Balkan kao metafora: Između globalizacije i fragmentacije

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Balkan. Somewhere between a tragedy and a myth, a place and a condition, the term is perhaps best understood as a metaphor. It has been used and abused in academia by proponents of opposing political views. Multiculturalism has appropriated it, as have postmodernism and postcommunism. It is used pejoratively to refer to excessive specialization and nostalgically to refer to Europe’s lost people—its wild warriors and passionate geniuses. This book explores the idea of the Balkan as metaphor and the meaning of Balkan identity in the context of contemporary culture. Focusing on Balkanism both as a body of knowledge and as the critical study of that discourse, this book does for the Balkans what Edward Said’s Orientalism did for "the Orient."The sixteen authors, most of whom were born and educated in the Balkans, apply the Western academic tools of postmodernism, poststructuralism, deconstruction, psychoanalysis, and critical multiculturalism to topics as varied as the rhetoric of Balkanization, the war in Kosovo, Western demonization and erotization of the Serbs, Balkan film, human rights legislation, Byzantinism, the vampire as an image of Balkan violence, envy of the political and moral capital of victimhood, the tendency of the Balkan psyche toward depression, Serbian machismo and homosexuality, and wartime rape. The book both lays the groundwork for a new field of study and serves as an act of resistance against the many forms of representation that break the Balkans into fragments such as NATO army bases and digital maps in order to wire them into the global market.

Uvod: Dizanje »mosta« u vazduh

Author(s): Dušan Ilija Bjelić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Jednom, u leto 2000-te godine, sedeli smo (mi – studenti univerziteta u Srbiji, predstavnici raznih srpskih ne-vladinih organizacija i dva profesora sa američkih univerziteta) u malom restoranu u Vladičinom Hanu na granici između Srbije i Makedonije. Zaustavili smo se da ručamo na putu za Makedoniju gde smo išli na sastanak sa studentima prištinskog univerziteta, organizovanog od strane Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji. Dok su nam služili piće, našem stolu priđe bradati pravoslavni sveštenik – poliglota, u crnoj odori sa obeležjima grčke pravoslavne crkve, izgleda privučen engleskim jezikom kojim je govorila profesorka Lusinda Koul (Cole).

Metafore moći

Author(s): Miroslav Milović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U spisu Filozofija prava Hegel (Hegel) govori o priznanju čoveka kao takvog. Čovek je priznat kao takav a ne na temelju njegove partikularne nacionalne karakteristike. Ovo je postalo moguće u okviru moderne, liberalne Evrope, koja pravi razliku pogotovo između privatnih i javnih, crkvenih i državnih opštih interesa.

CSD-Report 34 - Monitoring Radicalisation: A Framework for Risk Indicators

Author(s): Rositsa Dzhekova,Mila Mancheva,Nadya Stoynova,Dia Anagnostou / Language(s): English

Radicalisation processes impacting on disaffected and indoctrinated persons and the later involvement of some of them in acts of terrorism are of growing concern for European citizens, their governments and the wider international community. Addressing this threat requires effective prevention policies which some EU member states have been proactive in developing. Effective policies need reliable diagnostic tools designed to identify individuals and groups who might pose a threat. The publication provides a review of existing approaches and tools to identifying, monitoring and assessing radicalisation in Europe and beyond. It further offers a conceptual framework of radicalisation risk and vulnerability indicators and their interpretation as a basis for developing early-warning mechanisms for frontline practitioners in countries which are yet to develop specific prevention and counter-radicalisation policies. The target group of the guide are policymakers at national and EU levels, as well as practitioners directly involved in the prevention of radicalisation in Central and Eastern Europe and beyond.

