Series:Historia

The Kamieniecki family, bearers of the Pilawa coat of arms. The history of the career and advancement of the Polish nobility until 1535/1536

Kamienieccy herbu Pilawa. Z dziejów kariery i awansu szlachty polskiej do 1535/1536 roku

Author(s): Katarzyna Niemczyk-Wiśniewska / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: the Kamieniecki family; Jan Olbracht; Aleksander Jagiellończyk; noble family

The book entitled “The Kamieniecki family, bearers of the Pilawa coat of arms. The history of the career and advancement of the Polish nobility until 1535 / 1536” is devoted to the Kamieniecki family – Polish magnates of the late medieval period and the early modern period. The author presents the path of their career, the journey to the top both in the political as well as economic sense. The progenitor of the Kamieniecki family was Klemens of Moskorzew, bearer of the Pilawa coat of arms (late 14th century). He was descended from petty nobility whose influence was small at that time. However, owing to the work in the chancery of Spytek of Melsztyn, whose support was courted by King Władysław Jagiełło, they built their own faction and paved the way to a career in the royal chancery. As a deputy chancellor of the treasury and a staunch supporter of the Polish ruler he received many grants. He received the Dobczyce demesne and Kamieniec, which soon became the heart of the estate of the descendants of Moskorzewski and who hence came to call themselves Kamieniecki, as a token of the appreciation for the defence of Wilno against army of the Teutonic Knights. However, the son of Klemens, Marcin, followed a different path. He distanced himself from the Jagiellonians and, as a consequence of his refusal to participate in the Turkish expedition, the Dobczyce demesne was confiscated from him. It was only thanks to the intercession of high-ranking noblemen (probably Piotr Szafraniec, his father-in-law) and thanks to the fondness felt by Jagiełło toward Marcin’s father that he was allowed to keep Kamieniec. Marcin Kamieniecki’s policy brought about a profound crisis of the family which it managed to overcome (and return to the glory of the Moskorzewski period) only after almost fifty years. This difficult path was began by Marcin’s brother, Piotr. He returned to the thing owing to which the Kamieniecki built their position, that is to the collaboration with the ruling dynasty. He participated in the confederation of Spytek of Melsztyn, and above all he supported Władysław Warneńczyk during his stay in Hungary and two expeditions against Turkey. Piotr’s efforts resulted in the reclamation of Dobczyce. This was a token of the appreciation for his assistance in Hungary. Piotr’s brother, Henryk, also contributed to the restoration of the position of the Kamieniecki family but he devoted himself to the reconstruction of the estate which declined during Marcin’s time. Despite the fact that his engagement in politics was marginal, it was even in these isolated cases that he supported the Jagiellonians. As a result of this he received the Sanok castellany from the king. Therefore Piotr and Henryk laid the foundation on which the position of the family could be built by the sons of Henryk, and the latter were successful at it. It is the last generation of the Kamieniecki family which is presented in this book – the brothers: Mikołaj, Jan, Marcin, Henryk – achieved the greatest success by not only making reference to the glory that the family enjoyed during the time of Klemens Moskorzewski but by surpassing these achievements. Mikołaj Kamieniecki was promoted to the rank of one of the most trusted people of the subsequent rulers: Jan Olbracht, Aleksander, Zygmunt Stary. In 1503, for the first time in Polish history, he was nominated a crown hetman. He became famous by engaging in numerous skirmishes with Moldovans and especially by the successful expeditions to Pokucie in the years 1506 and 1509. Mikołaj’s brothers followed in his footsteps and made a career in the military. Jan became a captain of horse, whereas Marcin held the office of a vicecampiductor, which corresponded with the role of a field marshal. Henryk, who also made a military career, perished during the Battle of Wiśniowiec in 1494. The Kamieniecki family played a significant role in the foreign policy of the Polish state, especially in the policy associated with Hungary and Moldavia. The latter policy was engaged especially by the “last” generation of the Kamieniecki family, which was to a great extent a result of the offices that they held, that is the offices of the “field” marshal and the grand crown hetman, and the political situation of the country at that time. One should also emphasise the significant engagement of Klemens of Moskorzew in the issues associated with the Teutonic Knights. He made a name for himself not only by his defence of Wilno against the army of the Teutonic Knights who supported Witold but also by his participation in the negotiations with the Order of the Teutonic Knights and the signing of a peace treaty in Raciążek. The development of the estate of the Kamieniecki family was strictly associated with the status of the family and during the course of a hundred years this status oscillated in a sinusoidal manner. For whereas Klemens of Moskorzew, owing to his work in the chancery and the merit that he earned during his stay in Wilno, managed to build up a considerable estate consisting of the Dobczyce demesne, the Kamieniec demesne and a number of houses in Kraków, his son Marcin, who entered the path of conflict with the monarch, betrayed him almost completely. Only the subsequent generations made an effort to rebuild the lost estates. A special role in the expansion of the estates by the “last” generation of the Kamieniecki family was played by the awards which were presented to them for valour in combat and the merit demonstrated on the fields of battle. As Marcin Kamieniecki held the office of a “field” marshal, and Jan was captain of horse of the permanent defence, these grants concentrated especially in Ruthenia. Therefore the new centre of the estate was established near Załoźce in Podolia and it was there that the economic interest of the family was concentrated throughout the course of the subsequent centuries. However, the royal grants in that region were not the only reason for such a turn of events. Due to the constant borrowing of money from the Boner family, a well-known family of bankers, the debt that the Kamieniecki incurred from this family forced Marcin first to sell Książ Wielki and then to hand over the Kamieniec castle. Thus the Kamieniecki lost the heart of their estate. Therefore just as the acquisition of Kamieniec by Moskorzewski became a symbolic “beginning” of the Kamieniecki family, this economic incident – the loss of the castle – in a way closes and highlights this chapter of the history of the Kamieniecki which was described in the present dissertation.

Deputy interpellations in Silesian Sejm 1922—1939. Legal regulation and practice

Interpelacje poselskie w Sejmie Śląskim 1922–1939. Regulacja prawna i praktyka

Author(s): Józef Ciągwa / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Silesian Sejm; Deputy interpellations; Power tribe; Equilibrium of the tripartite authorities

