Publisher: Atlantska inicijativa: Udruženje za promicanje euroatlantskih integracija BiH

Analiza sudske prakse u porodičnim sporovima i preporuke za postupanje - Priručnik

Author(s): Faruk Latifović,Majda Halilović,Džamna Duman Vranić,Suzana Bubić / Language(s): Bosnian

U okviru Projekta “Rod i pravosuđe u Bosni i Hercegovini”, Atlantska inicijativa je formirala stručni Panel sudija/sutkinja (Svi izrazi upotrijebljeni u muškom gramatičkom rodu u ovom Priručniku odnose se bez diskriminacije i na žene) u cilju izrade preporuka i analize sudske prakse u oblasti porodičnopravnih sporova. Predmet teorijskih razmatranja i analize prakse, doduše, nisu svi sporovi iz oblasti porodičnog prava, već samo oni vezani za razvod braka, a od sporova nastalih u oblasti roditeljskog prava oni koji nastaju u vezi s ostvarivanjem roditeljskog staranja/vršenja roditeljskog prava u slučaju odvojenog života roditelja i održavanjem ličnih odnosa i neposrednih kontakata djeteta i roditelja, bilo da se o njima odlučuje u adhezionom postupku uz bračne sporove, bilo u samostalnom postupku. Ovu drugu grupu sporova kraće ćemo označavati kao sporove o staranju o djetetu nakon razvoda braka, a postupke u tim sporovima kao postupke odlučivanja o staranju o djetetu nakon razvoda braka. Priručnik je prvi materijal ove vrste i namijenjen je prije svega sudijama, ali i cijelom pravosuđu, studentima prava, akademskoj zajednici te domaćim i međunarodnim organizacijama zainteresovanim da rade na boljem razumijevanju ove problematike i unapređenju sudske prakse u oblasti porodičnog prava. Priručnik je podijeljen u šest poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju predmet razmatranja su rodne predrasude u postupcima razvoda braka i o ostvarivanju roditeljskog staranja; Drugo poglavlje sadrži pregled relevantnih međunarodnih izvora koji se odnose na roditeljsku odgovornost i najbolji interes djeteta; U trećem poglavlju prezentirani su, s teorijskog aspekta te u kontekstu opših komentara Komiteta za prava djeteta i domaćeg prava, principi Konvencije o pravima djeteta – najbolji interes djeteta te pravo na saslušanje djeteta i uvažavanje njegovog mišljenja; U okviru četvrtog poglavlja analizirano je zakonsko uređenje roditeljskog staranja, odnosno roditeljskog prava u Bosni i Hercegovini, domaća sudska praksa u ovoj oblasti i predmeti s međunarodnim elementom; U petom poglavlju dat je prikaz referentne prakse Evropskog suda za ljudska prava i Suda Evropske unije; Šesto poglavlje sadrži ključne preporuke Panela proistekle iz razmotrene sudske prakse u Bosni i Hercegovini Atlantska inicijativa se zahvaljuje učesnicama i učesnicima Panela, koji su svojim znanjem i posvećenošću radnom procesu doprinijeli da pravosuđe u Bosni i Hercegovini postane bogatije za još jedan značajan resursni materijal. Sastanke Panela i izradu ovog priručnika podržala je Švedska ambasada u Bosni i Hercegovini kroz projekat Rod i pravosuđe.

Analiza sudske prakse u predmetima nasilja u porodici u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Maida Ćehajić-Čampara,Nejra Veljan / Language(s): Bosnian