CSD-Report 17 - Police Stops and Ethnic Profiling in Bulgaria

Author(s): Tihomir Bezlov,Martin Dimov,Philip Gounev,Nikoleta Yordanova / Language(s): English

Between June and December 2005 the Center for the Study of Democracy and Vitosha Research, supported by the Open Society Justice Initiative carried out a study of police stops. The resulting report Police Stops and Ethnic Profiling in Bulgaria examines the use of stops by the Bulgarian police, focusing on the practices of disproportionate stops of members of the Roma ethnic minority. The report also highlights issues related to police abuse during stops as well as crime among in Roma communities. // The study is part of a Europe-wide initiative aimed to map discriminatory police practices across Europe. In addition to Bulgaria, research was carried out in Spain, Hungary and Russia indicating that there is disproportionate treatment of minorities by the police in all these countries. // Police stops are the main point of contact between officers and citizens. Police officers view stops as essential for detecting and preventing crime. Therefore, the appropriate use of this tool is crucial to police efficiency, whereas when used in the wrong way, it could seriously deteriorate the relations between citizens and the police. The findings and the report were launched at a public meeting of the National Crime Prevention Commission on September 19, 2006.

CSD-Report 17 - Полицейски проверки и използване на етнически профили в България

Author(s): Tihomir Bezlov,Martin Dimov,Philip Gounev,Nikoleta Yordanova / Language(s): Bulgarian

Between June and December 2005 the Center for the Study of Democracy and Vitosha Research, supported by the Open Society Justice Initiative carried out a study of police stops. The resulting report Police Stops and Ethnic Profiling in Bulgaria examines the use of stops by the Bulgarian police, focusing on the practices of disproportionate stops of members of the Roma ethnic minority. The report also highlights issues related to police abuse during stops as well as crime among in Roma communities. // The study is part of a Europe-wide initiative aimed to map discriminatory police practices across Europe. In addition to Bulgaria, research was carried out in Spain, Hungary and Russia indicating that there is disproportionate treatment of minorities by the police in all these countries. // Police stops are the main point of contact between officers and citizens. Police officers view stops as essential for detecting and preventing crime. Therefore, the appropriate use of this tool is crucial to police efficiency, whereas when used in the wrong way, it could seriously deteriorate the relations between citizens and the police. // The findings and the report were launched at a public meeting of the National Crime Prevention Commission on September 19, 2006.

Čierno-biele svety. Rómovia v majoritnej spoločnosti na Slovensku

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak,Czech

We perceive the world unkown to us as an opposite of our own. It is inhabited by the people who we consider to be our enemies or - in the worst case - non-humans. The news we get from this world are simplified, distorted by the filters of created by the group expectations on the both sides. What is the Roma world like through the perception of the Non-Roma people? How do we behave towards each other? This book provides the answers for these questions.

Put u varvarstvo

Author(s): Srđa Popović / Language(s): Serbian

Srđa Popović's analysis in détail of Serbia's way into the wars and conflicts of the 1990s

Milošević vs Jugoslavija. Knjiga I

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Human Rights and Collective Identity - Serbia 2004 -

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Report on Human Rights in Serbia in 2014: Political Culture vs. Europeanization

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Serbia is once again at crossroad that calls for the engagement of its entire society. The steps the government has made toward EU accession are insufficient, the more so since the government itself is not unanimous about the course. This is more than evident in the implementation of the Brussels Agreement. The great majority of citizens knows nothing or knows little about what a membership of EU implies. Besides, most major national institutions such as Serb Orthodox Church, parts of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (now trying to change its course), influential intellectuals and parts of the civil sector are not committed to the values on which EU rests. Turbulence within EU itself and disorientation of some member-states play into the hands of EU opponents and fuel their resistance. Human rights and freedoms have regressed considerably over the past three years, the backsliding itself escalating during the state of emergency declared because of floods (May 15-23, 2014) and in the aftermath. Requiring expertise and, above all, preventive measures, the crisis situation itself revealed the government’s weaknesses and its attitude toward key issues of further democratization.

