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Publisher: Atlantska inicijativa: Udruženje za promicanje euroatlantskih integracija BiH

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Historical Trauma and Radicalisation - How Can Intergenerational Transmission of Collective Traumas Contribute to (Group) Radicalisation?
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Historical Trauma and Radicalisation - How Can Intergenerational Transmission of Collective Traumas Contribute to (Group) Radicalisation?

Historical Trauma and Radicalisation - How Can Intergenerational Transmission of Collective Traumas Contribute to (Group) Radicalisation?

Author(s): Mirza Buljubašić,Barbora Holá / Language(s): English

Keywords: criminology; collective trauma; intragenerational transmission; radicalisation studies;

In this paper, we attempt to build upon existing theoretical and empirical knowledge stemming from criminology, conflict and peace studies, and radicalisation/extremism studies, among others, in order to explore the (potential) role of historical trauma in (collective/group) radicalisation. Historical trauma is objective, altered, or imagined trauma that occurred in the (more or less distant) past and is shared by a group of people (i.e., is one of the markers of their group identity across generations). Radicalisation refers to a process of acquiring more and more extreme political, religious, or social ideologies, and becoming more prone to endorsing any form of (violent) extreme behaviour to achieve one’s goals. The intergenerational transmission of collective trauma can arguably have a significant role in the radicalisation of future generations who consider themselves historically victimized by “the Other”. The aim of this paper is to explore how the intergenerational transmission of collective trauma may contribute to (group) radicalisation. The paper, therefore, introduces a (thus far relatively neglected) intergenerational perspective in radicalisation studies. In order to do so, we first briefly address the existing knowledge on individual and collective radicalisation. Thereafter, we discuss individual and collective trauma and describe their consequences and manifestations. Then, we turn the attention to scholarship on the intergenerational transmission of the legacies of political violence, focusing in particular on the intergenerational transmission of collective trauma, i.e., historical trauma. The final section synthesizes our arguments and makes a couple of (tentative) claims on how historical trauma can potentially contribute to the radicalisation of present and future generations. This paper does not present conclusive evidence nor policy recommendations. Its main aim is to open new doors for further discussions and the future exploration of (violent) radicalisation, trauma, and their intergenerational consequences.

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Historical Trauma and Radicalisation - How Can Intergenerational Transmission of Collective Traumas Contribute to (Group) Radicalisation?
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Historical Trauma and Radicalisation - How Can Intergenerational Transmission of Collective Traumas Contribute to (Group) Radicalisation?

Historijska trauma i radikalizacija - Kako međugeneracijski prijenos kolektivnih trauma može doprinijeti (grupnoj) radikalizaciji?

Author(s): Barbora Holá,Mirza Buljubašić / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: criminology; collective trauma; intragenerational transmission; radicalisation studies;

U ovom radu, nastojimo se oslanjati na postojeće teorijsko i empirijsko znanje - koje proizilazi, između ostalog, iz kriminologije, studija sukoba i mira i studija radikalizacije/ekstremizma - s ciljem ispitivanja (potencijalne) uloge historijske traume u (kolektivnoj/grupnoj) radikalizaciji. Historijska trauma je objektivna, izmijenjena ili zamišljena trauma koja se desila u (daljoj ili bližoj) prošlosti i koju dijeli određena grupa ljudi (odnosno, koja predstavlja jedan od markera njenog grupnog identiteta kroz generacije) kroz generacije. Radikalizacija se odnosi na proces u kojem osoba postaje sve ekstremnija u političkim, vjerskim ili društvenim ideologijama, te podložnija prihvatanju bilo kojeg oblika (nasilnog) ekstremnog ponašanja da bi postigla svoje ciljeve. Međugeneracijski prijenos kolektivne traume može nesumnjivo imati značajnu ulogu u radikalizaciji budućih generacija grupa koje smatraju da ih “Drugi“ historijski viktimizira. Cilj ovog rada je istražiti kako međugeneracijski prijenos kolektivne traume može doprinijeti (grupnoj) radikalizaciji? U ovom radu se stoga uvodi (do sada relativno zanemarena) međugeneracijska perspektiva u studije radikalizacije. U tu svrhu, trebamo se prvo kratko osvrnuti na postojeće znanje o pojedinačnoj i kolektivnoj radikalizaciji. Nakon toga, govorimo o pojedinačnoj i kolektivnoj traumi i opisujemo njene posljedice i pojavne oblike. Pažnju onda skrećemo na međugeneracijski prijenos nasljeđa političkog nasilja, sa posebnim fokusom na međugeneracijski prijenos kolektivne traume, odnosno historijske traume. Posljednji dio daje sintezu naših argumenata i predstavlja nekoliko (okvirnih) tvrdnji o tome kako historijska trauma potencijalno može doprinijeti radikalizaciji današnjih i budućih generacija. U ovom radu se ne izlažu konačni dokazi niti ultimativne preporuke za politiku. Glavni cilj rada je da otvori nove prostore za dalje rasprave i buduća istraživanja (nasilne) radikalizacije, traume i njenih međugeneracijskih posljedica