Uvrštavanjem nasilja u porodici u krivično zakonodavstvo Bosne i Hercegovine (2000. g. u Krivični zakon Republike Srpske, 2003. g. u krivične zakone Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine i Brčko distrikta BiH) inicirano je društveno sankcionisanje ovog krivičnog djela. Na taj način je nasilje u porodici izašlo iz privatne sfere i definisano je kao krivično djelo sa svojim kvalifikatornim oblicima, koje se rješava unutar krivičnopravnog sistema u BiH. Unapređenje sudskog odgovora na nasilje u porodici je veliki izazov, jer predstavlja izuzetno složeno socio-kriminološko pitanje, sa kojim se suočavaju profesionalne pravne zajednice širom svijeta. Pravosuđe u BiH ima mogućnost da doprinese društvenoj promjeni kad je u pitanju nasilje u porodici tako što će osigurati da svi akteri zauzmu profesionalan i dosljedan pristup prilikom rješavanja slučajeva nasilja u porodici. Sudije i sutkinje imaju ključnu ulogu u postizanju oštrije društvene osude kroz sankcionisanje počinilaca koje pokazuje i osudu i razumijevanje problema nasilja u porodici, dok tužioci i tužiteljice imaju značajnu ulogu u blagovremenom procesuiranju počinilaca i zaštiti prava žrtava nasilja u porodici. Istraživanja pokazuju da dosljedan odgovor krivičnopravnog sistema ima efekt preventivnog djelovanja, jer se stvara povjerenje žrtava u rad sistema, a počinioci nasilja su svjesni izvjesnosti sankcije za izvršeno djelo. U BiH se primjenjuje nekoliko pristupa u cilju unapređenja odgovora pravosuđa na nasilje u porodici; pružanje edukacija za sudije i tužioce, jačanje multidisciplinarnog pristupa pružanja podrške, razvoj materijala, analiza presuda i praćenja suđenja. Ipak, i dalje u sudskoj praksi dominiraju prakse izricanja uslovnih osuda, blaže kvalifikacije krivičnog djela nasilja u porodici, nespremnost da se nasilje u porodici procesuira u stjecaju s drugim kaznenim djelima, te odmjeravanje kazne na granici ili ispod granice propisane zakonom. Prepoznavši značaj unapređenja odgovora pravosuđa na nasilje u porodici i jačanja dosljednosti sudske prakse, u okviru projekta Rod i pravosuđe u BiH, 2012. g. formiran je sudijski panel, čiji je cilj bila izrada specifičnog priručnika za sudije koji rade na procesuiranju slučajeva nasilja u porodici. Rad panela, kojem su podršku pružili DCAF-a i AI, rezultirao je izradom PRIRUČNIKA: Sudska razmatranja slučajeva nasilja u porodici u Bosni i Hercegovini (u daljem tekstu: Priručnik), kao materijala koji su izradile sudije za sudije u cilju unapređenja sudske prakse. Osvrćući se na izvještaj OSCE-a iz 2011. godine, međunarodnu sudsku praksu i analizu sudskih predmeta iz oblasti nasilja u porodici, panel je dao preporuke o ocjeni olakšavajućih i otežavajućih okolnosti u slučajevima nasilja u porodici, zaključivši da je postojeća ocjena okolnosti glavni faktor neadekvatnog sudskog odgovora na krivično djelo nasilja u porodici u BiH. Visoko sudsko i tužilačko vijeće prepoznalo je Priručnik kao veoma značajan materijal za unapređenje sudske prakse. Priručnik je do kraja 2015. g. dostavljen svim pravosudnim institucijama u BiH, te su u skladu sa Priručnikom razvijeni edukativni materijali koji su prihvaćeni od strane entitetskih centara za edukaciju sudija i tužilaca. U okviru programa obuka, čiji je cilj bila provedba Priručnika, educirano je preko 200 sudija i tužilaca. Obuke su organizovane u saradnji sa CEST FBiH, CEST RS, entitetskim udruženjima tužilaca, Udruženjem žena sudija u BiH te Udruženjem stručnih saradnika u BiH. Cilj predmetnog istraživanja je analiza primjene Priručnika u sudskoj praksi BiH i evidentiranje promjena u procesuiranju slučajeva nasilja u porodici od 2011. godine, kada je provedena analiza Misije OSCE-a u BiH Krivična odgovornost i sankcioniranje počinilaca nasilja u porodici: Analiza i preporuke o krivičnopravnim sankcijama u predmetima nasilja u porodici u Bosni i Hercegovini. Istraživanjem se željelo utvrditi da li je Priručnik imao utjecaja na rad sudija, te da li su provedene edukacije utjecale na kvalitet sudskih presuda. Analizom je obuhvaćeno ukupno 150 predmeta nasilja u porodici iz 2016. g. Interpretacije iz analize su dodatno obaćene kvalitativnim intervjuima sa 24 sudije i sutkinje, koji imaju višegodišnje iskustvo u radu sa slučajevima nasilja u porodici. Analiza prvostepenih presuda je pokazala da su glavni problemi u sudskom odgovoru na nasilje u porodici: povremeni nekritički pristup u odlučivanju prilikom potvrđivanja optužnice od strane sudija za prethodno saslušanje, izricanje sankcija pri donjoj granici ili ispod propisanog zakonskog minimuma, pretežno izricanje uslovnih osuda, pa čak i u slučajevima kvalifikovanog oblika krivičnog djela nasilja u porodici, izostanak opozivanja uslovnih osuda nakon ponovnog počinjenja krivičnog djela u periodu provjeravanja, te stereotipna ocjena olakšavajućih i otežavajućih okolnosti prilikom odluke o sankciji, čime se ne uzima u obzir specifičnost problema nasilja u porodici.

Analiza usklađenosti krivičnih djela nasilja nad ženama i drugih oblika rodno zasnovanog nasilja u krivičnim zakonima u Bosni i Hercegovini sa Istanbulskom konvencijom

Author(s): Mile Šikman,Adnan Kadribašić / Language(s): Bosnian

Konvencija Savjeta Evrope o sprečavanju i borbi protiv nasilja nad ženama i nasilja u porodici [Istanbulska konvencija], iz koje su proizašle obaveze za zemlje potpisnice u smislu usklađivanja domaćeg zakonodavstva sa odredbama koje su sadržane u njenom tekstu, usvojena je 2011. godine. Kako je Bosna i Hercegovina [BiH] ratifikovala Istanbulsku konvenciju, jasne su i njene obaveze u tom pogledu. Ovim se BiH obavezala na preduzimanje zakonodavnih i drugih mjera radi osiguranja pravnog, institucionalnog i organizacionog okvira za prevenciju nasilja nad ženama, zaštitu žrtava nasilja te kažnjavanje učinilaca nasilja. Istanbulska konvencija državama potpisnicama nameće veći brojobaveza koje ulaze u domen različitih grana prava. Kao do sada najsveobuhvatniji obavezujući međunarodni instrument u oblasti sprečavanja i suzbijanja nasilja nad ženama i drugih oblika rodno zasnovanog nasilja, Istanbulska konvencija prepoznaje nasilje nad ženama kao „kršenje ljudskih prava i oblik diskriminacije nad ženama i obuhvata sva djela rodno zasnovanog nasilja koja dovode do ili mogu dovesti do fizičke, seksualne, psihičke ili ekonomske povrede odnosno patnje za žene, obuhvatajući i prijetnje takvim djelima, prinudu, odnosno samovoljno lišavanje slobode, u javnom ili u privatnom životu" (čl. 3. tačka a). Predmetom ove analize obuhvaćene su odredbe koje se odnose na materijalno krivično pravo, a koje su sadržane u Poglavlju V Konvencije. U skladu sa navedenim izvršena je analiza odredbi sadržanih u opštem i posebnom dijelu krivičnih zakona u BiH koje se odnose na nasilje nad ženama i druge oblike rodno zasnovanog nasilja. Kako u BiH, na principima paralelne i podijeljene nadležnosti, egzistiraju četiri krivična zakona, prethodno su definisane odredbe u tim zakonima koje će biti obuhvaćene predmetnom analizom. Pri određivanju za analizu opštih odredbi krivičnih zakona u BiH nije bilo dilema i određene su odredbe kojima je normirano važenje krivičnog zakonodavstva, pokušaj, pomaganje, podstrekavanje i odmjeravanje krivične sankcije. Pri određivanju za analizu posebnih odredbi krivičnih zakona u BiH pojavile su se određene nedoumice za koja krivična djela vršiti analizu usklađenosti sa odredbama Istanbulske konvencije. Opredijelili smo se za analizu krivičnih djela nasilja nad ženama i drugih oblika rodno zasnovanog nasilja koja su obuhvaćena Istanubulskom konvencijom, dok ostala krivična djela nasilničkog karaktera (ubistvo, teške tjelesne povrede, razbojništva itd.) nisu posebno analizirana jer njihov objekt nije prvenstveno rod osobe, već druga zaštićena vrijednost. Takođe treba napomenuti da su za pojedina ponašanja koja su usmjerena prema ženama ili rodno zasnovana predviđene i sankcije drugim zakonima u BiH. Tako su Zakonom o ravnopravnosti polova propisane kaznene odredbe, i to da će se onajko na osnovu pola vrši nasilje, uznemiravanje ili seksualno uznemiravanje kojim se ugrozi mir, duševno zdravlje i tjelesni integritet kazniti kaznom zatvora od šest mjeseci do pet godina (čl. 29). Isto tako, Zakonom o zabrani diskriminacije6 propisane su odgovarajuće prekršajne sankcije za ponašanja koja su definisana kao diskriminacija (PoglavljeVI), uključujući seksualnu diskriminaciju (čl. 4. st. 2). Ipak, kako ove odredbe nisu sadržane u krivičnim zakonima u BiH nisu bile obuhvaćene predmetnom analizom. Od metoda tumačenja korišćene su: jezičko ili gramatičko tumačenje, sistematsko tumačenje, teleološko ili funkcionalno tumačenje, uporednopravno tumačenje, logičko tumačenje i restriktivno i ekstenzivno pravno tumačenje. Izvršena analiza na naprijed navedeni način bila je osnova za ocjenu usklađenosti sa odredbama Istanbulske konvencije. Ocjena je urađena u odnosu na odredbe koje su sistematizovane u Poglavlju V - materijalno pravo (od čl. 29. do čl. 48). Nakon izvršene ocjene usklađenosti dati su zaključci i preporuke koje se odnose na materijalno zakonodavstvo. U izradi analize autori su izvršili podjelu posla na način da je analizu postojećeg krivičnog zakonodavstava uradio prof, dr Mile Šikman, ocjenu usklađenosti je uradio Adnan Kadribašić, pri čemu su zaključak i preporuke zajednički koncipirali.