Izbeglice – žrtve etničkog inženjeringa

Author(s): Boris Delić,Safet Biševac,Drago Kovačević / Language(s): Serbian

I novi milenijum, nažalost, počinje sa ogromnim masovnim egzodusom stanovništva širom sveta; najnoviji slučajevi si Istočni Timor, Avganistan, Sudan i drugi. Izbeglištvo je uvek bolno i teško iskustvo, što su pokazali i ratovi na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije. Osim toga, povratak nikad nije masovan, bez obzira na veliku želju izbeglica da se vrate. Intencija Dejtonskog sporazuma (Annex VII) da, pre svega, poništi rezulatate rata i obezbedi takav proces nije dao velike rezultate. Razlozi za to su brojni. Prvi je, svakako, to što su počinioci i kreatori ovog zločina još uvek nosioci vlasti na tim prostorima, a drugi, isto tako značajan, je to što su se brojne izbeglice već integrisale u nove sredine, mnoge u trećim zemljama. U odnosu na povratak, jugoslovensko iskustvo je pokazalo i neke izuzetke. To se prvenstveno odnosi na kosovske Albance, koji su se nakon povlačenja jugoslovenske armije, paravojski i policije masovno vraćali svojim kućama, uprkos činjenici da su njihova sela mahom bila spaljena i devastirana (srpske snage su spalile više od 100.000 albanskih kuća). Drugi primer su Srbi iz Hrvatske, koji su utočište našli u samoj Srbiji. Njihova želja za povratkom je opstruirana, kako sa hrvatske, tako i sa srpske strane. Uprkos tome, povratak Srba u Hrvatsku je proces koji još uvek traje, sa mogućnošću da se u budućnosti intenzivira. Sada su, naime, bezbednosni uslovi zadovoljavajući, i, što je još važnije, hrvatska vlast je promenila svoju politiku prema Srbima. Do ove promene je došlo nakon što se Hrvatska kandidovala za članstvo u EU, što je kao uslov nametalo, ne samo saradnju sa Hagom, već i povratak srpskih izbeglica.

Montirani procesi protiv kosovskih Albanaca (1999-2001)

Author(s): Fahri Musliu / Language(s): Serbian

The book “Framed Trials of Kosovo Albanians” is a product of the author’s three-year coverage of some of hundreds of proceedings against Kosovo Albanians from the autumn of 1999 till mid-2001. As the only Albanian journalist and longstanding Belgrade correspondent for the media in Albanian, the author was keeping the Albanian public posted on those trials via the Radio Voice of America and the Pristine-seated Zeri daily. Though not in detail such political trials usually necessitate, the book factually and authentically speaks of the legal processes instituted against prisoners of war – actually 2,000 Albanian hostages who were lucky enough to survive. The others met their death in prisons. The author finished his manuscript in May 2001 when all trials were practically over and the great majority of prisoners released under the Amnesty Law. However, for objective reasons, it was only in May 2002 that the book came out of print in Albanian. On March 26, 2002, the last group of 145 prisoners was transferred from Serbian prisons to Kosovo under the agreement between the Serbian authorities and the UNMIK administration. Thus, as mother of the well-known political prisoner Nait Hasani put it, “the doors of Serbian prisons were finally and forever closed for Albanians.” The book also reveals the nature and philosophy of Serbian public prosecutor offices and trial chambers that have been moved from Kosovo to Serbia. They did all but administer justice. They were nothing but mouthpieces of the then criminal regime symbolized in Slobodan Milosevic. The Albanians – including numbers of juveniles and women – they took hostage were indicted of terrorism either as members or supporters of the KLA labeled a terrorist organization. Without a single argument and evidence supportive to the charges, they meted out draconian punishment to those people. Many legal experts, independent intellectuals and human rights organizations from Serbia raised their voice against court decisions, calling those trials “the biggest defeat of the Serbian judiciary ever disgracing not only the legal profession but also the Serbian nation as a whole.”

Snaga lične odgovornosti

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

U oktobru 2008. godine Latinka Perović je napunila 75 godina života. Knjiga “Snaga lične odgovornosti”, zbirka članaka njenih prijatelja i saradnika, je izraz poštovanja njenom dugogodišnjem istraživačkom radu i zalaganju za razumevanje Srbije i njenog napora da se modernizuje. Ova knjiga je omaž njenom životnom zalaganju za istinu, toleranciju, individualno poštenje i hrabrost, odgovornost prema vlastitoj zemlji. Knjiga je takođe počast Latinki Perović – čoveku, istoričaru, političaru i, iznad svega, prijatelju i saradniku. Među srpskim istoričarima, Latinka Perović je verovatno uložila najveći trud da se pronikne u početke moderne istorije Srbije tokom XIX veka, bez čega se ne može razumeti ni aktuelna drama srbijanskog društva u pravljenju bilansa dvovekovnog lutanja. Isto tako, nije moguće dati odgovore na sve dileme sa kojima se Srbija na dramatičan način suočava bez uvida u suštinu dugotrajne političke opcije, Srbije kao hegemona na Balkanu, koja je završila u zločinu. U jednom razdoblju, dok je bila istaknuti političar, Latinka Perović je duboko uvažavala svu kompleksnost jugoslovenske federacije, suprotstavljajući se konstatntnom odbijanju Srbije da pristane na napor koji takva državna zajednica zahteva. Ona je u tom pogledu jedna od retkih koja je razumela tu složenu državnu zajednicu i potrebu za ravnopravnim odnosima između svih republika, bez čega takva zajednica nije moguća. Zato je i njeno razumevanje raspada Jugoslavije jedinstveno među, kako srpskim istoričarima, tako i među političarima. Ova knjiga, kao izraz našeg dubokog poštovanja za Latinku Perović, istovremeno je i pokušaj odupiranja marginalizaciji njene pojave, njenog rada i razumevanja Srbije. Bez takvog uvida i razumevanja, Srbija ne može istinski postati deo zajednice evropskih zemalja.