Legal regulation of deputy interpellations in Silesian Sejm 1922—1939The material right of interpellation was assessed by Art. 14 of Constitution Act of July 15, 1920, which contained the organic statute of Silesian voivodeship (Dz.U.R.P. No 73, pos. 497) constituting that Silesian Sejm had the right to interpellate with the Silesian voivode andVoivodeship Council. On the other hand, the formal right to interpellate, and therefore the manner in which material right was realized, was to be specified by the act on the internal constitution of Silesian voivodeship. Nevertheless, advanced — especially in the 1930s — works on the bill did not lead to adopting the act on internal constituton. In such a situation the interpellating procedure was regulated by the standing orders of the Silesian Sejm: the interim orders (of October 13, 1922) and the permanent orders (of January 31, 1923), the standing orders of the I Silesian Sejm, the standing orders of the II Silesian Sejm of June 17, 1930, the standing orders of the Silesian Sejm of the IV term of office, adopted on March 11, 1936. As for the material right on interpellation, one has to notice some disturbing, because against the law, transformations: the appearance of the third interpellated body, namely the Council of Ministers, in the standing orders of the II Silesian Sejm, and the omission of Voivodeship Council as the interpellated body in the standing orders of March 11, 1936.The Provisions of the standing orders of the Silesian Sejm sittings, thus art. 44 of two standing orders of the sitting of the Silesian Sejm of the I term of office; art. 24 and 25 of the standing orders of the II Silesian Sejm; art. 84 of the standing orders of the Silesian Sejm of the IV term of office, allow to identify three subsequent periods of interpellation, i.e. the first period: accepting the interpellation by the marshal and submitting it to the interpelled; the second period: performing the interpellation by the interpelled body and submitting a reply to the marshal; the third period: lodging the interpellation at the orders of the day of the plenary sitting, discussion, voting for acknowledging the reply (or, alternatively, for not acknowledging the reply). Submission the interpellation to the Sejm Marshal was possible after meeting three formal requirements: obtaining the minimal required support, expressed by the number of signatures on the interpellation (7 signatures in the standing orders dated October 13, 1922 and January 31, 1923; 5 signatures in the standing orders dated June 17, 1930; 3 signatures in the standing orders dated March 11, 1936); the interpellation could not contain any expressions that would violate Sejm dignity (this condition is found only in the standing orders of the II Silesian Sejm); the interpellation required written form; it had to be formulated in the Polish language. Provisions concerning the latter requirement were specified by two Silesian acts, i.e. the act of January 16, 1923 on the official language on the territory of Silesian Voivodeship (Dz.U.Śl. No 5, pos. 34) and the act of July 16, 1937 on the official language of authorities and administration offices in Silesian voivodeship (Dz.U.Śl. No 14, pos. 32). Article 44 of the standing orders of the I Silesian Sejm specified that the interpellated body would submit an oral reply at the plenary sitting; whereas a written reply was to be submitted only when interpellants had given their assent to it in advance. It follows from the Provisions of the standing orders of the I and II Silesian Sejms that the interpellated body had to respond within the period no longer than three weeks. Moreover, the standing orders of the Silesian Sejm of the I term of office obliged the marshal to inquire when the interpellated body would submit their response to the interpellation. There were no orders of Silesian voivode as far the second period of interpellating was concerned. An extrasilesian source, as regards the second period of interpellating, was the circular of the Minister of the Interior No OL. 9673 dated November 23, 1926 on taking a stance on interpellations submitted before the closing of the session (Dz.Urz. MSW No 5, pos. 117), despite thefact that formally it did not regulate the interpellation procedure in the Silesian Sejm. Besides, it is difficult to find there any regulations specifying the procedure of performing interpellations, since the minister recommended not performing the interpellations submitted before the suspension of the session. Article 44 of the standing orders of the I Silesian Sejm obliged the marshal to lodge the interpellation at the order of the day of the plenary sitting within the period no longer than three weeks. Whereas article 25 of the standing orders of the II Silesian Sejm specified two alternative factors of lodging the interpellation by the marshal at the order of the day, i.e. in the case when interpellants would not be satisfied with the reply or when the relevant executive authority would not reply to the interpellation within 3 weeks.More detailed was the legal regulation of interpellating of the third period. In accordancewith the provisions of two standing orders of the I Silesian Sejm, the marshal lodged the interpellation at the order of the day ex officio. Only then were further actions of the third period undertaken: explanatory statement of the interpellation by the interpellant (with the support of at least 7 deputies); replying or refusing to reply by the interpellated body; opening the discussion upon request with the support of at least 13 (later10) deputies. The final action of the third period was Sejm’s taking a stance on the reply to the interpellation, being expressed in the form of two alternative resolutions: the resolution on acknowledging the reply of the interpellated body or a resolution on not acknowledging the reply of the interpellated body. On the grounds of the standing orders of the II Silesian Sejm, lodging the interpellation at the order of the day by the marshal could take place exclusively on interpellants’ demand. Besides, the debate on the interpellation and the reply to it could take place on the basis of the resolution of the entire Sejm, and not with the support of 13 or 10 deputies. What is more, passing the resolutions that evaluated the interpelled body’s reply by Sejm was of a facultative character. Pursuant to art. 84 paragraph 4 of the standing orders of the IV Silesian Sejm, the marshal lodged the interpellation at the order of the day of plenary sitting in three cases: on interpellants’ demand; if the voivode notified the marshal that he intended to give an oral reply; when the period of 3 months had passed since the interpellation was submitted. Moreover, the debate (discussion) followed on the basis of the resolution issued by Sejm. An important restriction on the effectiveness of interpellating was provided by act 84 paragraph 6 of the latter standing orders, constituting that in the debate, apart from the representative of the Government, also one of interpellants and one of the deputies whose stance is different from the one expressed by the interpellants were allowed to take the floor. The comparison of the rules regulating the interpellation procedure in four standing ordersof the Silesian Sejm demonstrates that with the passing of time legal provisions restricted theeffectiveness of interpellating by means of the following: limiting the admissibility of the debate on the reply to the interpellation; the participation in the discussion of a deputy whose standpoint was different from the one of interpellants; excluding the possibility of expressing the opinion on the reply by Sejm, in the form of a resolution on acknowledging the reply of the interpellated or, alternatively, on not acknowledging the reply of the interpellated. Interpellation practice in Silesian Sejm 1922—1939The problem of conformity of practicing with legal regulation of interpellating Art. 44 of two standing orders of the I Silesian Sejm obliged the marshal to pose a question to the interpelled body about time when the interpelled body would submit their reply to the interpellation. The review of 90 interpellations of Silesian Sejm of I term of office demonstrates that not even once did the marshal pose such a question. The same article specified that the written form of the reply was permissible only if the interpellants agreed to it in advance. In practice, the interpellated body provided their reply almost exclusively in the written form, despite the fact that the interpellants agreed to the written form only in three cases. With the exception of three cases, whereby — clearly by mistake — the marshal accepted the interpellation despite the lack of one signature, in the remaining cases the minimal required support was adhered to. So was the case in the Silesian Sejm of I, II, and III terms of office. The standing orders of first three Sejms specified that a deadline for replying to the interpellation should not exceed 3 weeks. In the replies that were found, the addressee of the interpellation usually exceeded, sometimes considerably, the deadline specified in the standing orders. There were merely few replies submitted within the deadline. The contents of several interpellations were beyond the scope of the competences of the voivode and the Voivodeship Council. These were interpellations concerning special (non-consolidated) administration, i.e. judicial, military, or railroad administration, as well as interpellations that fell within the competences of the voivode of Cracow, or even the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Silesian voivodes replied to these interpellations as well, acting as intermediaries, sending the interpellations themselves to appropriate authorities and offering on their behalf adequate explanation to the interpellants.The first action of the third period of interpellating was lodging the interpellation by themarshal at the order of the day of the plenary sitting, and the final action was formulating anopinion — a positive or negative one — by Sejm about the reply submitted by the interpelledbody.Pursuant to the provisions of two standing orders of the I Silesian Sejm, the marshal lodged the interpellation at the order of the day ex officio. In practice, marshal Konstanty Wolny lodged at the order of the day of I Silesian Sejm merely 5 interpellations, two of which were lodged on interpellants’ request. In the final period of interpellating, 3 replies were acknowledged by Sejm, and 2 replies were not acknowledged. In III Silesian Sejm, the marshal lodged 4 interpellations at the order of the day. The voivode’s reply to one of them was acknowledged by Sejm, one reply was not acknowledged. In the case of the remaining two replies, the motions were not voted on. In practice — as a matter of fact against the law — the marshal of Silesian Sejm did not lodge interpellations at the order of the day when interpellants accepted the reply. In such situations, probably after consulting the interpellants, the marshal terminated the proceedings of the second period, endorsing on the interpellation and on the reply ad acta. Due to the lack of sources, the question concerning the relationship between the statute law and the law realized in interpellating practice of IV Silesian Sejm must be left unanswered.Interpellating activity of parliamentary clubs (deputies) of Silesian SejmIn four Silesian Sejms there have been 141 interpellations altogether. The authors of 136 interpellations were parliamentary clubs, of 2 — Sejm committees, and in IV Silesian Sejm — in the absence of parliamentary clubs — deputies signed on the interpellations. The frequency of interpellating exhibited high variability: in I Silesian Sejm — 90 interpellationsper 187 plenary sittings; in II Silesian Sejm — 15 interpellations per 10 sittings; in IIISilesian Sejm — 33 interpellations per 49 sittings; in IV Silesian Sejm — 3 interpellations per32 sittings. In the period of three Silesian Sejms the PPS club (Polish Socialist Party), referred to as KPS (Club Socialist Deputies) in III Silesian Sejm, submitted the most, i.e. 41, interpellations, which constituted 29,7% of all (138) interpellations that were submitted to the marshal in the period between October 10th, 1922 and March 26th, 1935. In the second place, with 26 interpellations (18,8%), was ChD (Christian Democracy). Such a result, gained almost exclusively until the May Coup, when Christian Democracy formed a part of ruling coalition, contradicts the thesis that interpellations, as a means of controlling administration,serve opposition more than factions in power. The interpellating practice proves the truthfulness of this thesis in the period ranging from the May Coup up to the last sitting of IIISilesian Sejm, when opposition factions submitted 50 interpellations, while the sanation clubNChZP (National Christian Labour’s Unity) — only 2 interpellations. Twenty-one interpellations (15,2%) were submitted by NPR (National Workers’ Party). Two workers’ parties (PPS and NPR) altogether lodged 62 interpellations, i.e. 44,9% of all interpellations(136) submitted by parliamentary clubs in Silesian Sejms of three terms of office. The Club of Deputies’ Group of Christian Democracy and National Workers’ Party, formed after the election failure of NPR in II (three deputies) and III (2 deputies) Silesian Sejm, submitted20 interpellations (2 in II and 18 in the III Silesian Sejm), which constituted 14,5% of allinterpellations, submitted in the Silesian Sejm during three terms of office. KN (German Club) interpellated individually 14 times (10,1%), joint interpellations were altogether 14 (10,1%), i.e. 8 interpellations in I and 6 interpellations in III Silesian Sejm. The authors of 3 interpellations of the IV Silesian Sejm were deputy Józef Płonka (NChZP— National Christian Work Union), deputy Paweł Kubik (ZZP — Polish Trade Association), andnon-partisan deputy form Zaolzie, Rudolf Paszek. Therefore, formed in the year 1928, the sanation club NChZP, with merely 3 interpellations (2 in II and 1 in the IV Silesian Sejm) occupied the last place, exhibiting a very insignificant activity as far as interpellating was concerned. The analysis of the content of interpellations submitted by parliamentary clubs(Sejm committees, deputies) in Silesian Sejm The content of interpellations allows to distinguish the following thematic groups: interpellations on social affairs, political issues, sociopolitical affairs, educational problems, public security matters, communication issues, construction issues, and police affairs. Moreover, there can be identified other matters, which encompass a wide range of issues that go beyond the uppermentioned categorization. Interpellations on social affairs were dominated by two parliamentary clubs of workers’ parties, i.e. KPPS (Club Polish Socialist Party), later KPS (Club Socialist Deputies), with 15 interpellations per 41 interpellations in total) and KNPR (Club of National Workers’ Party) with 11 interpellations (per 21 interpellations in total). Altogether, both clubs of workers’ parties interpellated 26 times per 62 interpellations submitted by them. KChD (Club of Christian Democracy) interpellated on social affairs 7 times (per total 26 interpellations that they submitted). Of 3 interpellations submitted to the marshal by sanation party KNChZP (Club of National Christian Labours limity), 3 interpellations concerned social issues (2 in II Silesian Sejm, 1 in IV Silesian Sejm). Into the class of interpellations on social affairs, one also has to include 3 interpellations submitted by KZPChDiNPR (The Club of Deputies’ Group of Christian Democracy and National Workers’ Party). Moreover, there were 3 interpellations submitted by KN and 3 joint interpellations. In total, in four Silesian Sejms there were 45 interpellations concerning social affairs (per 141 interpellations altogether), which constituted 31,9% of all interpellations.A significant percentage of such interpellations in relation to their total number faithfullyreflected social problems of Silesia: increasing unemployment, lockouts, workers’ dismissals,irregular payment of benefits, the lack of insurance against unemployment, mass job dismissalnotes, celebrating holidays (i.e. working not on all days of the week), suspending by fraternities the payment of pensions and other dues, etc. Interpellations concerning political affairs were 31. In this thematic group, in majority (13) were joint interpellations (interpartisan). Nine interpellations on political issues were tabled by KZPChDiNPR; 4 interpellations — by KPPS; 2 — by KChD; 1 interpellation was submitted by each of the following clubs: KNPR, KN, and also NChZP deputies. A small group, merely 8, of interpellations on sociopolitical affairs (5,7%) was constituted by 6 interpellations by KNPR, 1 interpellation by KChD, and 1 interpellation by KPPS. The contents of these interpellations demonstrates a close relationship between political affairs and social issues. The examples of such a relationship may be interpellations on implementing on the Silesian voivodeship — without the consent of Silesian Sejm- the spirits monopoly law, or interpellations on inadequate distribution of tobacco warehouses, in which incorrect application of law could deprive many people of their work. As far other thematic groups are concerned, there must be identified the following numbers of interpellations submitted by parliamentary clubs:— on schools affairs: 12 interpellations (5 by KChD; 1 by KNPR, 3 by KN, 3 by KZPChDil-NPR);— on public security issues: 3 interpellations (1 by KChD; 2 by KN);— on communication issues: 3 interpellations (2 by KChD; 1 by KN);— on construction affairs: 3 interpellations (1 by KChD; 1 by KPPS; 1 by KZPChDiNPR);— on police affairs: 3 interpellations by KPPS;— on other affairs: 32 interpellations (7 by KChD; 2 by KNPR; 3 by KN; 12 by KPPS; 4 byKZPChDiNPR; 3 joint; 1 by non-partisan deputy Rudolf Paszek).