Benchbook for Consideration of The Criminal Offence of Rape in the Caselaw of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Although rape constitutes the gravest criminal offence against sexual freedom and morale and is one of the most severe allegations in contemporary criminal legislation, an analysis of publicly available cases carried out by the Atlantic Initiative in late 2017 indicated a need to direct greater attention towards the crime of rape in justice systems in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The results of that analysis, presented in the second chapter of this text, revealed inconsistent practices in the evaluation of mitigating and aggravating factors, insufficient consideration of the mental health consequences for victims of rape, and the frequent reduction of sanctions or the imposition of minimum sanctions for this offence. It also uncovered evidence that stereotypes about the behaviour of victims and perpetrators impacts outcomes. In response, the Atlantic Initiative facilitated the work of a panel of twelve judges from different courts in BiH through the “Gender and Justice Project in Bosnia and Herzegovina,” to consider existing court practices in cases of rape and develop recommendations and resources for work on these cases. The panel held monthly meetings from December 2017 to June 2018, developing this Benchbook through working groups, discussions with experts, and analysis of cases. The panel believes this Benchbook can help judges better understand the criminal offence of rape, as well as its short- and long-term effects on victims, and can play a role in helping them overcome dilemmas that arise in these cases. During its work, the panel considered legislative solutions in BiH, focusing on the uniformity of provisions governing the criminal offence of rape and the sanctions prescribed by criminal codes; but also on sentencing, particularly legislation directly relating to “court sentencing.” The panel also analysed the application of mitigating and aggravating factors, which were observed to have an important if not a decisive influence on the specific type and severity of sanctions imposed by the courts. Further, the panel reviewed qualifying forms of rape and the consequences of gender bias in sexual assaults, and took an in-depth look at the psychological traumas experienced by victims of rape. In the context of discussions and presentations, the panel analysed the international practice and concept of “rape without consent” as well, which is promoted by the Istanbul Convention but has not yet found its place in BiH (other than as a crime against humanity). Along with references to court practices and literature from BiH and beyond, this Benchbook offers the conclusions, recommendations, and key findings of the panel that developed it. The Benchbook is divided into seven chapters that can be used separately or together as a resource in work on criminal cases of rape. Chapter One considers legislation in BiH on the criminal offence of rape. Chapter Two reflects on caselaw relating to the application of mitigating and aggravating factors. Chapter Three reviews the qualifying framework of the criminal offence of rape. Chapter Four provides an overview of the psychological consequences of rape for victims. Chapter Five addresses gender bias and socio-cultural specificities of the criminal offence of rape. Chapter Six presents an analysis of bias against disabled persons, minorities, and migrants with regard to the criminal offence of rape. Chapter Seven provides panel recommendations for the evaluation of mitigating and aggravating factors when determining sanctions for the criminal offence of rape.

Between Salvation and Terror: Radicalization and the Foreign Fighter Phenomenon in the Western Balkans

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The mobilisation of jihadist foreign fighters that has taken place as a result of the conflict in Syria and Iraq has been unprecedented. According to the United Nations, up to 40,000 foreigners from nearly 100 countries have participated in the war. Not all of them will remain part of the movement. Many, have already become disillusioned, turned against their comrades, and “retired“ from fighting. Others, however, will turn up in other conflicts, become involved in terrorist networks, or use their credibility as “veterans“ to recruit new followers. There can be no doubt that the consequences of this mobilisation will be profound and long-lasting. In one of my recent books, I predicted that it will result in a “fifth wave“ of terrorism. Much of the public interest in the foreign fighter phenomenon has focused on Western Europe and the Middle East. The situation in the Balkans, by contrast, has received comparatively little attention. This book is the first comprehensive account of who the foreign fighters from the Balkans are, where they come from, and how they have been radicalised. All the chapters are based on in-depth research and written by leading experts from the region. Their analysis and conclusions are based on empirical facts and a profound understanding of the social and political dynamics in their respective countries. It is this depth of local knowledge that makes the various chapters so interesting and informative.