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Bring Them Back: Manage The Risk
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Bring Them Back: Manage The Risk

Dovedimo ih nazad: upravljanje rizikom

Author(s): Asya Metodieva / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: Islamic state; security; military; return; Balkan states;

Lokalni i međunarodni mediji neprestano prenose priče o ljudima koji se ne mogu vratiti kući iz sirijskih kampova nakon što su se prije nekoliko godina pridružili Islamskoj Državi (IS). Ove priče upućuju na sigurnosnu dilemu s kojom se moraju nositi evropske vlade: kako upravljati rizikom? Zabranjivanjem povratka državljana IS u domovinu i nepreuzimanjem odgovornosti za njih, ili pak njihovom repatrijacijom i krivičnim gonjenjem? I balkanske zemlje se u proteklih nekoliko godina suočavaju s istom dilemom. Preko 1000 muškaraca, žena i djece iz ove regije otputovalo je u Irak i Siriju u periodu između 2012. i 2016. godine (vidi Tabelu 1.). 1/3 je poginula, 1/3 se vratila, a 1/3 je još uvijek tamo. U februaru 2021. godine, eksperti za ljudska prava UN-a su ponovo pozvali države da izvrše repatrijaciju svojih državljana iz kampova na sjeveroistoku Sirije. Dvije godine nakon poraza “kalifata” IS u Siriji i više od tri godine nakon pada posljednje teritorije IS u Iraku, 13.500 strankinja i njihove djece i dalje su u kampovima pod kontrolom Sirijskih demokratskih snaga (SDF). U zatvorima u Siriji se nalazi i 2.000 stranih boraca. Teško je procijeniti tačan broj stranih terorističkih boraca (FTF), jer neki imaju dvojno državljanstvo, dok je nekima državljanstvo oduzeto. Među njima ima oko 60 različitih nacionalnosti. Procesuiranje stranih terorističkih boraca sa Balkana smatra se problematičnim iz više razloga. Prvi je otpor vlada prema repatrijaciji svojih državljana. Kako ne postoji međunarodni okvir koji bi propisao kako države trebaju rješavati ovo pitanje, države u regiji su zauzele individualne pristupe. Uz to, vlade u Evropi ne pokazuju politički interes za repatrijaciju svojih državljana, zbog čega su i balkanske države postale suzdržanije. Drugo, podaci o osobama koje se još uvijek nalaze u Siriji su kontradiktorni. Mnoge osobe u kampovima nemaju lične isprave: pasoše su izgubili ili sami uništili. Uz ograničene administrativne kapacitete, to znači da kurdske vlasti ne uspijevaju osigurati sveobuhvatne informacije o državljanstvima stranih terorističkih boraca. Postoji vjerovatnoća da je određeni broj pripadnika IS lagao o državama porijekla iz različitih razloga, uključujući nespremnost na repatrijaciju ili činjenicu da se više ne poistovjećuju sa svojom domovinom. Pored toga, brojna djeca su rođena u ratnoj zoni, ali još uvijek nemaju nikakvo državljanstvo. Treće, ni vlade na Balkanu nisu u stanju da osiguraju pouzdane podatke, jer imaju ograničene kapacitete za prikupljanje informacija direktno u kampovima i zatvorima. Zemlje čiji državljani se i dalje nalaze u Siriji često imaju na raspolaganju samo procjene zasnovane na podacima iz nekoliko izvora: Kurdi, američka obavještajna služba, porodice i otvoreni izvori koje dijele međunarodne organizacije koje imaju pristup kampovima. Postoje praktični, operativni i zakonski problemi, jer su brojni akteri uključeni u prikupljanje dokaza s prve linije, uključujući vojno osoblje, Komisiju za istrage Sirije, UNITAM (tim UN-a za istrage) i specijalizirane NVO. Stoga se javljaju izazovi u procesuiranju zbog nedostatka dokaza. Lokalne vlasti nemaju uvijek informacije o svakom pojedincu koji je počinio neki zločin u Siriji. Tu su i pitanja koje se tiču uspješnosti programa reintegracije i kapaciteta balkanskih zemalja za njihovu provedbu. Državne politike za borbu protiv terorizma upućuju na zatvore kao posebnu vrstu okruženja u pogledu rizika od radikalizacije, kao i mogućnosti za deradikalizaciju S jedne strane, zatvor je mjesto gdje bi osobe bez prethodnog iskustva s politički motiviranim nasiljem mogle doći u dodir sa radikalnim idejama. S druge strane, zatvor bi mogao biti mjesto za “mirnu promjenu i transformaciju”. Peter R. Neuman nabraja različite operativne svrhe zatvora, analizirajući radikalne aktere: to je mjesto gdje teroristi formiraju mreže, razvijaju strategije, uspostavljaju hijerarhije i planiraju napade. Postoje značajne razlike između država u Evropi kada se radi o procedurama i postupcima nakon puštanja ekstremističkog zatvorenika na slobodu. Nekima nedostaje integriran pristup zatvoru i probaciji.

