"Ханска Украйна - Мукатаа Томбасар" (края на XVII-XVIII век)

Author(s): Alexander Sereda / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The aim of the paper is to explore the region of Northwest Black Sea lands in the early 17th-18th centuries, in the context of the Ottoman and Crimean administrative and territorial structure; the political preconditions for the formation of Khan Ukraine - special administrative and territorial unit with the Ukrainian-Kazakh population under Crimean governance; the organization of the economical and fiscal district "Muqataa Tombasar" in the framework of Khan Ukraine. It presents the defter (register) of the revenues and expanses in Muqataa Tombasar and localizes the settlements and their population in the Northwest Black Sea region.

Театри на войната - сражения и историография: османски историци за участието на раята на Драгоман във войната между свещената лига и османската империя (1683-1699)

Author(s): Dzheni Ivanova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The study is based upon the representative ottoman historical narratives - the histories of Silahdar Mehmed Aga and Defterdar Mehmed Pasha - in search of typology of social behaviour of the Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Balkan provinces during the war between the Holy League and the Ottoman Empire in the end of the 17th century . The Ottoman authors whose reports will be analyzed are part of the historiographic direction that presents the military and political events in the Ottoman Empire during the second half of the 17th century. At the same time the chroniclers involve information about the life in the provinces, as a reflection of the war upon the reaya, and its reactions. The purpose of this report is to present the Ottoman viewpoint in the light of Ottoman historiography, as concrete events, happened in the Ottoman rear during the successful advance of the Habsburg forces. From the presented examples, concerning in particular the reaya of Dragoman, will be outlined some conclusions, characterizing the behaviour of part of the non-Muslim population in the context of the specific political situation.

CSD Policy Brief No. 68: Monitoring Radicalisation and Extremism

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Over the last decade, radicalisation and extremism have become issues of particular concern for Europe. New risks of Islamist and far-right radicalisation have impelled the introduction of policies, the effects of which are only now being evaluated. As radicalisation that risks escalating into violence is more amenable to prevention than repression, having the capacity to detect early warning signs and trace the spread of extremist activity over time is critical. This brief outlines a set of methodologies for monitoring the risk of radicalisation and the trends in extremism based on an integrated approach to the indicators being monitored and the institutional mechanism doing the monitoring. These methodologies are designed to equip stakeholders – both governmental and non-governmental – with a tool which fuses a broad range of informational inputs; it will enable informed formulation of prevention and counter-radicalisation policies.

Миграция и вътрешна сигурност. Предизвикателствата пред миграционните политики на Европейския съюз и България

Author(s): Denislava Simeonova / Language(s): Bulgarian

Traditionally, migration processes are examined in the context of the labor market, humanitarian crises or social integration. The present study reveals a new dimension of migration which is considered one of the new security risks. The first chapter of the paper defines the various forms of migration with a focus on the consequences of illegal immigration. The second part discusses immigration as a threat to the public order and societal security in the EU member states and looks into the main stages of development of an EU immigration policy. After a review of the most important political and legal documents of the EU since the 80s, the study concludes that despite the active work of both the member states and the European Commission, currently a common European policy in the field of immigration does not exist. Further, the study examines the new trends in migration to the EU and the challenges to the establishment of a European “area of security, freedom and justice”, such as the anti-terrorism measures and the need for “replacement migration” due to the demographic changes. The third chapter is dedicated to Bulgaria as a country of origin and transit for immigrants to the EU. The main conclusion is that Bulgarian citizens represent a small percentage of the total number of immigrants in the EU and do not put its integrity and social security at risk. Particular attention is paid to the achievements of Bulgaria in harmonizing its immigration legislation with the “acquis communautaire” as well as to the need of further institutional and legislative improvements. The study also touches upon the following issues: • Who are the immigrants in the European Union and do they pose a risk to the internal order and safety of the European citizens? • Is the post-enlargement “immigrant wave” realistic? • What is EU’s reaction to the immigration from third countries? • What is the Bulgarian immigration policy with regard to the future external border of the EU? • What are the “pushing” factors for the Bulgarian immigrants to the EU? • How the EU countries treat Bulgarian immigrants?