The Last Voivode of Podolia Leonard Marcin Świeykowski (1721–1793): His Everyday Life, Public Career and His Thoughts About the Commonwealth

Leonarda Marcina Świeykowskiego (1721—1793) ostatniego wojewody podolskiego życie codzienne i publiczne oraz jego myśli o Rzeczypospolitej

Author(s): Dariusz Rolnik / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: political letters; Leonard Marcin Świeykowski; Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki; Targowica Confederation; Great Sejm

Leonard Martin Świeykowski was not one of the outstanding figures of the Stanislaus period, although he most certainly constituted an extraordinary and remarkable personality. In some circles, however, he was known as a very influential and opinion-forming person. Politically, he was connected with Stanislaus Augustus – he became one of the king’s closest associates in the second half of the 1780s in the Podolia and – to the greatest extent – Braclav voivodeships. It was the very monarch who appointed him to run the Crown Tribunal in the years 1782–1783, and this mission of his was largely appreciated by the general public. As a reward for performing the Marshal’s role, Stanislaus Augustus gave him a senatorial chair, later also the office of Castellan of Kamieniec, and then, in 1790, the Podolia Voivodeship. Moreover, L.M. Świeykowski enjoyed respect in his “Ruthenian”province, which was a reflection of – one might assume – becoming close to the house of Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki. His position was largely affected by his attitude in the courts and tribunals – he was considered one of the best law practitioners of the Stanislaus period, which was later quite mistakenly interpreted and assessed by some researchers. In the mid-nineteenth century, Konstanty Podwysocki wrote: “as we were dying, such high seats in the Senate, which had hitherto been given to Chomętowski or even Czarniecki in recognition of their bloody merits to the state, now were offered to some podstarosta grodzki (a borough substarost) [...], trained in jurist battles, a royal plenipotentiary and schemer [...], precisely like one of those attorneys whom Orzechowski compared to a prostitute saying that the former deals in shame whereas the latter – in his mouth, such a one now sat in the Senate, and it was ostensibly him who was expected to save the sinking ship of the state.” Historians rather did not judge L.M. Świeykowski’s actions; he did not actively participate in the political life of the state, only his Targowica period was mentioned and even that was done through the prism of his already very active sons, Michał and Jan Nepomucen, somehowalways executors of their father’s will. In the eyes of their contemporaries, Jan Nepomucen and Michał Świeykowski were considered traitors, and in October 1794, L.M. Świeykowski’s sons were mentioned among the first Targowica confederates, and their portraits were hung along with the portraits of S. Sz. Potocki, K. Branicki and Seweryn Rzewuski. It can be presumed that such a negative assessment of wojewodzice (the Voivode’s s ons) was influenced by their relationship with the Marshal of Targowica Confederation, S.Sz. Potocki, as well as the attitude of some of the other members of their family, and above all Józef Świeykowski’s, Voivode’s brother, “pit of iniquity,” though it is a big exaggeration, if not altogether a mistake. An analysis of L.M. Świeykowski’s biography and his relationship withStanislaus Augustus shows how important the political program was becoming in the construction of the royalist party – which nobody has hitherto paid any closer attention to, and which seems to attest much better to the nobility of political elites of the last decades of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. All of the above clearly shows the process of L.M. Świeykowski’s departure from his earlier support for royalists after 1791. The basis for thelast Voivode’s decision to leave the royalist party was not a lack of specific profit, but –evidently – his ideological and political considerations. The Voivode L.M. Świeykowski himself, apart from indeed few moments of his political activity, did not expose himself to the ridicule of public opinion. He was a man certainly well acquainted with the intricacies of political meanders, and at the same time he realized, despite numerous honours he was granted, where his place in line was. In his public life he always behaved properly and did not rail justice; he adhered to similar principles in private life, though here sometimes the issues connected with trials obscured those principles to him. At every turn of his life we know, he was always accompanied by the ancient Polish Commonwealth principles. The last voivode of Podolia always tried to combine these ancient principles with the service to the Commonwealth and the king.Although since the Stanislaus period the Świeykowski family had belonged to minor nobility, their political and economic position was weaker than the Borderland families’, such as: the Potockis, the Lubomirskis or the Sanguszkos; additionally, in this region, the family could be qualified as nouveau riches. Moreover, significantly, L.M. Świeykowski had to himself seekdocuments from his ancestors’ past, which he did with great commitment; he even lacked knowledge where his father was born, which in itself positioned him in the same, relatively low local Borderland hierarchy; his family name was unfamiliar to such an extent that most people mispronounced and misspelt it. He owed his social advancement as well as political and economic strengthening to the Lubomirskis, and then to Stanislaus Augustus. In vainone may search for the Świeykowski representatives on the lists of main officials of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; they are also missing among castellans and voivodes of the Commonwealth until the Stanislaus period. He began his public career as podsędek (a deputy judge) of Bratslav and finished it as the Voivode of Podolia, which was a huge advancement since he was the 14th in the hierarchy of voivodesof the Commonwealth, which gave him a place in the forefront of Secular Senators. An even greater advancement was recorded in the sphere of his property, as he started from the proverbial scratch, and in 1793 the value of his estates amounted to 5 million zlotys, which gave him the seventh position among the richest men in the Borderlands. He came to it himself, thanks to his own work and thanks to a very good sense of economics as well as theaforesaid engagement in court cases, in which he truly always did his best to be honest and fair. L.M. Świeykowski was also the author of interesting political ideas relating to the Commonwealth, which were recorded in his political writings and letters to his sons. These – among others, Opuscula L.M. Świeykowskiego (L.M. Świeykowski’s Opuscula) – are comprised in the second part of the work titled Pisma i listy „polityczne” L.M. Świeykowskiego (“Political” Writings and Letters by L.M. Świeykowski). In turn, the first part of the work, titled: L.M. Świeykowski, jego życie, gospodarstwo, działalność publiczna i poglądy (L.M. Świeykowski, His Life, Estates, Public Activity and Opinions), consistsof nine chapters, was written based on the extensive Świeykowski’s Archive, whose largest part is stored in the Library of Kórnik – a few dozen volumes. The rest of this archive can be found in the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków, in the Ossolineum in Wrocław, and in Stefanyk National Science Library in Lviv. Volumes from the Świeykowski’s Archive are also stored by the National Library in Warsaw; moreover, and two collections of court extracts kept in the Academic Library of the PAU and PAN in Kraków as well as the collections of letters in the Raczynski Library in Poznań are presumably of the same provenance.The biography begins with Chapter One titled Family and Connections – from “Świeykowo” under the “Tulczyn Roof” of Szczęsny Potocki, which depicts the youth of the last Voivode of Podolia and L.M. Świeykowski’s progress from central Poland, i.e. from the titular Świejki in the Sieradz Voivodeship, through the Rawa Land to the south-eastern frontier of the Commonwealth, where he gradually becomes one of the most influential citizens. Here onecan also find information about the history of L.M. Świeykowski’s ancestors. Chapter Two, Estates and Economic Position – from the Tenant of Novosyelitsa to the Owner of Bratslav Land, complements the first chapter and shows the growth of L.M. Świeykowski’s importance in the south-east Borderlands of the Commonwealth. It also illustrates the development of an extraordinary career of building up an estate by a man who was, after all, a nouveau riche in these lands, and partly shows the mechanism that allowed him to create this economic power. Chapter Three, Lawsuits – Between Politics and Household Interests, presents one of the most important elements affecting the functioning of L.M. Świeykowski’s entire grand estate. It points to the ways of accumulating wealth, but not only as it also shows the owner’s attentiveness as the manager of his land. This is a very important facet of his portrait, which on the one hand explains his behaviour in many cases on the political scene, his restraint in making sometimes risky political decisions, and on the other testifies to his unquestionable political power, which can be observed in the lawsuits against the Czetwertyńskis or the Tyszkiewiczes. The next Chapter: Land Owner and Supervisor of His Peasants – Economics on the Periphery of Grand Political Affairs shows the usual daily functioning of a large estate in the south-east Borderlands of the Commonwealth with its internal problems, which the owner had to face on daily basis: from escapes of peasants,through dishonesty of various types of administrators, and human flaws, to the fundamental issue, namely the sale of manufactured goods, in which respect the close proximity of Russia was sometimes helpful, and so was Świeykowski’s acquaintance with Gregorij Potemkin. Chapter Five, Public Career – On the Way to Honours, shows the beginnings of L.M. Świeykowski’s public career. This chapter describes the mechanisms that allowed him tobecome known on the political scene in the Borderlands of the Commonwealth, i.e. the support he received from Stanisław and Józef Lubomirski and later from Stanislaus Augustus himself, but also L.M. Świeykowski’s diligence, energy and good political intuition. Chapter Six, Senator of the Commonwealth – between Stanislaus Augustus and Borderland Magnates covers the years 1783–1787 and points to the crux of political dilemmas, which undoubtedlyL.M. Świeykowski must have had when considering whether to support the king or his opposition. Moreover, he has been presented in this chapter as a good politician of the royalist party – in certain areas, an effective one and, at the same time, not devoid of cynicism. Questions connected with the political career of the last Voivode of Podolia show the progress of his advancement in the society, but not only as they also set it within the political realities of the Stanislaus period, between the royalist party of Stanislaus Augustus and the anti-royal opposition, in which the republican ideology played – at least verbally – a leading role. What is more, the whole situation coincided with the physical proximity of Russia, which further complicated the already difficult political choices. L.M. Świeykowski’s ambiguous attitudeand concerns are discussed in Chapter Seven, During the Great Sejm – Observer, Executor, and Critic of the Dictate of “Sejm Debaters”. The chapter presents the process of deepening L.M. Świeykowski’s dilemmas in his perception of the Commonwealth. Obviously, the quotation marks in “Sejm Debaters” suggest the usage of the phrase as a metaphor and so the term applied here should be treated more broadly, referring to the then entire political reality with its clashes between different currents and concepts for repairing the Commonwealth.L.M. Świeykowski was initially a supporter of reforms, advocated the aukcja wojska (i.e. the augmentation of the army) and the introduction of taxes; later, after the adoption of the Constitution of May 3, which he had not expected after all, he became a critic of everything that was happening in Warsaw, and he considered the parliamentary reforms to be an attack on the freedom of the Commonwealth. At this point, he became a declared en emy of Stanislaus Augustus. This chapter also shows the factors which contributed to his transition to a group of malcontents. Chapter Eight presents the last period of political activity of the last Voivode of Podolia, when he openly stands against Stanislaus Augustus and tries to justify his decision. It is a short period in his life, when – at least in theory – he gains so far the highest position in the Commonwealth, which does not need to be measured against his place in the Senate. This Chapter, titled The Targowica Confederation – Advisor to Marshal of Confederation?, shows his commitment to the works of the confederation, not so much directly, but rather in theoretical terms, which – in his opinion – would lead to the formation of the right image of the Commonwealth. The last chapter, Political Views – A Republican with the King or a Monarchist with Republicans?, refers to the L.M. Świeykowski’s politicalopinions and discusses them. The bases for the chapter’s development constitute the “expressions” and “deeds” of L.M. Świeykowski throughout his whole life as well as his “political” writings. The biography of L.M. Świeykowski, the last Voivode of Podolia, constitutes a vast study, which shows the complexities regarding not just one man, but also discusses the complicated and complex political and economic reality of the Stanislaus period. Thus, it portrays not only the Voivode of Podolia but also the whole circle of political elites in the south-eastern Borderlands of the Commonwealth.