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Bring Them Back: Manage The Risk
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Bring Them Back: Manage The Risk

Bring Them Back: Manage The Risk

Author(s): Asya Metodieva / Language(s): English

Keywords: Islamic state; security; military; return; Balkan states;

Local and international media continuously tell stories about people who, after having joined the Islamic State (IS) a few years ago, cannot return home from Syrian camps. These stories display the security dilemma that European governments have to deal with: how to manage the risk? By banning IS nationals from coming back home and not taking any responsibility for them, or by repatriating and prosecuting them? Balkan countries have also faced this dilemma in recent years. More than 1000 men, women and children from this region traveled to Iraq and Syria between 2012 and 2016 (See Table 1). 1/3 of them were killed, 1/3 have returned, while 1/3 of them are still there. In February 2021, UN human rights experts made a new call for states to repatriate their citizens from the camps in northeastern Syria. Two years after the IS “caliphate” was defeated in Syria and more than three years after the fall of the last IS territory in Iraq, 13,500 foreign women and children remain in camps held by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). There are also 2,000 male foreign fighters in prisons in Syria. It is hard to estimate the exact number of foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs), as some of them have dual citizenship and others have already had their citizenship revoked deprived of their nationality. They represent around 60 different nationalities. The prosecution of Balkan FTFs has been seen as problematic for several reasons. The first is the governments’ reluctance to repatriate their citizens. As there is no international framework stipulating how states should tackle the issue, countries in the region have taken individual approaches. In addition, governments in Europe show no political interest in repatriating their citizens, which has made Balkan countries more reluctant. Second, data on individuals who are still in Syria is contradicting. Many people in the camps are undocumented: either lost, or they have destroyed their passports. This, combined with limited administrative capacities, mean the Kurdish authorities have failed to provide comprehensive information concerning FTFs’ nationalities. There is a likelihood that a number of IS members lied about their countries of origin for various reasons, including an unwillingness to be repatriated, or no longer identifying with their home country. In addition, there are many children who were born in the warzone but still do not have citizenship anywhere. Third, governments in the Balkans are not able to provide reliable information either, as they have a limited capacity to collect information themselves directly in the camps and prisons. Countries whose citizens are still in Syria often have little more than estimates based on data from several sources: the Kurds, US intelligence, families, and open sources shared by international organizations with access to the camps. There are practical, operational, and legal challenges, as multiple actors are involved in collecting frontline evidence, including military personnel, the Commission of inquiry Syria (CoI), UNITAM (the UN investigation team), and specialized NGOs. Consequently, there are prosecution challenges related to the lack of evidence. Local authorities do not always possess information on every individual who committed a crime in Syria. There are further questions concerning the success of reintegration programs and the capacity of Balkan countries to implement them. National counter-terrorism policies point to prisons as a particular type of environment in terms of both the risks of radicalization and opportunities for deradicalization. On the one hand, a prison is a place, in which individuals with no previous experience in politically motivated violence could be exposed to radical ideas. On the other hand, a prison could be a venue for a ‘peaceful change and transformation’. Peter R. Neuman lists several operational purposes of a prison when analysing radical actors: this is where terrorists form networks, develop strategies, establish hierarchies, and plot attacks. There are significant differences among countries in Europe concerning the processes and procedures following the release of an extremist offender. Some lack an integrated approach towards prison and probation.