National Question, Minorities’ Problem and Ethnic Conflicts in Romania of Today (1990-1992)

Author(s): Krassimira Naumova / Language(s): English

Ethnical misunderstanding, disagreement and conflicts on internal or interstate level might happen as a result of inequality of the national majority and ethnical minorities civil rights (economic, political, cultural, etc.) in the process of formulation and implementation of the state policy of a country. This thesis is aims at clarifying the applicability of the above criteria of aggressiveness to Romania of today (December, 1989 - beginning of 1992).

ГРАЖДАНИ ОТ ТРЕТИ ДЪРЖАВИ В БЪЛГАРИЯ. ПИЛОТНО ИЗСЛЕДВАНЕ ЗА МОНИТОРИНГ НА СОЦИАЛНО - ДЕМОГРАФСКИЯ СТАТУС И НАГЛАСИТЕ НА ГРАЖДАНИ ОТ ТРЕТИ ДЪРЖАВИ

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

This presentation is part of the project "Creating a methodology and conducting a pilot study to monitor the socio-demographic status and attitudes of third-country nationals BG EIF 2008 / 02-05" on Component 5: Support for analyzes and studies to expand of existing databases and represents "Action 11: Dissemination of results - production of a presentation with the main results"

Risks of Islamist Radicalisation in Bulgaria: A Case Study in the Iztok Neighbourhood of the City of Pazardzhik

Author(s): Mila Mancheva,Rositsa Dzhekova / Language(s): English

In the context of the escalation of extremist Islamist violence in many EC countries today, the issue of the risks of home grown Islamist radicalization in Bulgaria is the subject of heated public debates. Preventing and studying (Islamist) radicalization has become a priority in Europe, giving rise to wealth of publications that explore its motives and causes as well as the processes whereby individuals and groups come to espouse extremist ideas and engage in violent actions. Such studies are lacking in Bulgaria while worries about the potential influence that international terrorist organisations and the related Islamist extremist ideologies could exert in the country are rising. This working paper presents the results from a qualitative study aiming to attain understanding about the vulnerabilities to Islamist radicalisation among a group of inhabitants of the “Iztok” neighborhood of the city of Pazardjik who are considered at risk. The study explores the root causes and the social meaning of the adoption of Salafi interpretations of Islam on the part of sub group local Roma and the root causes and the social meaning of certain manifestations of sympathy with radical Islamist ideas and organisations among some members of the group. Careful attention is paid to the factors and channels through which the two processes are fostered. A discussion is provided to the issue of the vulnerabilities to potential radicalisation among members of the group of Roma professing Salafi interpretation of Islam.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №12: Minorities in transition

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Referring to minority rights, we refer to an endeavor to establish equality. What minorities want is what all of us want. It is promotion and development of minority rights that indicate to aspirations to bring about social equality so that each individual has same rights as the other. Minority rights are not something one should be afraid of, they are no threat whatsoever to a society's indivisibility, its integrity. Minority rights are, as I've said, an endeavor to establish equality, for there is no indivisibility unless there is equality. We are anxious to safeguard our society, we care for law and order, and that what equality is about. Unfortunately, we have social inequality in terms of human rights. We have weak, divided societies that - politically unstable as they are - might threaten international piece and security. So, by encouraging minority rights we, in a way, encourage peace and security. It is the European Commission's generosity that made this conference possible. Therefore, let me remind you, that funds supporting activities such is this one are provided by citizens of the European Union. These public funds, therefore, reflect their aspirations and the wish to uphold minority rights in this region. This conference also reflects cooperation between the Helsinki Federation and the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. I take pride in working together with the Helsinki Committee in Serbia. I see it as a most reliable organization that overdid itself at extremely hard times of this country's history. I think the Committee in Serbia has always had the right stuff and deserves to be both commended on and recognized for its courage, integrity and dedication to key principles. This prompts me to tackle the issue of civil society. Usually, whenever there is a political overturn civil societies have to cope with a special tension. Such was the tension ensuing Czechoslovakian velvet revolution. As you know, new people came to power, the people that used to advocate human rights. So, once elected, they thought there was no longer need for the Chapter 77 or the Helsinki Charter. However, people from the Helsinki Committee said, "Stop for a moment, there is such need and very much so”. For, who should protect rights of those that were hurt? Who should watch out for the way the government and people in power behave? Who should keep an eye on the respect of human rights and the government's attitude towards international standards? There certainly are problems in Yugoslavia and Serbia. They are many, and can only be settled if there are intellectual and moral resources, through support and assistance of various non-governmental organizations that keep a sharp lookout at steps taken by the state and attitudes of people in power, and watch out for respect of commitments the state took upon itself by signing international documents. No state that lacks a strong civil society can plume itself when it comes to the situation in the domain of human and minority rights.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №12: Tranzicija i manjine