Bosna i Hercegovina i NATO (izdanje 1)

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Bosna i Hercegovina i NATO (izdanje 2)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Bring Them Back: Manage The Risk

Author(s): Asya Metodieva / Language(s): English

Local and international media continuously tell stories about people who, after having joined the Islamic State (IS) a few years ago, cannot return home from Syrian camps. These stories display the security dilemma that European governments have to deal with: how to manage the risk? By banning IS nationals from coming back home and not taking any responsibility for them, or by repatriating and prosecuting them? Balkan countries have also faced this dilemma in recent years. More than 1000 men, women and children from this region traveled to Iraq and Syria between 2012 and 2016 (See Table 1). 1/3 of them were killed, 1/3 have returned, while 1/3 of them are still there. In February 2021, UN human rights experts made a new call for states to repatriate their citizens from the camps in northeastern Syria. Two years after the IS “caliphate” was defeated in Syria and more than three years after the fall of the last IS territory in Iraq, 13,500 foreign women and children remain in camps held by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). There are also 2,000 male foreign fighters in prisons in Syria. It is hard to estimate the exact number of foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs), as some of them have dual citizenship and others have already had their citizenship revoked deprived of their nationality. They represent around 60 different nationalities. The prosecution of Balkan FTFs has been seen as problematic for several reasons. The first is the governments’ reluctance to repatriate their citizens. As there is no international framework stipulating how states should tackle the issue, countries in the region have taken individual approaches. In addition, governments in Europe show no political interest in repatriating their citizens, which has made Balkan countries more reluctant. Second, data on individuals who are still in Syria is contradicting. Many people in the camps are undocumented: either lost, or they have destroyed their passports. This, combined with limited administrative capacities, mean the Kurdish authorities have failed to provide comprehensive information concerning FTFs’ nationalities. There is a likelihood that a number of IS members lied about their countries of origin for various reasons, including an unwillingness to be repatriated, or no longer identifying with their home country. In addition, there are many children who were born in the warzone but still do not have citizenship anywhere. Third, governments in the Balkans are not able to provide reliable information either, as they have a limited capacity to collect information themselves directly in the camps and prisons. Countries whose citizens are still in Syria often have little more than estimates based on data from several sources: the Kurds, US intelligence, families, and open sources shared by international organizations with access to the camps. There are practical, operational, and legal challenges, as multiple actors are involved in collecting frontline evidence, including military personnel, the Commission of inquiry Syria (CoI), UNITAM (the UN investigation team), and specialized NGOs. Consequently, there are prosecution challenges related to the lack of evidence. Local authorities do not always possess information on every individual who committed a crime in Syria. There are further questions concerning the success of reintegration programs and the capacity of Balkan countries to implement them. National counter-terrorism policies point to prisons as a particular type of environment in terms of both the risks of radicalization and opportunities for deradicalization. On the one hand, a prison is a place, in which individuals with no previous experience in politically motivated violence could be exposed to radical ideas. On the other hand, a prison could be a venue for a ‘peaceful change and transformation’. Peter R. Neuman lists several operational purposes of a prison when analysing radical actors: this is where terrorists form networks, develop strategies, establish hierarchies, and plot attacks. There are significant differences among countries in Europe concerning the processes and procedures following the release of an extremist offender. Some lack an integrated approach towards prison and probation.

Community Perspectives on the Prevention of Violent Extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Sead Turčalo,Nejra Veljan / Language(s): English

The purpose of this research was to identify common and distinct factors of resilience or vulnerability to violent extremism in Bosnian communities as well as the influence of key actors on those factors. Cantons selected as case studies had the highest number of parajamaats and foreign fighter departures, such as Sarajevo Canton (SC) and Zenica-Doboj Canton (ZDC), or had no parajamaats or departures, such as Bosnian-Podrinje Canton (BPC). The research sought to answer three main questions: 1) What are key factors of community resilience or vulnerability, and what factors are linked to the development of violent extremist beliefs by individuals and groups and the choice to join foreign violent extremist groups? 2) Which key actors influence community vulnerability or resilience to violent extremism, and how do they shape such dynamics? 3) What is the impact of existing PVE programmes and initiatives in BiH on factors of community vulnerability or resilience to violent extremism? Researchers also wanted to determine: What are the primary entry points for PVE programming and response in BiH? And what crossover exists between PVE activities and peacebuilding and reconciliation efforts in BiH? This research identified several factors and actors that contribute to the degree to which certain communities in BiH have been affected or unaffected by radicalisation. The history of the 1992–1995 war has especially played a decisive role in shaping post-conflict radicalisation processes. This is true both in terms of how wartime actors and activities sowed the seeds of the Salafist movement in BiH and how wartime networks in certain communities increased the likelihood of investment by specific foreign actors in the post-war period. While researchers found that all these communities share some characteristics, including a lack of trust in institutions and a sense of uncertainty about the future, the main differences between affected and unaffected communities are linked to the war.

Community Perspectives on the Prevention of Violent Extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Sead Turčalo / Language(s): English

The purpose of this research was to identify common and distinct factors of resilience or vulnerability to violent extremism in Bosnian communities as well as the influence of key actors on those factors. Cantons selected as case studies had the highest number of parajamaats and foreign fighter departures, such as Sarajevo Canton (SC) and Zenica-Doboj Canton (ZDC), or had no parajamaats or departures, such as Bosnian-Podrinje Canton (BPC). The research sought to answer three main questions: 1) What are key factors of community resilience or vulnerability, and what factors are linked to the development of violent extremist beliefs by individuals and groups and the choice to join foreign violent extremist groups? 2) Which key actors influence community vulnerability or resilience to violent extremism, and how do they shape such dynamics? 3) What is the impact of existing PVE programmes and initiatives in BiH on factors of community vulnerability or resilience to violent extremism? Researchers also wanted to determine: What are the primary entry points for PVE programming and response in BiH? And what crossover exists between PVE activities and peacebuilding and reconciliation efforts in BiH? This research identified several factors and actors that contribute to the degree to which certain communities in BiH have been affected or unaffected by radicalisation. The history of the 1992–1995 war has especially played a decisive role in shaping post-conflict radicalisation processes. This is true both in terms of how wartime actors and activities sowed the seeds of the Salafist movement in BiH and how wartime networks in certain communities increased the likelihood of investment by specific foreign actors in the post-war period. While researchers found that all these communities share some characteristics, including a lack of trust in institutions and a sense of uncertainty about the future, the main differences between affected and unaffected communities are linked to the war.