On the Royal Elections in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Between 16th and 18th Century. The Meaning of Choice – Between Rights and Obligations

Wokół wolnych elekcji w państwie polsko-litewskim XVI-XVIII wieku. O znaczeniu idei wyboru – między prawami a obowiązkami

Author(s): / Language(s): Russian,Polish

Keywords: Free election; Rights; Obligations; Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth

The following studies collected in this volume are devoted to the subject matter of the royal elections in the political and legal tradition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealthbetween the 16th and the 18th century. The volume has been divided into three parts,comprised of thirty-five essays total. The first part, titled “On the Idea, Symbols and Practiceof Choice,” approaches the royal elections from the perspective of the study of political doctrine.The article by Teresa Chynczewska-Hennel presents examples of Old Polish political life which reflect the standpoint that the royal elections benefitted the Commonwealth in selecting the best candidates to the throne of Poland. Andrzej Stroynowski, in turn, focuses on both the benefits and the drawbacks of royal elections. Mariusz Markiewicz offers insight into the ways in which Polish royal elections were perceived in 17th century-Europe. Finally, an article by Jolanta A. Daszyńska constitutes a conclusion of sorts, as it touches upon the topic of the first presidential election in the United States of America understood as a reflection of the practical realization of the republican ideals of that young nation’s society.The second part of the volume, dedicated specifically to the particular elections of the rulers of the Commonwealth, is divided into six parts and ordered chronologically according to the individual rulers referenced in the articles. As a result, this part of the volume constitutes a synthetic overview of the evolution of the idea of the royal election in Polish political tradition between the 16th and the 18th century. This part of the volume begins with articles on the development of early modern political theory and praxis related to the elections in the times of the last of the Jagiellonian dynasty. Maciej Serwański, Tomasz Kempa, Jerzy Urwanowicz, and Dorota Gregorowicz write about the political praxis during the first royal elections, while Agnieszka Pawłowska-Kubik as well as Dariusz Dolański and Filip Wolański devote their articles to the conceptions of the royal elections in their initial stages (with regard to Zebrzydowski’s Rebellion and 18th century historical compendia respectively). In the parts devoted to elections during the reign of Sigismund III Vasa’s two sons as well as the reign of John III Sobieski, the authors discuss the issues of the relationship with the political elites (Anna Filipczak-Kocur, Maciej Franz), as well as the military (Przemysław Gawron, Zbigniew Hundert). In turn, Paweł Duda, MonikaKonrádová, and Aleksandra Ziober touch upon the diplomatic relationships with the Vaticanand the Holy Roman Empire, while Artur Goszczyński and Robert Kołodziej focuson the organization of the election. Eight of the articles in this part of the volume discussthe crucial Saxon period in the history of Poland. Mariusz Sawicki and Andriej Macuk discuss the attitude of the Commonwealth elites to the election of the Saxon kings. The diplomatic issues connected with European politics are elaborated upon by Aleksandra Skrzypietz (the correspondence of the Prince of Conti), Zbigniew Anusik (Swedish politics), and Urszula Kosińska (Infante Manuel, Count of Ourém’s candidacy to the throne of Poland).Moreover, this part of the volume focuses also on the important issue of the candidacy andelection of Stanisław Leszczyński to the throne of Poland, which is touched upon in differentcontexts in articles by Michał Zwierzykowski, Tomasz Ciesielski, and Małgorzata Durbas.Moreover, two articles are devoted to the era of Stanisław August Poniatowski: Arkadiusz M.Stasiak writes about the election of the king in the context of the God-given power of the king, on the basis of the election of 1764, while Henryk Kocój discusses the issue of electinga Saxon ruler during the time of the Great Sejm, in the context of the account of the Saxonianrepresentative to Poland, August Franz Essen.The last part of the volume is devoted to the election of civil servants in the Commonwealth.Andrzej Rachuba and Maria Czeppe discuss the influence of clergy on the decisions made at regional councils. Witold Filipczak presents the issue of the election of landed magistrates in the times of the Permanent Council, while Katarzyna Bucholc-Srogosz touches upon the election of the speakers of the Permanent Council. Tadeusz Srogosz discusses the issues with electing representatives and civil servants by the royalist faction at the regional council in Żytomierz in 1790. This part of the volume concludes with an article by Dariusz Nawrot, “Between the Commonwealth Tradition and the Rules of Centralized Power. The Election of Civil Servants in Lithuania in 1812.” The volume ends with an extensive bibliography and index.

Europe of 20th and 21st Centuries. Social and Political Consequences of Criseses

Europa XX–XXI wieku. Społeczno-polityczne konsekwencje kryzysów

Author(s): Marcela Gruszczyk,Lech Krzyżanowski,Miłosz Skrzypek / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Crisese; economic; globalism; history; conflict; war; economy

The industrial revolution of the 19th century gave impetus to changes on unprecedented scale, which resulted in profound social transformations, namely: the increase of citizens’ political consciousness and – of no lesser importance – countrywide uprisings, triggerd by the nationalist ideology. The end of the century was also full of events announcing the forthcoming armed conflict which – in its aftermath – spurred a total redefinition of the political order in Europe as it had been hitherto known. What clearly illustrates the size of the conflict are the multi-million-dollar human and material losses, the degradation and decline of the European agricultural production as well as equally significant decrease in the area of foreign investment, and finally, disturbances in trade relations, implied – first and foremost – by huge debts and by the scale of war reparations. No less important here is also the Bolshevisation of Russia with all the negative consequences of this process.The first half of the 20th century brought the largest economic crisis ever. It had a tremendous impact on the development of economic thought, casuing an indubitable change in its mainstream. Both politicians and economists are unequivocally convinced that the huge scale of economic fluctuations in the free market economy model almost completely precludes the efficient use of resources on a macroeconomic scale. Thus, the existing economic liberalism was replaced by the state interventionism and, consequently, the departure from the gold standard. By the same token, the Great Depression should be classified as one of the most important events of the 20th century. One can safely agree with the thesis that the Great Crisis made the outbreak of World War II possible, although it did not render the war inevitable. It also undoubtedly undermined the belief in the effective functioning of either the market or the capitalist system, which could partly explain why the ineffective and at the same time criminal communist regime was sanctioned. Referring to Paul Johnson’s words, it can be said that the crisis was exerting an emotional and intellectual impact on human consciousness almost until the end of the 1980s, when Soviet collectivism finally collapsed and the whole world had to admit that the free market could not be replaced by any other economical system.The hecatomb, i.e. the aforementioned World War II, had consequences hitherto unheard-of in the history of civilization, which touched upon political, social, economic, and cultural issues. They were, above all, the unimaginable demographic losses; what is more, the enormous costs and, subsequently, the impossible to estimate value of damages. No less important here is the new order, formed after the war ended, which divided Europe with an “iron curtain.” After the military actions have been seized, the so-called West, continued to develop in a diverse manner, but also acclaming the fact that political and economic processes maintain their continuity, steerability, and rationality. Despite perturbations, the process took its course within a determined framework and according to predictable institutional and legal structures. These questions looked completely different on the eastern side of the aforesaid “curtain.” The two hostile political camps also differed regarding their economic systems; fortunately, it was for the so-called Eastern Bloc that the consequences of the difference turned out to be disastrous. What also falls into the category of issues discussed in the present work is an energy crisis in the seventies of the 20th century, connected with the political conflict between the West and the Arab states. It resulted in a recession and a slowdown in economic growth with all the negative consequences. On the other hand, by the end of the 1980s, it was connected with the breakup of the communist system in Europe. Although it is difficult to underestimate the positive aspect of this phenomenon, the collapse of communism caused many local conflicts in the countries that constituted the former USSR. The simultaneous collapse of the regime in the former Yugoslavia strengthened separatist tendencies, resulting in long, bloody struggles on its territory. The outbreak of extreme nationalism became the driving force behind a civil war, leading to a wave of national and religious persecution as well as an ethnic purge, heitherto inconceivable after World War II.The 21st century is inherently associated with in the phenomenon of globalization,which has its positive and negative dimensions, whose assessment – for the time being – eludes the criteria of historical analysis, though it finds its multifaceted expression in inquiries of other sciences.It should be emphasized that the succinctness of the above approach is intended solely to summarize the scale and variety of the events and processes discussed, which is directly related to the common denominator indicated in the introduction. The analysis of texts published in this volume should lead the Reader to the fullest possible comprehension of the eponymous issue. The research conducted in this field shows clearly the huge diversity and variety of phenomena, commonly referred to as the crisis. Unfortunately, despite its enormous efforts to investigate the causes, courses, and consequences of political, financial, and economic crises, science has not yet succeded in finding a remedy for their emergence; nevertheless, as yet unweavering in these efforts, perhaps it will contribute to alleviating the enormous costs of overcoming them. Editors