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Referring to minority rights, we refer to an endeavor to establish equality. What minorities want is what all of us want. It is promotion and development of minority rights that indicate to aspirations to bring about social equality so that each individual has same rights as the other. Minority rights are not something one should be afraid of, they are no threat whatsoever to a society's indivisibility, its integrity. Minority rights are, as I've said, an endeavor to establish equality, for there is no indivisibility unless there is equality. We are anxious to safeguard our society, we care for law and order, and that what equality is about. Unfortunately, we have social inequality in terms of human rights. We have weak, divided societies that - politically unstable as they are - might threaten international piece and security. So, by encouraging minority rights we, in a way, encourage peace and security. It is the European Commission's generosity that made this conference possible. Therefore, let me remind you, that funds supporting activities such is this one are provided by citizens of the European Union. These public funds, therefore, reflect their aspirations and the wish to uphold minority rights in this region. This conference also reflects cooperation between the Helsinki Federation and the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. I take pride in working together with the Helsinki Committee in Serbia. I see it as a most reliable organization that overdid itself at extremely hard times of this country's history. I think the Committee in Serbia has always had the right stuff and deserves to be both commended on and recognized for its courage, integrity and dedication to key principles. This prompts me to tackle the issue of civil society. Usually, whenever there is a political overturn civil societies have to cope with a special tension. Such was the tension ensuing Czechoslovakian velvet revolution. As you know, new people came to power, the people that used to advocate human rights. So, once elected, they thought there was no longer need for the Chapter 77 or the Helsinki Charter. However, people from the Helsinki Committee said, "Stop for a moment, there is such need and very much so”. For, who should protect rights of those that were hurt? Who should watch out for the way the government and people in power behave? Who should keep an eye on the respect of human rights and the government's attitude towards international standards? There certainly are problems in Yugoslavia and Serbia. They are many, and can only be settled if there are intellectual and moral resources, through support and assistance of various non-governmental organizations that keep a sharp lookout at steps taken by the state and attitudes of people in power, and watch out for respect of commitments the state took upon itself by signing international documents. No state that lacks a strong civil society can plume itself when it comes to the situation in the domain of human and minority rights.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №37: Mladi u eri postistine – Evropski identitet i obrazovanje

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov,Aleksandra Đurić-Bosnić,Boris Varga,Tamara Tomašević,Srđan Barišić,Izabela Kisić,Sonja Biserko,Miloš Ćirić,Jelena Vasiljević,Dragan T. Stanojević,Aleksandar V. Miletić,Srđan Milošević,Ivan Đurić,Srđan Atanasovski,Biljana Đorđević,Časlav Ninković,Duško Radosavljević,Pavel Domonji,Miroslav Keveždi,Branislava Opranović,Ana Pataki,Andrea Ratković,Iskra Vuksanović / Language(s): Serbian