Countering Violent Extremism Baseline Program

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations’ Countering Violent Extremism Baselines Program is a multi-country1 research initiative to identify and monitor key subnational indicators of violent extremism (VE) and community resilience. Implemented in partnership with Management Systems International, the program enables the U.S. Government (USG), partner governments, and civil society to better understand and respond to changing VE dynamics.

Democracy and Security in Southeastern Europe

Frequency: irregular and other / Country: Bosnia and Herzegovina

Atlantic Initiative (AI) is a non-profit and non-governmental organization, established in Sarajevo, in 2009, by a group of university professors, lecturers, and journalists, who share common concerns for the future of Bosnia-Herzegovina, particularly its slow-paced accession to NATO and European Union. While we rely heavily on voluntary activism, we also feel that enthusiasm alone is not enough for achieving the desired goal of fast-tracking Bosnia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. We also need and seek wider institutional support. Thus far, we have been carrying out partnership projects with governments of Norway and the United Kingdom, and enjoy support from the NATO QH Sarajevo, Bosnian Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense, George Marshall Alumni Association in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as number of similar non-governmental organizations in the region.

Dovedimo ih nazad: upravljanje rizikom

Author(s): Asya Metodieva / Language(s): Bosnian

Lokalni i međunarodni mediji neprestano prenose priče o ljudima koji se ne mogu vratiti kući iz sirijskih kampova nakon što su se prije nekoliko godina pridružili Islamskoj Državi (IS). Ove priče upućuju na sigurnosnu dilemu s kojom se moraju nositi evropske vlade: kako upravljati rizikom? Zabranjivanjem povratka državljana IS u domovinu i nepreuzimanjem odgovornosti za njih, ili pak njihovom repatrijacijom i krivičnim gonjenjem? I balkanske zemlje se u proteklih nekoliko godina suočavaju s istom dilemom. Preko 1000 muškaraca, žena i djece iz ove regije otputovalo je u Irak i Siriju u periodu između 2012. i 2016. godine (vidi Tabelu 1.). 1/3 je poginula, 1/3 se vratila, a 1/3 je još uvijek tamo. U februaru 2021. godine, eksperti za ljudska prava UN-a su ponovo pozvali države da izvrše repatrijaciju svojih državljana iz kampova na sjeveroistoku Sirije. Dvije godine nakon poraza “kalifata” IS u Siriji i više od tri godine nakon pada posljednje teritorije IS u Iraku, 13.500 strankinja i njihove djece i dalje su u kampovima pod kontrolom Sirijskih demokratskih snaga (SDF). U zatvorima u Siriji se nalazi i 2.000 stranih boraca. Teško je procijeniti tačan broj stranih terorističkih boraca (FTF), jer neki imaju dvojno državljanstvo, dok je nekima državljanstvo oduzeto. Među njima ima oko 60 različitih nacionalnosti. Procesuiranje stranih terorističkih boraca sa Balkana smatra se problematičnim iz više razloga. Prvi je otpor vlada prema repatrijaciji svojih državljana. Kako ne postoji međunarodni okvir koji bi propisao kako države trebaju rješavati ovo pitanje, države u regiji su zauzele individualne pristupe. Uz to, vlade u Evropi ne pokazuju politički interes za repatrijaciju svojih državljana, zbog čega su i balkanske države postale suzdržanije. Drugo, podaci o osobama koje se još uvijek nalaze u Siriji su kontradiktorni. Mnoge osobe u kampovima nemaju lične isprave: pasoše su izgubili ili sami uništili. Uz ograničene administrativne kapacitete, to znači da kurdske vlasti ne uspijevaju osigurati sveobuhvatne informacije o državljanstvima stranih terorističkih boraca. Postoji vjerovatnoća da je određeni broj pripadnika IS lagao o državama porijekla iz različitih razloga, uključujući nespremnost na repatrijaciju ili činjenicu da se više ne poistovjećuju sa svojom domovinom. Pored toga, brojna djeca su rođena u ratnoj zoni, ali još uvijek nemaju nikakvo državljanstvo. Treće, ni vlade na Balkanu nisu u stanju da osiguraju pouzdane podatke, jer imaju ograničene kapacitete za prikupljanje informacija direktno u kampovima i zatvorima. Zemlje čiji državljani se i dalje nalaze u Siriji često imaju na raspolaganju samo procjene zasnovane na podacima iz nekoliko izvora: Kurdi, američka obavještajna služba, porodice i otvoreni izvori koje dijele međunarodne organizacije koje imaju pristup kampovima. Postoje praktični, operativni i zakonski problemi, jer su brojni akteri uključeni u prikupljanje dokaza s prve linije, uključujući vojno osoblje, Komisiju za istrage Sirije, UNITAM (tim UN-a za istrage) i specijalizirane NVO. Stoga se javljaju izazovi u procesuiranju zbog nedostatka dokaza. Lokalne vlasti nemaju uvijek informacije o svakom pojedincu koji je počinio neki zločin u Siriji. Tu su i pitanja koje se tiču uspješnosti programa reintegracije i kapaciteta balkanskih zemalja za njihovu provedbu. Državne politike za borbu protiv terorizma upućuju na zatvore kao posebnu vrstu okruženja u pogledu rizika od radikalizacije, kao i mogućnosti za deradikalizaciju S jedne strane, zatvor je mjesto gdje bi osobe bez prethodnog iskustva s politički motiviranim nasiljem mogle doći u dodir sa radikalnim idejama. S druge strane, zatvor bi mogao biti mjesto za “mirnu promjenu i transformaciju”. Peter R. Neuman nabraja različite operativne svrhe zatvora, analizirajući radikalne aktere: to je mjesto gdje teroristi formiraju mreže, razvijaju strategije, uspostavljaju hijerarhije i planiraju napade. Postoje značajne razlike između država u Evropi kada se radi o procedurama i postupcima nakon puštanja ekstremističkog zatvorenika na slobodu. Nekima nedostaje integriran pristup zatvoru i probaciji.