Voiced and Voiceless in Asia

Author(s): Annegret Bergmann,Pia Eskelinen,Letizia Guarini,Noriko Hiraishi,Kamila Hladíková,Fumi Inoue,Bhavana Kumari,Martin Lavička,Madhu Madhu,Rafael Vinícius Martins,Nikolaos Mavropoulos,Robert Ono,Silvia Picchiarelli,André Pinto Teixeira,Martina R. Prosperi,Rune Steenberg,Freya Terryn,Robert Tsaturyan,Jessica Uldry,Halina Zawiszová / Language(s): English

This volume consists of 19 chapters that reflect the titular theme - Voiced and Voiceless in Asia - from a variety of angles, making use of diverse scholarly approaches and disciplines, while focusing specifically on China, India, Japan, and Taiwan. The chapters are broadly divided into two parts: (1) Politics and Society, and (2) Arts and Literature, although the texts included in the second part also deal with social themes. In addition to historical topics, such as Japanese colonialism or Chinese agricultural reforms in the 1950s, the volume also addresses current issues, including restrictive Chinese policies in Xinjiang, Japanese activist movements against gender-based violence and discrimination, or the problems of migrant laborers in India and performing arts in Japan during the COVID-19 pandemic. Likewise, it provides insight into satirical woodblock prints from the Boshin War period or works of literature produced in Japanese leprosariums in the first half of the 20th century, as well as into selected topics in contemporary Chinese, Japanese, and Sinophone Tibetan literature. Collectively, the chapters comprised in this volume narrate the multifaceted relationship between 'voice' and 'power,' thus highlighting the fact that the question of 'voice' is closely intertwined with a variety of social, political, and cultural issues.

AGRESIJA NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU: OPSADA I ODBRANA SARAJEVA – TRI DECENIJE POSLIJE –

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Prošlo je trideset godina od početka opsade i odbrane Sarajeva. Sarajevo je, shodno velikosrpskom strategijskom planu, bio epicentar i glavni cilj agresije. Agresija JNA i srpskih oružanih jedinica iz Bosne i Hercegovine i Srbije i Crne Gore na međunarodno priznatu državu Bosnu i Hercegovinu, po svim meritornim analizama, imala je široke razmjere i karakter Blitzkrieg, odnosno karakter brzo izvedene okupacije i opsade, prije svega, velikih gradova kao centara ekonomske, političke, kulturne moći i tradicijskog značaja, te posebice blokade vitalnih komunikacija (cestovnog, željezničkog, vazdušnog, pa i riječnog saobraćaja), a sve s ciljem pripajanja cijele teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji, a u kontekstu dogovora između Tuđmana i Miloševića, znatan dio Bosne i Hercegovine bio je namijenjen projekciji „Velike Hrvatske”. Sarajevo je do 6. aprila 1992. godine već bilo potpuno odsječeno. Komunikacijski presječeno. Jedinice JNA i srpske paravojne (četničke) jedinice već su bile na svim bitnim strateškim punktovima u Sarajevu i oko Sarajeva i šire regije; gledano sa striktno vojnog stajališta, planom blokade, opsade i osvajanje Sarajeva bilo je veoma dobro zamišljeno; zaposjednute su sve vitalne tačke: Trebević, Zlatište, Brus, Osmice, Žuč, Hum, Mrkovići, Borije, Špicasta stijena, itd., a koncentrirana vatrena moć je, po izjavama Karadžića, Mladića i Vojislava Šešelja, bila takva da je bila dovoljna po zamišljenim prognozama artiljerijski da napadne Italiju. Pet bivših korpusa JNA, od Riječkog, Zagrebačkog, Užičko-valjevskog i Titogradskog, itd. bilo je koncentrirano i raspoređeno u Bosni i Hercegovini, a od toga glavnina vatrene moći oko Sarajeva. Iza svake od tih strateških zajedničkih tačaka, koje su Sarajevo imale kao na dlanu i koje su ga tako bezočno uništavale i razarale, iza sebe su imale stručno napravljene komunikacijske i fortifikacijske linije, kompletne saobraćajnice, s pozadinskom logistikom, doturom municije, nafte, hrane i svega onoga što je bilo potrebno za uništavanje jednog velikog grada.

