzie i w Afryce Północnej. Nowe siły szybkiego reagowania NATO nie zapewnią jednak zdolności do obrony wschodniej flanki przed konwencjonalnym atakiem i próbą podważenia wiarygodności Sojuszu. Dlatego Polska chce wystąpić na szczycie z Warszawską inicjatywą adaptacji strategicznej, która ma dostosować strukturę sił Sojuszu do zadań klasycznej obrony terytorialnej i odstraszania konwencjonalnych zagrożeń.

2019: Draghi’s Farewell

Author(s): Martin Vlachynský / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The year 2018 started with a dip and ended with a dip. While the first dip encouraged investors to buy, the second sowed fear. With fiscal problems in France and Italy, Brexit plans going round in circles and a headstrong US president, recession became the popular talking point of late 2018. The 2019 response to this was a turnaround in monetary policy in Europe and the United States. Central banks acted to keep the veil of prosperity firmly in place. However, as 2019 continued, problems could be glimpsed behind the veil.

21. YÜZYILDA RUSYA FEDERASYONU’NUN GÜVENLİK BELGELERİ: NEO REALİST TEORİ ÇERÇEVESİNDE BİR ANALİZ

Author(s): Alperen Kürşad ZENGİN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 55/2020

This study was conducted to analyze the National Security Concepts and Military Doctrines published by the Russian Federation in the 21st century. The main problem of the study is: "Which of the theories of international relations can explain the security documents of the Russian Federation?". The study was tested on the hypothesis that "the security documents of the Russian Federation are shaped by the neo-realist theory". In the study, the findings of the Russian Federation; ıt considers that the international system is seen as anarchic-unstable, that the main threats to national security stem from the structure of the international system, and that security policies are established within the framework of “nuclear deterrence and military capacity” and balancing through alliances ”strategies.