The Chivalric Code in Culture. Traditions and Continuations. Vol. II. Sarmatism and its Traditions

Ethos rycerski w kulturze. Tradycje i kontynuacje. T. II: Ethos sarmacki i jego tradycje

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Sarmatism; 16th/17th century Polish army; Sarmatian traditions and Polish culture

The second volume of this multiauthored monograph concerning the chivalric code aims to draw attention of those interested in the culture of Sarmatism and its traditions. The contributors include prominent literary and cultural scholars working on the Polish Republic of Nobles [szlachta]. Polish nobles were fascinated with the values originating in the ancient Rome and considered themselves as their rightful heirs. Even though the heroic acts among the Polish army in the 16th and 17th centuries were noted, the everyday life of the militaries back then was often detached from the high ideals derived from the chivalric code. Most of the contributions are concerned with the vernacular culture, literature, and writings in the 16th and 17th centuries; still, this work also consists of the chapters devoted to the traditions of Sarmatism recurring throughout the epochs much closer to our contemporary position.

The Minsk Voivodeship and the Jeleński Family’s Involvement in the Public Life of the Commonwealth Between 1764 and 1795 in Light of the Jeleński Family Correspondence

Województwo mińskie i Jeleńscy w życiu publicznym Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1764–1795 w świetle ich korespondencji

Author(s): Dariusz Rolnik / Language(s): Polish

The Jeleński family of the Korczak coat of arms had been a well-known family in the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth since the second half of the 16th century. During the reign of Stanisław August Poniatowski, however, the family rose to prominence in the Lithuania, holding the Senate seat of the Castellan of Nowogród, which was passed down to the members of the family. It was, in fact, thanks to Stanisław August that Rafał, as well as his brother Gedeon, were raised to the senatorial seat as the first among the Jeleński family. The family was also, or maybe first and foremost, extremely influential in the Minsk Voivodeship, particularly in the Mazyr County, where the various members of the family as well as their relatives and kinsmen held almost absolute power in the local administration. Nonetheless, little has been written about this family’s influence in this area and in the Commonwealth in general — except for biographical notes in the Polish Biographical Dictionary and mentions in books of heraldry. The only mentions included singular instances regarding historic events in the Commonwealth. It should, however, come as no surprise, since the representatives of the family never amounted to anything more than — however influential — supernumeraries on the political stage of the Commonwealth. Nonetheless, due to their mutual interests with the Radziwiłł and Sapieha families, as well as their close ties with many old Lithuanian noble families, such as the Medeksza, Obuchowicz, Kościałkowski, Lenkiewicz, Rdłutowski, Romer, or Wolbek families, in addition to remaining in Stanisław August’s sphere of influence, the Jeleński family aspired to count among the elite of the Lithuanian province, one whose opinion should be taken into consideration.The study is founded upon the analysis of the Jeleński Family Archive, stored at the NationalHistorical Archives of Belarus (NGAB) in Minsk. Thanks to that archive, it has been possible to reconstruct the genealogy of the family as well as indicate its role and influence in the public life of the Minsk Voivodeship during the reign of Stanisław August. The monograph discusses the political engagement of the two most important representatives of the family: Gedeon and Konstanty Ludwik, counted among the elite of their times. They were not only skilled politicians, but also initiators of cultural and scientific development in Lithuania. Both of them betrayed deep interest in the issues of governance and broadly understood political thought — a topic which has been discussed in the first part of this monograph.The monograph consists of five chapters. The first chapter, entitled The Jeleński Family, ItsGenealogy, Multiplication, Connections — A Biographical Perspective, introduces the Jeleński family and provides a biographical perspective. According to all sources, the Jeleński family is descended from the Tatars, and Teodor, the progenitor of the family, came from Lithuania to Poland in 1549 as a knight in the service of Zygmunt August, fighting to defend the Commonwealth, which is probable but impossible to verify. Three important figures were supposed to be descended from Teodor: Paweł, who held the office of the Lithuanian Field Guard, as well as Maciej and Adam, commanders of infantry regiments who made names for themselves in the Livonia, Moscow and Prussia war expeditions. From these three descend the next generations of the Jeleński family, who founded the Jeleński Family Archive and who settled in Dunajczyce and Tucha, which can be regarded as the family nests of the Jeleński family (both were bestowed upon them by Zygmunt III). Moreover, the chapter touches upon the career paths of the selected members of the family and delineates the network of family relationships in the form of longer biographical notes constructed on the basis of the primary sources available in the archive which have been cross-referenced with other studies, books of heraldry and primary sources.The research findings are presented in a graphic form in chapter two, which includes thegenealogy of the Jeleński family. Chapter three: Between the Familia and the King’s Party; Between the Radziwiłł and the Sapieha Families and subsequent Between Politics and the Household serve as an introductory section while at the same time discussing the two most important factors which influenced the family’s position in the public life. The latter issue constitutes the subject of the fifth chapter: The Public Life of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania — From the Convocation Sejm (1764) to the Fall of the Polish Statehood (1795). During that time, many members of the Jeleński family remained active in the political sphere, while Gedeon, the most ambitious of the politicians in his family, became the most influential. The members of the family were chosen to be deputies and representatives for more powerful parties; nonetheless, they held no autonomous political power. In 1772, they aligned themselves with Stanisław August. During election sejmiks which elected county and voivodeship officials, the Jeleński family always invoked the good of the Commonwealth, under the motto “for the good of the motherland”. The common good, however, was often perceived by the Jeleński family from the perspective of the prosperity of their own province — both on a smaller scale, i.e. the Mazyr County, and on a grander scale, i.e. the Minsk Voivodeship and the entire Lithuania. That is why their efforts were mostly concentrated on bringing prosperity to the Mazyr County first, followed by the Minsk and Nowogród Voivodeships, and finally the Grand Duchy of Lithuania itself. Sometimes, however, the good of their province and the good of the entire Commonwealthdid not completely align, complicated by the private affairs of the Jeleński family, which bothremained at the forefront of their minds and influenced their subservient political nature. Moreover, all members of the Jeleński family — and Gedeon most of all — were uniquely talented with regard to securing their “rewards.”

Forgotten princes? The Sulkowski family in the eighteenth-twentieth century

Zapomniani książęta? Sułkowscy w XVIII–XX wieku

Author(s): / Language(s): Czech,Polish,Slovenian

The following chapters of the work have been devoted to the fate of the representatives of different lines of the Sułkowskis from the 18th to the beginning of the 20th century. Adam Perłakowski outlined not only the subsequent stages of Aleksander Józef Sułkowski's political career, but also the source of economic power that allowed maintaining the family's splendour in the next generations. Jiří Brňovják, in turn, presented heraldic studies on the coats of arms and titles that had been bestowed upon Prince Aleksander Józef by Maria Teresa. Michał Zwierzykowski discussed the strategy of building the position of the family that was adopted by Prince August Sułkowski, and which enabled him and his brothers to receive the highest honours in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Grzegorz Madej presented the figure of Prince Franciszek Sułkowski, and juxtaposed two inventories of the Bielsko castle from 1786 and 1804, which facilitated getting to know the scope of the reconstruction of the prince's residence. Dariusz Nawrot recalled events in the life of Prince Jan Nepomucen Sułkowski during his greatest activity, when he aspired to play the role of the leader of the Polish uprising in New Silesia in 1807. Dawid Madziar presented the occurring at the same time beginnings of the military career of Prince Antoni Paweł Sułkowski, who was the organizer and a colonel of the 1st (9th) Infantry Regiment of the Polish Army in 1806 and 1807. In turn, Jarosław Czubaty recalled the figure of Antoni Paweł Sułkowski in the context of the circumstances surrounding his resignation from the position of the Supreme Commander in 1813. Miha Preinfalk presented the figure of Jožef Baron Dietrich, the source of his fortune and the circumstances surrounding the marriage of the Baron’s daughter with Prince Sułkowski. Piotr Kenig described the military careers of the consecutive family members in the Habsburg army. Jakub Krajewski presented the husbandry of the Princes’ forests in Bielsko and in the neighbourhood from the 18th to the early 20th century. Mojca Rjavec described the history of the line of the Sułkowski family connected with Bresternica near Maribor. Grażyna Sokół written an account of the complicated history of the Princes’ archives, which are invaluable for researching into the history of the Sułkowski family (From the introduction).