Exploring ethno-nationalist extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Majda Halilović / Language(s): English

This paper presents the results of research on ethno-nationalist extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina and, while it reveals some worrying trends, which cut across gender and age categories, the research does also highlight some opportunities. Demonstration of extreme ethno-nationalist views ranges from the readiness of participants to support their “ideals” only at a rhetorical level, through to a readiness to justify and directly support acts of violence or to commit acts of violence themselves. However, the research also indicates where potential lies for building resilience to extremism. There is a strong indication that respondents who had more interactions with people from other ethnic/identity groups were much less likely to support violence, even though they harbour very strong ethno-nationalist views and were recognised as extremists in their communities. This research also indicates how the promotion of nationalism by political parties in BiH provides a “key concept” and “main framework” for ethnonationalist extremism. It further points to some paradoxes and tendencies in the development of illiberal democracy - processes which, on the one hand, indicate greater trust in strong leadership, while at the same time weakening trust in formal state institutions. It is this trend - alongside the consensus of most respondents regarding corruption, organized crime and politicians - that represents the most serious security threat in BiH. This is the most alarming part of the study’s findings, which call for broader social action and the involvement of all internal sectors - from politicians, intellectuals and public figures to the media and international organizations - to preserve the most important values of pluralism and democracy. In addition, although earlier research has neglected the important role of religion in understanding such social movements, this research takes into account the latest studies which suggest that religion (and especially its abuse and radical interpretations) reinforce ethnonationalism and contribute to extremism. This is further confirmed in this analysis by the percentage of respondants expressing religious devotion, with almost all respondents saying that religion plays a significant role in their lives, while three quarters (74%) said they accept all the teachings and demands of their religion. The analysis of results included here represents a departure from previous research on extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina for two reasons. Firstly, because previous research has largely focused on Syrian fighters and Salafi communities. Secondly, this paper reveals commonalities among ethno-national extremists that cut across their Bosniak, Serb and Croat identities. While acknowledging that their ideologies are based in opposition to each other, analysis shows that the attitudes and world-views of ethno-nationalist extremists from all three Bosnian communities contain more commonalities than differences. In a complex political and social scenario in which ethno-nationalism is on the rise, this research adds to our understanding of how far-right and extreme right ideas are being put forward in BiH, and the ways in which the regional and international context is contributing to this. The research identified issues similar to the rest of Europe: anti-immigration and anti-Islamic narratives and sentiments; opposition to gender equality; promotion of conspiracy theories; and the manipulation of the COVID-19 crisis. Conservative religious discourse is on the rise as well, and it seems this is not being adequately challenged. In BiH this far-right narrative integrates and mirrors the ethno-nationalism coming from political parties. Community and online activities are taking on these narratives and further developing them through a language of othering, fear of immigrants, affective social distance, and undermining the rights of women and peace building efforts. Some key findings include: Respondents were more likely to accept violence if they had lower levels of education or were dissatisfied with their income, family life, and prospects. There is a direct relationship between respondents’ views on gender equality and their support for violence, with those who reject gender equality and espouse “traditional values” expressing more support for violence. Respondents who had less resistance to an idea of reconciliation with other ethnic/identity groups; who understood that the celebration of war criminals from their group is offensive to other ethnic groups; and who were not strongly opposed to the idea of mixed marriages, befriending people outside their ethnic group, or having them as their civic representatives, doctors, and teachers, were also less likely to accept or support violence. Respondents who expressed less animosity toward migrants were also less likely to support or condone violence. A trust in democracy strongly correlated with less support for violence; however, a majority of respondents (61%) answered that a strong leader is more important than democracy. Women show the least sympathy for violent extremism. Younger respondents (18-35) are more supportive of violent extremism A majority of respondents believe that corruption, organized crime and politicians represent the most serious security threat in BiH. Belief in Bosnian collective traditions is expressed in different and sometimes unexpected ways, even among individuals who have extreme ethnonationalist views. Also, analysis has shown surprisingly clearly that the degree of common characteristics among extremists is far higher than their differences. There is a strong correlation between respondents who claim to be highly religious and those who feel that violence is justified as revenge or to defend their ethnic and religious group. This research has shown that the abuse of religion acts as an intensifier of extreme ethnonationalism and causes further division. Among the particularly interesting findings of the research are data indicating the connection between employment status (i.e. employment or unemployment) with support for ethno-nationalist views and far-right organizations. It is noticeable that those permanently employed were those most closely associated with the ruling political parties, either as members or activists (69%) - and this relationship and alliance with the ruling ethnonationalist parties is not disguised. Meanwhile it was the unemployed (31%) who were members of far-right organizations and football hooligan groups. When it comes to “migrating” between entities within BiH for employment or better education, almost half of respondents said they would most likely decide to relocate because of opportunities for better employment or better education for them or their children. In the case of war a majority of respondents (51%) would choose to leave BiH and, despite their extreme ethnonationalist views, they would refuse to take up weapons.

Femicid - Bilten Atlantske inicijative

Author(s): Majda Halilović,Kosana Baker,Vida Vilić,Adnan Kadribašić,Indira H. Nović / Language(s): Bosnian