(Serbian edition) Ongoing public debates frequently focus on European identity. What sparked off such debates were tremendous global changes after the Cold War, disappearance of two opposing blocs, ethnic conflicts, migrations, sociopolitical crises of liberal societies as well as the mass renouncement of value-based orientations Europe and the whole world had been built on after World War II and defeat of Nazism. People all over the world are now growingly concerned with the issues of statehood, ethnicity and the notion of “being a citizen.” Political manipulation of collective identities badly affects people’s lives and policies on which societies are being built. Many theoreticians are questioning – and with good reason – the very notion of collective identity, ethnic in the first place, as extremely exclusive. The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia has launched a series of round tables under the title “Youth in a Post-Truth Era: European Identity and Education.” Participants were intellectuals of younger generations mostly, NGO activists and civil sector representatives, but secondary school and university students too. What we wanted achieve with these open debates – never devoid of controversial arguments – was to give shape to authentic views with impact on practical politics and (in)formal education of the youth. Our researches and experience in communication with young people show that they do care about collective identities, and that their ethnicities and religions are crucial in identity-building. Although they recognize the potential of Euro-integration for, say, better schooling or economic progress, a snail’s pace of the accession process and domestic propaganda make them turn to other international players. Young Serbs are turning to Russia and Putin, Bosniaks to Turkey and Erdogan, while young Hungarians to Serbia’s neighbor in the north and Orban. Revisionism also strongly influences the youth regardless of their ethnicities. They practically always oppose strongly any questioning of patriarchal values and react fiercely to it. Value-based orientations as such are mostly the effects of the spread of fake news and narratives predominant in the media, schools environments and families; the narratives that forced their way into the public sphere in the 1980s, bloomed in the 1990s and are thriving now against the global backdrop. Is the narrative about European identity and education a key to changes and inclusive enough? When I say European identity I am not advocating for Euro-centrism, especially not now when it implies social and economic exclusion of people heading for Europe from various continents and countries, or those outside the European Union. In Balkan countries aspiring to EU membership European identity is used as a political instrument supportive to integration processes. At the same time, it supports the transfer from a one-dimensional, nationalistic and wartime identity to a multi-dimensional, civic one. As it has turned out so far, the issues of class consciousness, socioeconomic justice and the right to education for all will be predominant in the debates to come. We do not intend to impose alternative narratives on the youth but to capacitate them for critical thought; to help them recognize and stand up against social repression and collective identities that have been imposed on them and exclude any “otherness.” Ever since the early 1990s the European Commission has also been focused on the researches of European identity (or identities). The European bureaucracy was interested in it for very practical reasons: the European Commission’s concern with the manner in which different processes of identification with the European Union shape integrative processes and strengthen the sense of solidarity among Europeans. On the eve of the Gothenburg Summit in November 2017 the European Commission issued guidelines for strengthening of the common European identity through education and culture, under the motto “unity in diversity.” The document was meant for the European Parliament, the Council of Europe, the European Socioeconomic Committee and the Committee of Regions. It was motivated by the rise of populism “at home” and beyond the EU, the spread of fake news and manipulation of information networks. Given that the EU administration interferes not into educational systems and culture of its member-states but leaves them to national, regional and local authorities, its role is limited to strengthening of cooperation and support to national projects in these spheres. It realized that education and culture make Europe attractive for learning and working, attractive as a space of freedom and shared values reflected in fundamental rights and an open society. And education as such builds foundations for active citizenship and helps to prevent populism, xenophobia and violent radicalism. Education, along with culture, plays a key role in cross-border meetings and learning about the true meaning of “being a European.” According to an analysis commissioned by the European Commission, joint, cross-border actions such as engagement in social movements or in organizations with shared goals (such as ecologic organizations) can promote the sense for European identity since collective actions are always taking into consideration the “other’s” points of view. How to involve candidates for the membership of the EU in the debate on Europe’s future and identity (identities) is among major issues. Isolated periphery and people’s frustration with accession that is being constantly postponed incite Euroskepticism and passivity of the youth who actually stand for European integration. The publication “European Identity and Education” resulted from a series of discussions and debates organized by the Helsinki Committee. Its introductory section presents one of the essays and political analyses of the international and local context in which Serbia’s youth are being raised: “Democracy, Pluralism and Extremism” by Vladimir Gligorov. The following section presents readers with draft practical politics for those dealing with institutional and informal education of the young. These draft policies, actually suggestions, are about teaching methods that may efficiently develop critical thinking among the youth and their awareness about alternatives. Inter alia, the suggested approaches are meant to motivate young people to get actively involved in building of a democratic society based on pluralism, inter-culturalism, solidarity and socioeconomic rights. Recommendations can be summed up as follows: 1. Strengthening of the idea of active citizenship; 2. Media literacy and development of critical thinking of the youth; and 3. Development and modernization of educational programs and present approaches to education of school children. Drafts of public policies were on the agenda of debates held in Belgrade and Novi Sad with participation of scholars and activists from younger generations mostly, concerned with the issues of identity and education. This publication also presents excerpts from those debates. How possibly could cosmopolitanism, inter-culturalism, anti-fascism and open society be promoted in today’s Serbia but also in Europe where extremism, fear of “otherness,” concerns for the safeguard of one’s own national identity that is allegedly threatened, be on the up and up? This is one of major dilemmas facing us today. Few students have access to informal education that rests on the principles guiding a democratic society. Speaking from experience many participants in debates pointed to the lack in professional staffs involved in educational process. Civic education is being marginalized in elementary and secondary schools. The participants also presented well-thought-out arguments against religious teaching in school curricula. The majority of participants take that strengthening of informal education that would lead towards incorporation of similar contents and methods into the educational system could be a solution to the above-mentioned dilemma. That would be a chance for attracting young people whose interests and ambitions are well beyond the rigid educational system, they argue. Positive experiences of Yugoslavia’s interculturalism and socialism, and the common history and culture can be used as resources for strengthening interculturalism throughout the region. Small steps forward within institutions that depend, above all, on individual activism and courage are another possible approach to resolution. This publication is meant as a contribution to local but also more extensive debate on European identity and new European policies that would cope with today’s challenges by far more efficiently.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №36: Prevencija nasilnog ekstremizma među srednjoškolcima - Primena i potencijali instrumenta za formiranje alternativnog narativa