For our and your freedom. The Battle of Monte Cassino from the Polish and Italian perspectives. Per la nostra e la vostra libertà. La battaglia di Montecassino vista da una prospettiva polacca e italiana

Za naszą i waszą wolność. Bitwa o Monte Cassino z perspektywy polskiej i włoskiej. Per la nostra e la vostra libertà. La battaglia di Montecassino vista da una prospettiva polacca e italiana

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish,Italian

Keywords: Monte Casino; the Battle of Monte Cassino; General Anders; the Polish II Corps in Italy

The collection presents an overview of research into the essence of the Battle of Monte Cassino and the results of the victory of General Anders' soldiers from the point of view of Polish and Italian scientists. Having reached for previously not explored collections and archives, the authors present various aspects of the history of the Polish II Corps in Italy and make an attempt to shed light onto the less-known, complicated fate of this formation, which is so special in the history of Polish arms, as well as of individual soldiers fighting in it.

The Archives of the Jeleński family from the National Historical Archives of Belarus in Minsk (16th—20th century) — its history and inventory

Archiwum Jeleńskich z NGAB w Mińsku (XVI—XX wiek) — jego dzieje i inwentarz

Author(s): Dariusz Rolnik / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Lithuania; Jeleński family; nobles of the times of Stanisław August; archival inventories

The main part of the present publication is constituted by the Archives of the Jeleński family from the National Historical Archives of Belarus in Minsk. It seems that the implementation of this project will considerably facilitate using the aforementioned complex of archives, as the existent and accessible inventory of this archive in Minsk in fact only provides information about former signatures, and — in an obscure and frequently erroneous manner — about its contents. The way of presenting the Archives of the Jeleński family as suggested here will allow the researcher to familiarize quickly and certainly with its content, while the first part of the present study will facilitate the reading of this archive as well as the appropriate decoding of the senders and recipients of the messages, which is particularly important in case of reading the correspondence contained in the archive. Moreover, what is even more important, the archive will thus be introduced into the scientific circle. Despite the fact that this particular archive is not the most significant one for the purpose of studying the history of the former Republic of Poland, it nevertheless has some significance for the studies on the functioning of its provinces. The information contained in the archive may facilitate to explore the past times of the Saxon and Stanislavian age, and the history of the first half of the 19th century, exhibiting completely new matters, or showing the old ones in a new perspective. The material of the archives of the Jeleński family, including the correspondence contained there, apart from few fragments does not revolutionalize the image of the Lithuanian province of the Stanislavian times; in some periods, however, it makes it more precise and elaborate, demonstrating the whole context of the functioning of the Lithuanian province, as can be exemplified by the Minsk, and sometimes by the Novogrod voivodeships, and most of all by the lands of the Mozyrski district, to which the majority of the information contained in the archives refers. It constitutes a good exemplum for demonstrating the mechanisms of exercising power. The material of the archive also demonstrates an important quality of the gentry of the Stanislavian epoch, namely its concern with own interests. Economic issues related to the Jeleńskis’ possessions are mentioned in almost every unit. Disregarding the essence of the correspondence between the Jeleński family and their land stewards and plenipotentiaries responsible for their household affairs, attention must be paid to the correspondence which the members of the family carried on with one another, in which public issues were rarely taken up. In the letters that were exchanged among the members of the house, the dominant problems were common economic, contractual, and procedural matters. The main part of this study is preceded by introductory chapters. They contain basic information concerning the Jeleński family. They reveal the power of the family, and allow to rank this family among the Lithuanian elite, but primarily these chapters are meant to be the aid in reading the archives’ inventory. They may, after all, facilitate the appropriate reading of the letters that are comprised in this file, chiefly with respect to their receivers and senders. This part of publication also contains a brief history of the Archive of the Jeleński family and a short description of its resources. Also, the chapter provides the principles of the structuring of the inventory and of the editing of its contents. Moreover, it points out to the most valuable materials which can be found in the archive.

“Hermetica” of the Middle Ages and of the Renaissance. A contribution to the study of the history of European thought

Hermetica średniowiecza i renesansu. Studium z historii myśli europejskiej

Author(s): Agata Sowińska / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Hermetica; the Middle Ages; the Renaissance; Bernard z Lublina; Jakub Górski

The work is devoted to the reception of hermetic literature in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance in the works of Polish writers and it supplements the knowledge which was heretofore acquired in the field of the history of hermetic literature. The work focuses on two primary texts: a collection of dialogues entitled “Corpus Hermeticum” (in Marsilio Ficino’s Latin translation) and on a Latin treatise entitled “Asclepius”. The purpose of the work is to present a content-related and comparative analysis of works which contain quotations drawn from the aforementioned hermetic texts which are featured in: Bernard z Lublina (the so-called Philosophical Anthology), Jan z Trzciany (“De natura ac dignitate hominis”) and Jakub Górski (“Ad Magnificum Dominvm Stanislavm Miskovski Castellanvm Sendomiriensem et Capitanevm Cracoviensem Iacobi Gorscij Mercvrius sive de Trinitate contra Gregorium Bresinensem”), i.e. the figures who were mentioned only by Jan Czerkawski – a researcher of hermetism. The basis of the work is constituted by a manuscript of Bernard z Lublina which contains Latin excerpts from two most important hermetic texts: “Asclepius” and “Corpus Hermeticum”. The division is consistent with the division of the texts in the anthology of Bernard z Lublina: the first part comprises a content-based and comparative analysis of the excerpts from the treatise entitled “Asclepius”, the second part is devoted to the fourteen dialogues from the collection entitled “Corpus Hermeticum”. The study of the content of the anthology with reference to a comparison with the texts of other authors is supposed to bring about the separation of a tertium comparationis – a possible common strand of thought which reveals itself from an analysis and a comparison of the particular works. The analysis is supplemented by appendices which are devoted to works which heretofore have not received treatment: the works of Bernard z Lublina (in the form of tables which present the Latin, Greek and Coptic equivalent of the excerpts) and the works of Górski (in the form of an edition of the text).

From Hostility to Friendship. The Habsburgs of Austria toward Poland during 1587–1592

Od wrogości do przyjaźni. Habsburgowie austriaccy wobec Polski w latach 1587–1592

Author(s): Aleksandra Barwicka-Makula / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Habsburgs; Sisigmund III Vasa; Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth descriptions

This work presents Habsburg-Polish relations during 1587–1592 in the most exhaustive and comprehensive possible way. Its new approach toward diplomatic relations of the Austrian branch of the Habsburgs with Sisigmund III Vasa and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is founded on the previously unused sources and a deeper analysis of archival materials, mainly from Vienna’s Haus-, Hof-, and Staatsarchiv, which enabled a reconsideration of a broad range of prevailing assessments and views in historiography.These issues are discussed in four chapters. Chapter one serves as an introduction to the topic. It concerns the main directions and goals of the House of Austria’s foreign policy in the second half of the 16th century and shows the organizational structure and methods of operation of the Habsburg diplomatic service. It also presents Austrian attempts to gain the Polish crown from the 1560s to 1586.Chapter two begins with a characterization of Rudolph II’s reign. Historiographic assessments of the emperor’s engagement in the affairs of countries under Habsburg rule (the Austrian branch) and his activity in the field of diplomacy were recounted. Next, the attempts of the four archdukes: Ferdinand, Ernest, Matthias, and Maximilian to gain the Commonwealth’s throne were presented, as well as their mutual rivalry during the interregnum following Stephen Báthory’s death. This part also highlighted the changing perception of the Swedish prince by the Prague court and its impact on Habsburg diplomacy. Moreover, the course of Archduke Maximilian’s military expedition for the Polish crown, as well as the causes of the election fiasco and the defeat at Byczyna were pointed out.Chapter three presents diplomatic measures undertaken by Rudolph II to free his brother Maximilian and the House of Austria’s stance on the archduke’s imprisonment along with their preferred resolution to the conflict with the Commonwealth. It also raises the issue of Sigismund III’s lack of political independence during the first years of his reign. In this part, a different approach from the one established in source literature to both papal mediation and Cardinal-Legate Ippolit Aldobarndini’s contribution to the peace process was shown. Based on the previously unused record of the Bytom–Będzin parley, which is part of the number 982 manuscript from the Kórnik Library collection, and the correspondence of Austrian commissaries with Rudolph II, barely known to Polish historians, an exact course of the peace talks has been reconstructed.The chapter is concluded with a discussion of the terms of agreement and reaction of the two parties to the news of a peace settlement, analyzed through the prism of ratification procedures.The final part of the book discusses the impact that Maximilian’s refusal to pledge the Treaty of Będzin and Bytom had on Habsburg-Polish relations and personal contacts of Sigismund III with the House of Austria. Moreover, it confronts young Vasa’s offer regarding the succession to the Commonwealth throne made to Archduke Ernst with the plans of the Emperor’s court to gain the Polish crown. The king’s negotiations with the Habsburgs during 1589–1592 are viewed as his attempt to step out of the shade, free himself from Zamoyski’s counsel, and take the initiative and the helm of the Polish-Lithuanian state’s foreign policy. The author sees Sigismund III Vasa’s pro-Austrian stance as a tool to build his own political camp based on the former supporters of the Habsburg candidacy. Chapter four ends with a description of actions of both parties leading to the Polish king’s marriage to Archduchess Anna of Austria, daughter of Charles II of Austria and Maria of Bavaria.This book should inspire further research on Habsburg-Polish relations in the modern era and discussions about the place and role of the Commonwealth on the political map of Europe at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries.