Our Daily Crime. Collection of Studies

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Italian

This is a collection of studies trying to reveal various types of crimes and social responses to them, embracing relatively large time framework from medieval times up to our recent history. At the same time it has to be emphasized that analyzed cases and types of crimes do not reflect the most common and the most typical crimes throughout the history. Analyzed topics vary from questions regarding petty and violent crimes up to feuds in pre-modern societies, across problems of dealing with crime in the cities during the modernization processes, up to the perception, definition and usage of crime in turbulent times of defining the socialistic state and later during the Homeland War in Croatia.

Godina 1918. Prethodnice, zbivanja, posljedice

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian

The year 1918 and the end of World War I marked a turning point in both European (and world) and Croatian history. The great material and human losses and the disappearance of the multinational, multi-religious and multicultural Austro-Hungarian Monarchy from the political map of Europe marked a critical moment in the history of the peoples living in its south. Croats, Slovenes, Serbs and Bosniaks, hitherto subjects of the black-yellow Monarchy, in the maelstrom of social and political forces are leaving the Central European cultural and civilizational circle and entering the Balkan geopolitical space, or the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of Yugoslavia).

Nikada više Jugoslavija - Intelektualci i hrvatsko nacionalno pitanje (1929. – 1945.)

Author(s): Stipe Kljaić / Language(s): Croatian

The book "Never Again Yugoslavia" is the result of eight years of work by the author Stipe Kljaić, which began as part of his doctoral studies in history at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Zagreb. In addition to Dr. Marija Jareb, Ph.D., the reviewers of the book were Dr. Davor Kovačić, Ph.D., and Prof. Ivo Banac, Ph.D., who also served as the mentor during the writing of the doctoral dissertation. The doctoral dissertation titled "Intellectuals and the Croatian National Question (1929–1945)" was defended at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in the spring of 2015. After defending the doctoral dissertation, the author further expanded and revised it, leading to its publication as the result of eight years of work. It is important to note that the book was published as part of the project "Croatia in the 20th Century: Modernization in Conditions of Pluralism and Monism," led by Dr. Zdenko Radelić, and financed by the Croatian Science Foundation.

Pravaštvo u hrvatskome političkom i kulturnom životu u sučelju dvaju stoljeća

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian

After the collapse of the political ideas that emerged from the revolutionary movement of 1848/49, a regime of neo-absolutism was introduced in the lands of the Habsburg Monarchy. During its ten-year period, the beginnings of the Pravaš ideology can be found. Ante Starčević and Eugen Kvaternik, disappointed by the collapse of the Revolution and its ideas of national and civil liberties, founded Pravaštvo as a new Croatian national integration and political ideology. In building the Pravaš ideology, its founders were inspired by the liberal principles of the French Revolution in their thinking about the Croatian state-legal tradition. Both undoubtedly emphasized the establishment of the Croatian state as their ultimate goal. During the session of the Croatian Parliament in 1861, the nucleus of the Party of Rights and its future versions was created. The representations of the renewed Rijeka County, which were accepted by its assembly and composed by A. Starčević, the great notary of Rijeka County, give the new party its first programmatic principles. All of them are contained in Starčević's fundamental idea that the Kingdom of Croatia is "completely independent of any state".