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Fieldwork and Violent Extremism
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Fieldwork and Violent Extremism

Terenski rad i nasilni ekstremizam

Author(s): Morten Bøås / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: fieldwork; violence; extremism; ideology;

Nasilni ekstremizam je zahtjevna tema za istraživanje a jednako je izazovno obavljati terenski rad u područjima pogođenim nasilnim ekstremističkim ideologijama. Razlozi za to su brojni, a ovaj rad će se pozabaviti nekim od najozbiljnijih izazova na osnovu autorovih ličnih iskustava iz istraživanja i terenskog rada u nasilnim i opasnim okruženjima. Nažalost, ne postoji jedinstven recept za bezbjedan, etički i uspješan terenski rad niti se mi možemo pripremiti za sve situacije koje bi se moglo desiti pri obavljanju terenskog rada u područjima pogođenim nasilnim ekstremističkim idejama ili među akterima koji su takve ideje prihvatili. Mada nas svi tipovi istraživačkog rada, bilo da su zasnovani na terenskom radu ili ne, na jedan ili drugi način suočavaju sa pitanjima etike ili rizika. Međutim, u radu u nasilnim kontekstima gdje su prisutne ekstremističke ideje to postaje vrlo očito. Istraživanje na nasilnim i opasnim mjestima je komplicirano i terenski rad koji uz njega ide često podrazumijeva konfuziju, neuspjehe i greške, dok istovremeno od istraživača zahtijeva kreativnost, fleksibilnost i refleksivnost. Postoji nekoliko teških pitanja koja trebamo sami sebi postaviti prije, tokom i nakon terenskog rada na nasilnim i politički nesigurnim mjestima. U ovom radu ja ću govoriti koliko god je moguće pošteno o tome kako sam se ja u prošlosti nosio sa praktičnim i etičkim izazovima rada na terenu na nesigurnim mjestima i kakav je efekat to imalo na moj rad u zemljama Sahela, kao što je Mali, gdje su religijske ekstremističke ideje u obliku selefijskog džihadizma bile izvor inspiracije za nekoliko pobuna. Bavit ću se pitanjima koja se tiču lične sigurnosti istraživača i njihovih sagovornika na terenu – uključujući anonimnost doušnika, poziciju istraživača, i kako možemo osmisliti i generirati metode terenskog istraživanja koje pružaju sigurnost za istraživače kao i za njihove sagovornike, a da se ne kompromitiraju kvalitet podataka i etički standardi. Ovaj rad stoga nije tek još jedna rasprava o tehničkim specifičnostima određenih istraživačkih metoda niti da li se ciljevi istraživanja najbolje postižu kroz kvalitativni ili kvantitativni pristup. Umjesto toga, moj fokus je na haotičnim realnostima terenskog rada na nasilnim mjestima. Jednostavno nije moguće ponuditi recept za siguran, etičan i uspješan terenski rad, ali mi možemo učiti iz iskustava, a posebno iz grešaka koje napravimo. Ovo je stoga jedan pokušaj da se razmotre neke od grešaka koje sam ja napravio tokom terenskog rada i da se definiraju neke dileme terenskog rada na nasilnim mjestima o nasilnim ekstremističkim ideologijama i onima koji ih podržavaju – dileme za koje se mi pripremimo, ali koje, bez obzira na ono u šta neki etički istraživački odbori, čini se, vjeruju, mi ne možemo jednostavno razriješiti jednom i zasvagda. To znači da ću izvjesno vrijeme posvetiti tome šta treba a šta ne treba činiti, ali ću se uglavnom fokusirati na „znak upitnika“ jer tu se kriju najteži izazovi, pri čemu treba reći da nije lako biti svjestan gdje su te dileme locirane.

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Fieldwork and Violent Extremism
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Fieldwork and Violent Extremism

Fieldwork and Violent Extremism

Author(s): Morten Bøås / Language(s): English

Keywords: fieldwork; violence; extremism; ideology;