An idea subject to the purposes of propaganda. The Slavic Committee in Poland in 1945–1953 in the context of the neo‑Slavic movement

Idea w służbie propagandy. Komitet Słowiański w Polsce 1945–1953 na tle ruchu nowosłowiańskiego

Author(s): Marcela Gruszczyk / Language(s): Polish

After the Second World War, the cooperation of Slavic people was treated by the communist authorities as the basic determinant of the internal and external policy of the country. It was seen as a guarantee of peace and safety in post‑war Europe. Moreover, according to the recommendations of the Soviet Union, it was supposed to serve the purpose of the Sovietization of the society. Additionally, it was supposed to convince the society about the value of an alliance with the Soviet Union in the eyes of the Slavic nations. The Slavic Committee was the main organization responsible for promoting the idea of Slavic unity. Since it had acquired mass appeal, its activities were supported by Polish‑ Slavic Friendship Societies – mainly by the Polish‑ Soviet Friendship Society. Missing and incomplete data in archival materials makes it impossible to identify the father of the idea of establishing the Slavic Committee in Poland. The only thing that is clear is the fact that the work on its establishment began in June 1945. With an initial focus on national structures, the work was initiated by Warsaw intellectuals, and inspired by communist authorities. Almost at the same time in Kraków, the centre of Slavic studies in Poland, a group of scholars associated with a Jagiellonian University professor – Henryk Batowski – took steps which led to the creation of the first local branch of the association. During his visit in Poland in July 1945, Aleksandr Gundorov, a Soviet activist, recommended the creation of the Polish Committee. He was invited by the Provisional Government of National Unity to take part in the commemoration of the 535th (five hundred thirty fifth) anniversary of the Battle of Grunwald. The most intense period of the operations of the Slavic Committee was between 1945 and 1949, when the committee conducted cultural and educational activities on a great scale. Special attention was accorded to conducting and celebrating public holidays, and historical anniversaries important for Slavs. The committee also organized – with great attention to detail – exhibitions, artistic performances, radio shows, and lectures promoting other Slavic countries. During that time the committee had been heavily involved in the Sorb issue. The involvement was motivated by a broad attention to the problem of the Polish society, and the nation’s strong support in reference to the requirements of the Sorbs. Apart from the element of the strengthening of Slavic unity, it was also a great moment to highlight and explain the defeat of the Third Reich. It is worthwhile to mention that the Committee had its own press organ – Życie Słowiańskie (Eng. Slavic Life) magazine. The monthly appeared between 1946 and 1953. a total of 84 issues were edited and published. An issue contained about 60 pages. Henryk Batowski was the first editor of the magazine. He held this function between 1946 and 1951. Jerzy Woźnicki was the second and, at the same time, the last edit‑ The magazine consisted of two parts. The first one contained articles about the history of Slavic countries (for example, the Soviet Union, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia). The content published in the second part was related to Poland. It had the form of short information materials, grouped into regular sections. They included: Kronika polityczna, kulturalna i gospodarcza (Eng. The Political, Cultural and Economic Chronicle) and Przegląd książek i czasopism słowiańskich (Eng. An Overview of Slavic Books and Magazines). Reports on the current activity of the Committee were also printed. Sometimes sports news and information on arts was provided. Texts were mainly written by the members of the Committee management. Officially, the editorial team of the magazine was supposed to make sure that the annual number of published materials on individual Slavic countries was similar. However, most of the published texts were in fact related to the Soviet Union and the Polish‑ Russian cultural cooperation. These were typical propaganda articles, full of lofty slogans praising the alliance with the Soviet Union. In the early 1950s the international cultural exchange has been severely limited. Until that point these activities were in the scope of the Slavic Committee. However, mainly as a result of a Soviet‑Yugoslav conflict they were shifted to the Committee of International Cultural Collaboration (established in June 1950). The Soviet‑Yugoslav conflict ruined the conception of Slavic unity.

Modern Calendariography of Silesia Up to the first half of the 18th century. Catalog

Nowożytna kalendariografia Śląska do połowy XVIII wieku. Katalog

Author(s): Agata Bryłka-Jesionek / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: calendar; chronology; history of mentality in the modern era

This work concerns the problem of modern Silesian calendariography. The choice of source material was determined by two factors: territorial and temporal. What is the subject matter of this work with reference to the territorial factor, are exclusively calendar publications issued in Silesian printing houses. They include the printing houses in the provinces of Wrocław, Legnica, Brzesko, Kłodzko, Nysa, Opava and Kożuchów. As to the chronological frame, it is determined by the date of the issue of the oldest Silesian calendar print that preserved to the present day. It is the year of 1562, when the Polish-language print entitled “Dzienne sprawy wedlie Niebieskich Biegow ná rok Panski. 1563 […]“ (“Daily matters according to Celestial Cycles for Anno Domini 1563 […]”), edited by Kacper Goski of Cracow. The final frames of this work are determined by the mid-eighteenth century, when significant changes of political character took place. They were a consequence of Silesia getting under Prussian rule resulting from the Peace Treaty of Berlin signed in 1742, which was reinforced three years later by the Peace Treaty in Dresden. This resulted in transformations in the field of legislation, which also had an impact on the calendar publishing market (the so-called Kalender- Patent issued by Frederick II). In total, 78 titles of calendar prints, which comprise 250 annuals, have been collected and cataloged. Despite the rudimentary state of preservation, it should be concluded that Silesian calendar publications were, to a large extent, periodic prints. They were issued mostly in German, occasionally also in Latin and Polish. Calendar publications were not only the effect of the work of their editors and publishers, they were also a specific manifestation of reading activity. Due to the notes made on their cards, their individuality and uniqueness were revealed. They became the trustees of the reader’s thoughts, and thus they played an important role in his/her life. Silesian calendar publications played an important role in the process of nowadays social communication. On their pages, since around the mid-seventeenth century, there had been presented texts reflecting the current state of knowledge in the fields of, among others, running a farm, geography, history, biology, medicine, chronology and astronomy. The aim of the editors was therefore not only to propagate knowledge of a practical nature, but also to expand the readers’ cognitive horizons and satisfy their inquisitiveness about the surrounding world. Reading the calendar printing was also supposed to provide entertainment. The texts published on the calendar pages give evidence of a considerable knowledge of the latest research results, since there were presented the views of well-known and respected, both ancient and modern, authorities. They were also often accompanied by the editors’ own reflections and observations. The calendar publications we are interested in may serve as a kind of measure of ideological changes within communities living in the area of Silesia. Therefore, they can be considered as a manifestation of the changes in the outlooks on life characteristic for a given epoch. The presence of astrological contents in calendar publications may be associated with manifestations of Renaissance thought, and the overabundance of them seems to be close to the ideas of the Baroque era. The face of this type of prints underwent far-reaching transformations in the 18th century, along with the movement of the Enlightenment, since at this time, alongside prints of astrological character, there were also those containing information about everyday life. In this way, calendar publications tried to meet the needs of the reader, thus becoming a kind of ‘mirror’ of social tendencies. They were also to perform the propaganda function, to integrate the circle of recipients around certain ideas and preferred values. The modern calendariography of Silesia is a manifestation of certain trends and fashions functioning within the contemporary society, which is indicated by a comparative analysis of Silesian calendar publications and the ones issued in other typographic centres. The thematic scope of calendariography of particular epochs may be evidence not only of ideological influences, but also of the then mentality within a given society. The texts placed in the calendar publications were, to some extent, to satisfy the needs of an average reader, which undoubtedly was vital to the commercial success of particular titles. These publications played an integrating role, as they were addressed to a wide range of recipients. Within their framework, the first manifestations of democracy and the formation of a civil society may be observed.

Scientists from distant and recent past. Reconstructions, interpretations, reflections

Uczeni z odległej i nieodległej przeszłości. Rekonstrukcje, interpretacje, refleksje

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: scholar; scientist; science; biography; fate;reconstruction;

Human life may be subjected to explanation, interpretation, reconstruction and even to constructing, from a certain point of view. In recent years a biography, both as a subject (the account of one’s life) and as a methodological orientation or a method of academic research, has been experiencing a renaissance. This, in turn, led the author to study biographies of researchers, in particular, to transpose their achievements to modern cultural resources of, especially, pedagogical sub-disciplines. According to the author it is not enough and to merely explore the institution of the university (or any other attended by high-school) or the social processes and mechanisms affecting such institutions. Among distinct advantages of a biography is also the fact that it provides personalized scientific facts which can only be known through empathy and reflexive astuteness, thus clearing the way to much-desired humanisation of learning. As a general rule, a biography portrays a person’s life story, in close association with his or her personality. This may prove useful in the interpretation of the life stories of researchers presented in this study. It may also be helpful when one undertakes to transpose the experiences of researchers to the system of views, beliefs and values of the recipients of their academic output. The thoughts contained in this book/work studied lead to numerous conclusions related (but not restricted) to the academic activity of the examined researchers.1 Biographies of researchers, irrespective of the epoch in which they lived, reflect specific features, tendencies and even regularities of their functioning. (fragment of the summary)

Denis Petau: Carthaginenses. The Carthaginians

Denis Petau: Carthaginenses. Kartagińczycy

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Carthage; Third Punic War; Denis Petau; Latin tragedy; Seneca's reception

The present work constitutes a scholarly edition and a translation into Polish of the Latin tragedy Carthaginenses of Denis Petau, and an introduction and commentary on the work. This tragedy, along with two other dramatic works of this author brought Petau relative fame. The author of the translation and the edition intended to familiarise a wider group of readers with this now-forgotten work, which is one the most worthwhile works – from the perspective of the tradition of humanist works by Jesuits in 17th-century Europe. As a dramatist Petau, does not conceal the great debt that he contracted from Seneca the Younger – not only does he imitate the Roman philosopher and tragedian in terms of formal and stylistic means in a fine manner but he also engages the themes of the stoic thought of this author. In the Carthaginenses, the Senecan perspective was employed in order to reinterpret the bloody episodes of the Third Punic War. Here Petau exhibited the figures of two strong women, who marked their presence in the history of Carthage: Dido, the mythical founder of the city, and the wife of Hasdrubal, the last Carthaginian commander. The death of the second heroine – the culmination of the plot of the tragedy – is used by the author to pose the difficult questions associated with human dignity and freedom.