I ako se o nasilju nad ženama i seksualnom nasilju sve više istražuje, piše i raspravlja u sociološkoj, kriminološkoj i pravnoj literaturi, femicid kao rodno utemeljeno ubistvo žena je u velikoj mjeri marginalizan u javnom diskursu u Bosni i Hercegovini, ali i u prentivnim aktivnostima. Diskusije o femicidu su uglavnom rezervirane za međunarodna istraživanja te rad nevladinih organizacija koje se bave nasiljem nad ženama, ali rjeđe za akademske ili medijske diskusije. Situacija u BiH podsjeća na ovu koju opisuje Weil za europski kontekst općenito, odnosno moglo bi se reći da smo još uvijek u situaciji da je femicid nevidljiv iako postoji velika potreba da se učini što vidljivijim: “Iako se femicid u prošlosti nije u potpunosti ignorirao, do sada je oznaka imala različita rodno neutralna ili čak muško-centrirana značenja, kao što su 'smrtonosna ubistva žena', 'ubistvo žena', 'viktimizacija ženskog ubistva' ili čak 'ubistvo iz nehata'. U međuvremenu, srodne teme, kao što su nasilje u porodici i nasilje od intimnog partnera, proučavane su bez obzira na femicid sam po sebi. Tako je femicid uvršten u kategoriju 'ubistva', dok su se specifični oblici femicida nazivali 'ubojstvom iz časti', 'ubojstvom supruge' ili 'uksoricidom'. Sve dok se femicid smatrao ekstremnim oblikom nasilja u porodici, posebne rodno povezane karakteristike ovog društvenog, rodnog fenomena bile su zamagljene. Femicid je bio 'nevidljiv' i morao se učiniti 'vidljivim'.”

Fieldwork and Violent Extremism

Author(s): Morten Bøås / Language(s): English

Violent extremism is a difficult subject to research, and it is equally challenging to conduct fieldwork in areas affected by violent extremist ideologies. The reasons for this are numerous; this policy paper will address some of the most serious, based on the author’s personal experience with research and fieldwork in violent and dangerous environments. Unfortunately there is no one-size-fits-all recipe for safe, ethical and successful fieldwork; nor can we prepare for all the eventualities that might occur when conducting fieldwork in areas affected by violent extremist ideas or among actors who have taken such ideas on-board. While all types of research - fieldwork-based or not - confront us with questions of ethics or risk in one way or another, working in violent contexts where extremist ideas are present throw them into much sharper relief. Research in violent and dangerous places is complicated and the accompanying fieldwork often involves confusion, failures and mistakes - while demanding creativity, flexibility and reflexivity on the part of researchers. There are several tough questions we should ask ourselves before, during and after fieldwork in violent and politically volatile places. In this paper I will speak as honestly as possible about how I have grappled with the practical and ethical challenges of conducting fieldwork in insecure places in the past, and how this has had an impact on my work in Sahel countries such as Mali, where extremist religious ideas in the form of Salafi-Jihadism is a source of inspiration for several insurgencies. I will address issues concerning the personal safety of researchers and respondents in the field – including informant anonymity, the positionality of the researcher, and how we can design and generate fieldwork research methods that provide safety for researchers as well as respondents, without compromising data quality and ethical standards. This paper is, therefore, not yet another discussion about the technical specificities of certain research methods or whether the objectives of research are best reached through a qualitative or quantitative approach. Rather my focus is on the messy realities of fieldwork in violent places. It is simply not possible to present a single template for safe, ethical and successful fieldwork - but we can learn from experiences and particularly from the mistakes we make. As such this is an attempt to reflect on some of the mistakes that I have made during fieldwork, and to define some of the dilemmas that arise doing this type of research on violent extremist ideologies and the actors supporting them – dilemmas that we can prepare to face, but that irrespective of what some ethics research boards seems to believe, we cannot simply resolve once and for all. This means that while I will spend some time on the dos and don’ts, I will mostly focus on the ‘question marks’ since this is where the most difficult challenges lie, while noting that it is not so easy to be aware of where the dilemmas are located.

Gender and Security Sector Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Majda Bečirević,Željka Šulc,Maja Šoštarić / Language(s): English

This report presents the findings and analysis generated by a needs assessment on gender and securi-ty sector reform (SSR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The needs assessment is a joint initiative by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) and two BiH civil society organiza-tions: the Atlantic Initiative and Žene Ženama with the objective to examine and outline national- and local-level good practices on gender and security sector reform (SSR), as well as areas where further improvements are required. This will enable the development of sustainable and locally-driven future initiatives on gender and SSR, and ensure stakeholder support.The report provides data and analysis on the current state of gender integration in the armed forces, police, judiciary, and penal institutions at the central, entity, and cantonal levels and Brčko District. The gender and security concerns discussed are considered within the current sociopolitical situation and institutional organization of BiH. The report examines the implementation of key national legislation and international instruments relevant for addressing gender in the security sector and explores the gender sensitivity of current policies and practices. Furthermore, the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) working on gender and security, and the forms of cooperation they have with state agencies and institutions, are examined.

Gender and the judiciary - Selected findings and recommendations on the implications of gender within the judiciary of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Majda Halilović,Heather Huhtanen / Language(s): English

How does gender influence the work of the judiciary? It is sometimes assumed that the law is objective, neutral, and impartial and therefore gender has little or no influence on its implementation. And yet, consideration of the legal practitioner responsible for implementing the law inevitably invites a question that has confronted practitioners and scholars throughout the history of jurisprudence: How can the implementation and practice of law by legal practitioners who are influenced by social norms be delivered impartially?

Gender bias and the law: legal frameworks and practice from Bosnia & Herzegovina and beyond

Author(s): Majda Halilović,Callum Watson,Heather Huhtanen,Mylène Socquet-Juglard / Language(s): English