Violent extremism is a difficult subject to research, and it is equally challenging to conduct fieldwork in areas affected by violent extremist ideologies. The reasons for this are numerous; this policy paper will address some of the most serious, based on the author’s personal experience with research and fieldwork in violent and dangerous environments. Unfortunately there is no one-size-fits-all recipe for safe, ethical and successful fieldwork; nor can we prepare for all the eventualities that might occur when conducting fieldwork in areas affected by violent extremist ideas or among actors who have taken such ideas on-board. While all types of research - fieldwork-based or not - confront us with questions of ethics or risk in one way or another, working in violent contexts where extremist ideas are present throw them into much sharper relief. Research in violent and dangerous places is complicated and the accompanying fieldwork often involves confusion, failures and mistakes - while demanding creativity, flexibility and reflexivity on the part of researchers. There are several tough questions we should ask ourselves before, during and after fieldwork in violent and politically volatile places. In this paper I will speak as honestly as possible about how I have grappled with the practical and ethical challenges of conducting fieldwork in insecure places in the past, and how this has had an impact on my work in Sahel countries such as Mali, where extremist religious ideas in the form of Salafi-Jihadism is a source of inspiration for several insurgencies. I will address issues concerning the personal safety of researchers and respondents in the field – including informant anonymity, the positionality of the researcher, and how we can design and generate fieldwork research methods that provide safety for researchers as well as respondents, without compromising data quality and ethical standards. This paper is, therefore, not yet another discussion about the technical specificities of certain research methods or whether the objectives of research are best reached through a qualitative or quantitative approach. Rather my focus is on the messy realities of fieldwork in violent places. It is simply not possible to present a single template for safe, ethical and successful fieldwork - but we can learn from experiences and particularly from the mistakes we make. As such this is an attempt to reflect on some of the mistakes that I have made during fieldwork, and to define some of the dilemmas that arise doing this type of research on violent extremist ideologies and the actors supporting them – dilemmas that we can prepare to face, but that irrespective of what some ethics research boards seems to believe, we cannot simply resolve once and for all. This means that while I will spend some time on the dos and don’ts, I will mostly focus on the ‘question marks’ since this is where the most difficult challenges lie, while noting that it is not so easy to be aware of where the dilemmas are located.

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Newsletter - 03/2020
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Newsletter - 03/2020

Newsletter - 03/2020

Author(s): Almir Džuvo,Izabela Kisić,Darko Šuković,Edina Bećirević,Sead Turčalo / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; security; Almir Džuvo; interview; muslims; elections; Serbia;

1. Interview: Almir Džuvo, former Director of the Intelligence and Security Agency of BiH (OSA), former Head of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s mission to NATO, and current lecturer at the American University in BiH, comments on the Montenegrin elections, Russian influences, and the role of the West in the Western Balkans for the Atlantic Initiative. - The New Government Will Not Be Able to Exert a Significant Influence on the Security Apparatus in Montenegro. 2. Muslims in Montenegro after the Elections, and Fear of the Future. 3. Serbia’s View on the Montenegrin Election Results. 4. New Montenegro: Unstable Version of Republika Srpska.

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Newsletter - 03/2020
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Newsletter - 03/2020

Newsletter - 03/2020

Author(s): Almir Džuvo,Izabela Kisić,Darko Šuković,Edina Bećirević,Sead Turčalo / Language(s): Bosnian,Serbian,Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; security; Almir Džuvo; interview; muslims; elections; Serbia;

1. Intervju: Almir Džuvo, bivši direktor Obavještajno-sigurnosne agencije Bosne i Hercegovine, bivši šef Misije Bosne i Hercegovine pri NATO-u i predavač na Američkom univerzitetu, za Atlantsku inicijativu komentira izbore u Crnoj Gori, ruskom utjecaju i ulozi Zapada u regionu Zapadnog Balkana. - Nova vlast neće moći značajnije utjecati na sigurnosni aparat u Crnoj Gori. 2. Muslimani u Crnoj Gori nakon izbora i strah od budućnosti. 3. Crna Gora je za Beograd "unutrašnje pitanje", zvanična Srbija nikad nije prihvatila odlazak Crne Gore. 4. Nova Crna Gora: nestabilna verzija Republike Srpske.

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Newsletter - 04/2002
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Newsletter - 04/2002

Newsletter - 04/2002

Author(s): Sead Turčalo,Edward P. Joseph,Selmo Cikotić,Srđan Šušnica,Harun Karčić / Language(s): English

Keywords: US; Balkans; Europe; politics; governance; leadership; BiH; migration; Sarajevo; Armenia; Azerbaijan; conflict;

1. Editorial - Time of uncertainty. 2. “We need a fresh start in the US, in the Balkans, in Europe, and in the world, with new leadership”. 3. Managing Migration in Bosnia and Herzegovina. 4. Sarajevo’s Head in a Bear’s Mouth. 5. Nagorno-Karabakh: Melting down the “frozen conflict”.

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Newsletter - 04/2002
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Newsletter - 04/2002

Newsletter - 04/2002

Author(s): Sead Turčalo,Edward P. Joseph,Selmo Cikotić,Srđan Šušnica,Harun Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: US; Balkans; Europe; politics; governance; leadership; BiH; migration; Sarajevo; Armenia; Azerbaijan; conflict;

1. Uvodnik - Vrijeme neizvjesnosti. 2. Potreban nam je novi početak, s novim liderstvom u SAD-u, na Balkanu, u Evropi i svijetu. 3. Kako upravljati migracijama u Bosni i Hercegovini. 4. Sarajevo – Moskva: Glava u raljama medvjeda. 5. Nagorno-Karabah: Otapanje "zamrznutog konflikta".