Cultural and literary contexts of Croatian‑Hungarian relations in the 19th and 20th century

Kulturalne i literackie konteksty relacji chorwacko‑węgierskich w XIX i XX wieku

Author(s): Antonina Kurtok / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Croatian literature; Croatian culture; Croatian-Hungarian relations; Croatia, Hungary

Nations of Croatia and Hungary existed within one state for over eight hundred years. This coexistence – dated 1102–1918 – determined the shape of Croatian-Hungarian relations not only during the union but also after it ended. Interactions involved different aspects of political, social and cultural life of the neighbouring countries. The character of this connection – inter alia its longness, differentiation of languages and entogenetics – makes the coexistence of both nations phenomenal. The period of the Croatian-Hungarian synchronicity can be divided into two noticeable phases: the first one indicates close collaboration. It occurred from the direct threat from Ottoman Turkish side. Later, it was connected with the mutual interests in fight against the Habsburg Monarchy; the second one was a phase of a strong conflict between Zagreb – Budapest because of the intense hegemonic endeavours of the Hungarians. The national self-awareness only contributed to the differentiation of the political interests on both sides. The high point of the Croatian-Hungarian conflict occurred during the reign of Kálmán Tisza (1875–1890), and later when earl Károly Khuen-Héderváry (1883–1903) became a ban of Croatia. Tentions between nations existed long after the Austro-Hungary’s collapse. Disintegration of the old geopolitical order (which took place after the World War I) imposed a natural change in conflict engaging. The dealings got worse and they started to change only with liberalisation of the political space. The aim of the paper is to analyse and describe the chosen matters concerning cultural and literary aspects of Croatian-Hungarian relations. The starting point for the analysis constitute the selected Croatian texts of culture which came into being mostly in the 19th and 20th century. I also investigated multidimensional impact of the Croatian-Hungarian relation on the literary output. Moreover, the presentation of historical, political, social and cultural contexts, among other things, constitutes an inherent part of the dissertation. The exceptionally important role of the authors of the analysed works was included, as their biographies, personal experiences and world view selections reflected on the text’s ideological layer.The paper is divided into four chapters. The first two chapters include the introductory information. They present the relations between the two discussed nations from the very beginning of their existence to 18th century. The presentation was based on intercultural toposes regarding e.g. the Battle of Mohács or the Battle of Szigetvár. The two last chapters constitute an essential part of the thesis. There is a description and the analysis of the selected aspects of the Croatian- Hungarian relation. Those are immanently bound with the socio-political affairs present in belles lettres i.e. written in the 19th and 20th century. Literary works chosen for comparison are texts written by: Ivan Mažuranić (Hrvati Mađarom. Odgovor na proglase njihove od ožujka mjeseca i travnja 1848./A’ Horvátok a’ Magyaroknak feletet az 1848-ik Mártzius és Április magyar híredetményekre), Ljudevit Vukotinović Farkaš (Štitonoša. Pripovědka iz XVI. věka), Mirko Bogović (Frankopan), Eugen Kumičić (Urota zrinsko-frankopanska), Ksaver Šandor Gjalski (Znanstvein heureka Mazalji Miška oraz Izlet Grinczinger Pál-a na Magyar tenger), Živko Bertić (Oszlics Szilárd i njegov certifikat iliti jedan sasvim obični događaj na željeznici), Marija Jurić Zagorka (Kako je bilo), Miroslav Krleža (Zastave, Sprovod u Theresienburgu and Ivan Križovec).Hungarian issues in abovementioned literary works are presented always in the historical and/or political aspect. Discourse of texts written in the 19th century constitutes sui generis barometer of the current relations between Croatia and Hungary. We can either interpret certain historical motives or commentate on current political and social affairs, often hid by satire and irony. Texts written in the 20th century to a great extend refer to common history of both nations; they reassess traditions, mythical characters and stereotypes rooted in the national imagination but they also settle the political practices used by the both sides in the time of their coexistence. The analysed works represent the broad spectrum of literary genres and its variations. Hungarian elements – sensu largo – are exposed in almost every layer of the text. In some of the literary works (e.g. Ivan Mažuranić or Miroslav Krleža texts) contacts with the Hungarian environment – that is personal relations with their authors, culture and pieces of literature – evince as motives, elements of poetics, syntax or stylistics taken directly from the Hungarian surrounding. What is more, there was made the attempt to sketch parallels in the Croatian and Hungarian historicoliterary process already after the disintegration of the long-lasting union. The collapse of the Habsburg Empire indicated big changes in the topography of Central and South Europe – one of the most important was to set new geographical borders. It led into constituting of the new countries with brand new socio-political structure. Furthermore, some of the ethnic groups were territorially and culturally damaged. That is why the dissertation covers also the typology of the Croatian minority groups, which came into existence on the Hungarian land. Its cultural and literary activity was described, as it played a major role in bringing again Croatian-Hungarian contacts to life.

The Cross and the Saber. Foreign Policy of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Assessment of Papal Diplomacy during 1623–1635

Krzyż i karabela. Polityka zagraniczna Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w ocenie dyplomacji papieskiej w latach 1623–1635

Author(s): Paweł Duda / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Nemesian; Cynegetica; hunting; tradition; antiquity

This work presents issues relating to a dramatic fragment of European history and a tumultuous period in the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the light of the accounts and assessments of papal nuncios residing at European courts.The author’s primary aim was to answer the question: how did the Holy See during the first phase of the pontificate of Urban VIII assess the foreign policy of the Commonwealth and to what extent did it try to influence it? In his work, main directions of Polish policy during this period and the papacy’s attitude toward them were analyzed. The Roman Curia’s stance on the Commonwealth’s relations with neighbors, including Turkey, Moscow, and Sweden, was discussed. The papacy’s stand on the issues relating to Poland’s potential participation in the Thirty Years’ War and on Vasa-Habsburg military plans was examined. Moreover, Rome’s attitude toward issues which pertained to domestic policy, albeit they determined the position of the Polish-Lithuanian state in Europe of that time – the 1632 election and Władysław IV Vasa’s marital plans – was presented.The above-mentioned issues were the subject of mutual diplomatic relations, which usually took the form of correspondence of nuncios to Poland and other European courts with the Holy See’s Secretariat of State.This work is part of an important trend in Polish historical research in which foreign source materials have been used to explore the history of the Commonwealth. The main source material for this study is the correspondence of apostolic nuncios gathered in Archivio Segreto Vaticano and Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana. The correspondence of papal nuncios to Poland between 1623 and 1635 – Giovanni Battista Lancellotti, Antonio Santacroce, Honoratio Visconti, and partially Mario Filonardi, as well as letters from Secretary of State Francesco Barberini to these nuncios are of particular importance to the topic of research. Moreover, telegrams from papal diplomats residing at the most important courts of modern Europe: in Vienna, Paris, and Madrid, concerning the international situation of the Commonwealth, are valuable supplementary material.Offering an insight into analyses and actions undertaken by papal diplomacy toward the Commonwealth, the book simultaneously shows the Polish-Lithuanian state as a significant part of European political reality.

Friends from Birkenau. An essay about remembering

Koleżanki z Birkenau. Esej o pamiętaniu

Author(s): Halina Rusek / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Nazi concentration camp; autobiography; memory; freedom

The friends from the title of this book are a group of female prisoners of KL Auschwitz-Birkenau (1943–1945), whose paths crossed several times during around two years of camp life in Birkenau. At different times they lived in one block of the women’s camp, slept in one bunk, together left Auschwitz to work in the Wolkenburg camp, and several of them escaped together from transport to Dachau, from a freight wagon, at the small German station of Weiden. Together they also survived one of the most beautiful, as they say, periods in their lives – a few months of miraculously regained freedom, spent in Weiden under the protection of the American army. Several of them also took a long, difficult journey home. Preserved memories of three of these friends – including the Mother of the book’s author, are the central axis of this essay. It presents the process of shaping the way of perceiving the world and the identity of individuals who came across actions aimed to annihilate human beings. They came into contact with the essence of a concentration camp, which was based on depriving people of all rights and even exterminating them. The approach chosen by the author is the biographical method which focuses on the study of what is individual, related to assessments, values, experiences. It is a book about trying to find an answer to the question of how it happened that some people expressed indescribable cruelty to other people and decided to dehumanize and annihilate them. The book is also about the forces you must find in yourself in order to survive such an experience and start living an ordinary life afterwards. The author’s intention is to bring the recorded memories of the Friends to a possibly wide audience, to the public sphere and also, or perhaps above all, to the consciousness of those whose way of thinking is far from scientific.

The return to the Motherland? The Western and Northern Lands in the People’s Poland

Powrót do Macierzy? Ziemie Zachodnie i Północne w Polsce Ludowej

Author(s): Maciej Fic / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Motherland; People’s Poland

The Second World War, among numerous modifications in relation to Poland of the twenty-year interwar period caused considerable transformations of its state territory. In 1945, outside of Poland’s borders remained the so-called Eastern Borderlands lost to the Soviet Union — despite the misleading name, the said area encompassed close to a half of the interwar Second Republic of Poland. By way of reimbursement for the said lost, Poland gained from Germany the areas to the west and north of the 1939 Polish state borders. As a whole, this territory amounted to little over 100,000 sq. kilometres, and in 1939 was inhabited by circa 8.5 million people.The following areas were incorporated into Poland: West (Stettin/Szczecin) Pomerania, Lubusz Land, Lower Silesia, the western part of Upper Silesia (Opole Silesia), Warmia, Masuria and a part of Gdańsk Pomerania. The newly incorporated lands acquired many names in historiography and propaganda of the time: the “postulated lands,” “returning lands,” “Regained Lands,” or the Western and Northern Lands (hereafter ZZiP). The nomenclature became part and parcel of history politics instituted by the new authorities, which aimed at strengthening the “Piast Poland” vision (the state’s return to its “proper” national territory), meted out against the “Jagiellonian Poland” (understood as misguided Poland’s eastward expansionism).While planning the content of this book, the authors sought to restrict the contributors’ leeway pertaining to topics, particularly the territorial scope of the research presented. Instead of “vertical” perspective (i.e. presenting various spheres of activities undertaken across the entire ZZiP), the “horizontal” approach was taken, that is, the one showing the specific of the particular country areas comprising the lands in question. Our work is, therefore, a kind of journey through the subsequent, previously mentioned areas. (fragment of the introduction )