Although often unnoticed or ignored, gender bias is prevalent in all legal systems across the world, and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is no exception. The consequences of gender-based bias and discrimination affect everyone, from legal professionals to women and men who seek to assert their rights through the justice system. Gender bias can affect the atmosphere in courtrooms, the presentation of cases, the decisions of judges, and even whether cases come to court. By reducing and eventually eliminating these prejudices, the justice system has the potential to become more effective, democratic, and fair. The Atlantic Initiative (AI) and the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) have been working with judges and prosecutors from across BiH to address the topic of gender bias since 2011, within the context of the Gender and Justice Reform Project. During project activities, judges and prosecutors have highlighted the importance of ensuring that the skills they have learned in identifying and overcoming manifestations of gender bias are also passed on to the next generation of legal professionals. In response to this need, and with a view to engaging law scholars on the topic, in order to further our understanding of how gender bias presents itself in specific local contexts, DCAF and AI sought to facilitate the development of a handbook on gender bias specifically directed at law students in BiH. Between February and September 2016, 11 university law professors from across BiH met regularly in a series of workshops to develop the different thematic units, meant to address the impact of gender bias in legal practice. Each of these workshops focused on identifying gender bias in a specific field of law by reviewing existing legal frameworks as well as relevant domestic, regional, and international research. Written content, exercises, and discussion topics were then drafted with the aim of helping law students appreciate how gender bias is present in both the law and the application of law, and how these prejudices can adversely affect the administration of justice. The work of these consultant professors, with the facilitation and organization of AI and DCAF, has resulted in this Handbook. While the thematic units they developed could theoretically be delivered as a standalone course, they have been primarily designed to complement existing courses on different aspects of criminal, civil, and family law in order to mainstream gender across the curriculum. However, it is important to stress that the first two thematic units provide a basic introduction to the concepts of gender and gender bias and are therefore recommended as a pre-requisite for all other units in the series. The remaining units may stand on their own, providing enough content for one or two 45-minute sessions. Alternatively, some professors may prefer to integrate individual exercises or components into their existing units. Students pursuing master’s and doctoral degrees may find that these units provide an overview of how gender bias affects their specific field of law, and may direct them toward further reading if they wish to explore a given topic in more detail. The units are based around applicable domestic, regional, and international legal frameworks and draw upon legal theory, practical examples, and research in the sociology of law from both BiH and abroad. Each unit is reinforced by relevant literature, included in an annex (much of which had not previously been translated), which students can reference to enrich and expand the scope of their knowledge. Furthermore, each unit is designed to support modern, interactive teaching practices and contain video links, discussion topics, practical exercises, and case studies. The purpose of the Handbook is to provide law students with a greater awareness of the existence of gender bias in court proceedings and to expand their understanding of how gender bias is manifested in the application of law within the social context of BiH. Students can use the Handbook in its entirety, or in parts, in a variety of ways: to prepare for lectures, to study for exams, or to expand their knowledge of law. Ultimately, the goal is that future legal professionals will be better equipped to identify and overcome explicit and implicit bias in their work. In addition, as interest in this topic grows within the academic sphere, it is important that scholars are able to support legal practitioners by also furthering their understanding of how gender bias manifests in the specific context of BiH.

Gender Ideologies: How Extremists Exploit Battles Over Women’s Rights and Drive Reciprocal Radicalization

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Maida Ćehajić Čampara / Language(s): Bosnian

Tokom okupljanja krajnje desnice na Svjetskom kongresu porodice u Italiji 2019. godine ultrakonzervativni španski aktivist je izjavio: „Ovaj kulturni rat je globalni rat. Neprijatelji su se infiltrirali u sve institucije, od političkih partija do Ujedinjenih nacija. Ali, trendovi se mjenjaju i sada moramo pokrenuti globalne kampanje u prekograničnom ultrakonzervativnom odgovoru. Moramo preuzeti vlast, direktno ili indirektno, ‘kontroliranjem okruženja’ u kojem djeluju političari.“ Te iste godine, obraćajući se Generalnoj skupštini Ujedinjenih nacija, generalni sekretar UN-a Antonio Guterres naglasio je potrebu za odgovorom na aktualno „protivljenje ženskim pravima“, ističući da svi trebaju „skretati pažnju na uznemirujuće zajedničko obilježje terorističkih napada i ekstremističkih ideologija: nasilnu mizoginiju počinilaca“. Iako oba govora izazivaju strah i oprez, u samo jednom je javno opisan neprijatelj. Mobilizacija nacionalista nakon političkih uspona krajnje desnice i autoritarnih režima u zemljama istočne i zapadne Evrope, i širom svijeta, izrodila je nove oblike ekstremističkih narativa okupljene oko tradicionalnih i vjerskih ideologija, u kojima rod ima važnu ulogu i gdje rasprave o rodnim normama, pitanjima i politikama imaju značajan uticaj na političku mobilizaciju. Rasprave o pobačaju, planiranju porodice, „prirodi“ žena i muškaraca, seksualnom obrazovanju u školama, rodnim studijama na univerzitetima i položaju seksualnih manjina, slijede linije političkih podjela - s krajnjom desnicom na jednom kraju spektra. Evidentno je da su stavovi i kapaciteti desnice ugrađeni u nove nacionalističke politike i retoriku, kao i u populističku i ekstremističku mobilizaciju pod krinkom antifeminističkog narativa. Dominantni desničarski diskurs da su muškarci ugroženi nastojanjima da se uspostavi rodna ravnopravnost doveo je do uspona novih oblika patrijarhata, obojenog nacionalizmom, antiimigrantskom retorikom i mizoginijom. Iz navedenih razloga, rodne analize su ključne za konceptualizaciju i dublje razumijevanje ekstremističkih grupa i mogu nam pomoći ne samo da razumijemo nedovoljno istraženo pitanje intersekcije roda i politike unutar krajnje desnice - nego i da razmislimo o tome kako bi se dinamika ove pojave mogla promijeniti. Nakon okupljanja predstavnika/ca krajnje desnice u Charlottesvilleu, SAD, koje je rezultiralo pogibijom Heather Heyer, krajnje desničarske grupe su se usmjerile protiv preminule, nazivajući je „droljom“ i eksplicitno slaveći njenu smrt. Heyer su opisivali kao „definiciju beskorisnosti“ jer za krajnju desnicu 32-godišnja žena bez djece predstavlja „bezvrijedan teret za društvo“. Navedeni primjer ekstremističke retorike svjedoči o isprepletenom odnosu između krajnje desnice i mizoginije i pokazuje na koji način desničarske grupe i pojedinci svoja uvjerenja zasnivaju na muškoj premoći nad ženama. Protesti u Hrvatskoj nakon ratificiranja Konvencije Vijeća Evrope o sprečavanju i borbi protiv nasilja nad ženama i nasilja u porodici (Istanbulska konvencija), uz povlačenje Turske kao potpisnice i nastojanja Bugarske, Poljske i Mađarske da se distanciraju od Konvencije, dodatno ukazuju na snažnu vezu između uspona krajnje desničarskog populizma, ekstremizma i antifeminizma. Uz uspon i sve veću promociju nacionalističke mobilizacije, povlaćenje iz međunarodnih