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Newsletter - 05/2020
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Newsletter - 05/2020

Newsletter - 05/2020

Author(s): Sead Turčalo,Vlatko Cvrtila,Vlado Azinović,Adis Maksić,Srđan Puhalo / Language(s): English

Keywords: Elections; voting; Europe; terrorism; security; Vienna; deradicalization; Joe Biden; BiH; Euro-Atlantic integration; local elections;

1. Editorial - How did we actually vote? 2. Terrorism is European reality, a threat that will keep haunting us for a long time. 3. Terrorist attack in Vienna Social context and the deceptive outcomes of the deradicalization process. 4. Joe Biden’s arrival will bring new winds into the sails of the Euro-Atlantic integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 5. Local elections - what then?

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Newsletter - 05/2020
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Newsletter - 05/2020

Newsletter - 05/2020

Author(s): Sead Turčalo,Vlatko Cvrtila,Vlado Azinović,Adis Maksić,Srđan Puhalo / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

Keywords: Elections; voting; Europe; terrorism; security; Vienna; deradicalization; Joe Biden; BiH; Euro-Atlantic integration; local elections;

1. Uvodnik - Kako smo, stvarno, glasali?. 2. Terorizam je europska stvarnost, ugroza s kojom ćemo još jako dugo živjeti. 3. Teroristički napad u Beču: Društveni kontekst i varljivi ishodi procesa deradikalizacije. 4. Dolazak Joea Bidena donijet će novi vjetar u leđa euroatlantskim integracijama Bosne i Hercegovine. 5. Lokalni izbori – šta poslije?

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Newsletter - 06/2020
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Newsletter - 06/2020

Newsletter - 06/2020

Author(s): Adis Maksić,Edina Bećirević,Mirnes Kovač,Milica Kovačević,Davor Gjenero / Language(s): English

Keywords: America; post-Trump; China; Western Balkans; economy; growth; Turkey; Uyghurs; Chinese vaccine; Montenegro; economic development;

1. Editorial - The Post-Trump America. 2. China and the Western Balkans: On Economic Growth, Double Standards and Genocide. 3. What price will Turkey’s Uyghurs pay for the benefits of the Chinese vaccine? 4. China's influence in Montenegro: Incentives to economic development or a road to dependency? 5. China’s asymmetric economic pressure and stability in the Balkans. 6. Chinese-Russian Propaganda in the Balkans.

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Newsletter - 06/2021
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Newsletter - 06/2021

Newsletter - 06/2021

Author(s): Adis Maksić,Edina Bećirević,Mirnes Kovač,Milica Kovačević,Davor Gjenero / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian

Keywords: America; post-Trump; China; Western Balkans; economy; growth; Turkey; Uyghurs; Chinese vaccine; Montenegro; economic development;

1. Uvodnik - Amerika nakon Trumpa. 2. Kina i Zapadni Balkan: O ekonomskom rastu, dvostrukim standardima i genocide. 3. Koliko će Ujgure koštati kineska vakcina? 4. Uticaj Kine u Crnoj Gori: Podsticaj ekonomskom razvoju ili put u zavisnost? 5. Asimetrični kineski ekonomski pritisak i stabilnost na Balkanu. 6. Kinesko-ruska propaganda na Balkanu.

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Newsletter - 07/2021
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Newsletter - 07/2021

Newsletter - 07/2021

Author(s): Adis Maksić,Slavo Kukić,Denis Romac,Senada Šelo Šabić,Andrej Nikolaidis / Language(s): English

Keywords: America; politics; BIH; europeanization; NATO; election law; Montenegro; society;

1. Editorial - The Return of America. 2. Has Washington picked up the baton on the Europeanization of Bosnia and Herzegovina? 3. Consensus is crucial for BiH on the road to NATO. 4. Why the urgency on adoption of the Election Law? 5. Montenegrin society is boiling.

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Newsletter - 07/2021
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Newsletter - 07/2021

Newsletter - 07/2021

Author(s): Adis Maksić,Slavo Kukić,Denis Romac,Senada Šelo Šabić,Andrej Nikolaidis / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

Keywords: America; politics; BIH; europeanization; NATO; election law; Montenegro; society;

1. Uvodnik - Povratak Amerike. 2. Preuzima li Washington ponovo dirigentsku palicu u europeizaciji BiH? 3. Konsenzus je ključan za NATO put BiH. 4. Hitnost za usvajanje izmjena Izbornog zakona. Zašto? 5. Crnogorsko društvo vri.

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Newsletter 08-09/2021
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Newsletter 08-09/2021

Newsletter 08-09/2021

Author(s): Vesna Pusić,Boris Pavelić,Srđan Šušnica,Mustafa Akyol,Vlado Azinović,Afiya Shehrbano Zia,Jennifer Heath,Ashraf Zahedi / Language(s): English

Keywords: Western Balkans; BiH; unblocking; Croatian president; foreign policy; Kosovo; Serbia; military escalation; muslims; Afganistan; women; rights;

In this issue of the Atlantic Initiative Newsletter, we present a series of current analyses and opinions on the political situation in the Western Balkans, with a special focus on the recent crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina caused by the systemic blockade of its state institutions. Instead of an editorial, we publish a text by Vesna Pusić, who writes about contemporary obstacles to the European transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and other Western Balkan countries. Pusić focusses on unblocking the progression of Euro-Atlantic processes, and how the EU must find a new modus vivendi with Russia in order to expedite change. Also, in the context of recent crises, Croatian journalist Boris Pavelić writes about relations between Sarajevo and Zagreb. Pavelić pays special attention to the friction between the recent policies of the President of Croatia, Zoran Milanović, and the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, and how their opposing political rhetorics serve to strengthen destructive nationalisms in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The latest tensions in the Western Balkans are analyzed by culturologist and publicist Srđan Šušnica, an expert on Russian politics and its malignant influence in the region, especially in Serbia. Šušnica argues that stability and peace in the Balkans region depend on the determination of the European Union and the United States to prevent disruptive policies in Serbia and the BiH entity of RS (as well as Montenegro and northern Kosovo), through military, economic and political sanctions. For this issue of the Newsletter, the Atlantic Initiative interviewed the eminent Turkish writer and journalist Mustafa Akyol, who addresses religion and politics in the Muslim world. Amila Buturović spoke with Akyol about his book The Reopening of Muslim Minds, which will soon be published in a Bosnian edition. His book has aroused global attention and great interest, especially because of its call for reform and enlightenment within Islam as a way to solve problems within Muslim societies. Vlado Azinović writes about the recent release from prison of Husein Bilal Bosnić, who was sentenced by the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina to seven years in prison for recruiting for and inciting terrorist activities, and organizing terrorist groups. As an expert witness in the Prosecutor's Office of BiH in the trial, Azinović looks back at the trial itself and the accusations for which Bosnić was convicted, and also provides an analysis of his ideology and possible future activities. In this issue, we also feature two timely texts on the new situation in Afghanistan after the return to power of the Taliban. Afiya Shehrbano Zia writes about the resistance and struggle of Afghan women against oppression in the context of global feminist debates and criticism of Western interventions in Afghanistan, while also looking at how non-Western feminists have engaged with the situation. Jenifer Heath and Ashraf Zahedi contribute a joint article on the prospects for women in Afghanistan - around education, rights, work and daily life - as Taliban rule recommences after 20 years of US occupation and the recent withdrawals.

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Newsletter 08-09/2021
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Newsletter 08-09/2021

Newsletter 08-09/2021

Author(s): Vesna Pusić,Boris Pavelić,Srđan Šušnica,Mustafa Akyol,Vlado Azinović,Afiya Shehrbano Zia,Jennifer Heath,Ashraf Zahedi / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

Keywords: Western Balkans; BiH; unblocking; Croatian president; foreign policy; Kosovo; Serbia; military escalation; muslims; Afganistan; women; rights;

U ovom broju Newslettera Atlantske inicijative donosimo niz aktualnih analiza i mišljenja o političkoj situaciji na Zapadnom Balkanu, s posebnim fokusom na posljednju krizu u Bosni i Hercegovini uzrokovanu sistemskom blokadom njenih državnih insititucija, ali se osvrćemo i na globalnu krizu nastalu u Afganistanu nakon povlačenja Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Umjesto uvodnika objavljujemo tekst Vesne Pusić koja piše o deblokadi euroatlantskih procesa kao putu ka transformaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i ostalih zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, te kako EU mora pronaći novi modus vivendi s Rusijom i na taj način oduzeti vjetar iz jedara lokalnih disruptora koji su se u tom političkom međuprostoru pokazali efikasnom preprekom europskoj transformaciji ovog regiona. Također, u kontekstu posljednje krize, poznati hrvatski novinar Boris Pavelić piše o odnosima Sarajeva i Zagreba. Pavelić se posebno osvrće na politiku predsjednika Hrvatske Zorana Milanovića koja u posljednje vrijeme sve više parira politici predsjednika Srbije Aleksandra Vučića, a koje zajedno osnažuju destruktivne nacionalizme u Bosni i Hercegovini. Posljednje tenzije na Zapadnom Balkanu analizira Srđan Šušnica, kutlurolog i publicista, te dobar poznavatelj ruske politike i njenog malignog utjecaja u regionu, posebno na Srbiju. Prema ovom autoru stabilnost i mir u regionu Balkana ovisiće o odlučnosti Evropske unije i Sjedinjenih Država da vojno, ekonomskim i političkim sankcijama spriječe remetilačke politike u Srbiji, bh. entitetu RS kao i u Crnoj Gori i na Sjeveru Kosova. Za ovaj broj Newslettera interjvu je dao ugledni turski pisac i novinar Mustafa Akyol koji piše o religiji i politici u muslimanskom svijetu. S Akyolom je povodom izlaska njegove knjige Ponovno otvaranje muslimanskih umova, koja uskoro izlazi i u bosanskom izdanju, razgovarala Amila Buturović. Njegova knjiga je izazvala globalnu pažnju i veliko zanimanje, posebno zbog poziva na reformu i prosvjetiteljstvo unutar islama kao put ka rješavanju nagomilanih problema muslimanskih društava. Vlado Azinović u ovom broju piše o nedavnom izlasku iz zatvora Huseina Bilala Bosnića kojeg je Sud Bosne i Hercegovine osudio na sedmogodišnju kaznu zatvora zbog podsticanja i vrbovanja na terorističke aktivnosti i organiziranja terorističke skupine. Budući da je u sudskom procesu Bosniću bio vještak Tužiteljstva BiH, Azinović se osvrće na sami proces i optužbe zbog kojih je Bosnić osuđen, ali donosi i analizu njegovih aktivnosti, ideologije i mogućih budućih angažmana. U ovo broju također donosimo dva aktualna teksta o novonastaloj situaciji u Afganistanu nakon povratka talibana na vlast. Afiya Shehrbano Zia piše o otporu i borbi afganistanskih žena protiv ugnjetavanja u kontekstu globalnih feminističkih rasprava i kritike prema intervencijama zapadnih sila u Afganistanu, ali i angažmana nezapadnih feministkinja u pružanju pomoći ženama ove zemlje. Također, Jenifer Heath i Ashraf Zahedi, pišu zajednički tekst o stanju i perspektivama žena u Afganistanu, o njihovom djelovanju, obrazovanju i pravima u kontekstu nove realnosti povratka talibana na vlast nakon dvadesetogodišnje američke okupacije ove zemlje i nedavnog povlačenja.

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Newsletter - 10/2022
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Newsletter - 10/2022

Newsletter - 10/2022

Author(s): Edina Bećirević,Senad Pećanin,Jasmin Mujanović,Vahidin Preljević,Ivo Komšić,Borut Šuklje,Toby Vogel / Language(s): English

Keywords: Ukraine; Russia; war; military aggression; BiH; Constitution; radicalization; Milorad Dodik; Central Bosnia; EU; USA;

1. The Future of Europe: The Threat of Military Aggression Against Ukraine and Secessionism in Bosnia and Herzegovina 2. Listening to the echo of Putin’s Russia in Ukraine 3. Provincialism & Malign Interference: Overcoming Political and Institutional Barriers to Defending BiH’s Constitutional Order 4. Does radicalization pay off? 5. Central Bosnia: The Key to Survival for Bosnia and Herzegovina 6. From the Washington Marriott to the written-off political basketball player 7. The EU and USA should create the space for a new social contract

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Newsletter - 10/2022
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Newsletter - 10/2022

Newsletter - 10/2022

Author(s): Edina Bećirević,Senad Pećanin,Jasmin Mujanović,Vahidin Preljević,Ivo Komšić,Borut Šuklje,Toby Vogel / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: Ukraine; Russia; war; military aggression; BiH; Constitution; radicalization; Central Bosnia; EU; USA;

1. Budućnost Evrope: Prijetnja vojnom agresijom na Ukrajinu i secesionizam u Bosni i Hercegovini 2. Osluškujući eho Putinove Rusije u Ukrajini 3. Provincijalizam i zloćudno uplitanje: Prevazilaženje političkih i institucionalnih barijera u odbrani ustavnog poretka BiH 4. Da li se radikalizacija isplati? 5. Srednja Bosna: ključ opstanka Bosne i Hercegovine 6. Od washingtonskog Marriotta do otpisanog političkog košarkaša 7. EU i SAD trebaju stvoriti prostor za novi društveni ugovor

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