Author(s): Izabela Kisić,Jarmila Bujak Stanko,Zlatko Paković,Jelena Višnjić,Srđan Barišić,Pavel Domonji / Language(s): Serbian

Socijlano okruženje i obrazovni sistem u kome odrastaju mladi u Srbiji karakteriše snažan uticaj etnonacionalizma, balast ratne prošlosti, nedovoljno pristupačni edukativni programi koji promovišu kritičko mišljenje i ljudska prava i neadekvatni udžbenici građanskog obrazovanja. U takvom socijalnom, porodičnom, obrazovnom i neprofesionalnom medijskom okruženju, mladi teško dolaze do argumenata koji identitet ne svode samo na verski i nacionalni. Nametanje etnonacionalističkog koncepta odozgo (elite) i klerikalizacija društva, što su procesi koji traju od devedesetih, ne odnose se samo na mlade u većinskoj srpskoj populaciji, već su odavno zahvatili i manjinske zajednice. Uvođenje verskog obrazovanja kao alternative građanskom 2001. godine, ostavilo je posledice na nekoliko generacija mladih, uključujući i one koji su sada predavači i roditelji. Učvršćivanje etnonacionalističkog koncepta podstaknuto je i globalnim promenama tokom poslednje dve decenije. U te globalne faktore spadaju pre svega, uspon konzervativnih političkih stranaka i organizacija, pretnja terorizmom, ratovi, nesigurnost u socijalno-ekonomskom i bezbednosnom smislu, kao i konfuzija i strepnje zbog eskalacije lažnih vesti i krize u medijima. Nasilni ekstremizam u Srbiji se obično prelama kroz prizmu stranih ratnika koji se pridružuju ISIL, ili Al-Nusri u Siriji i Iraku. Tako je, prema zvaničnim podacima, 49 državljana Srbije otišlo da se bori u Siriji i Iraku. Srbija je, međutim, i zemlja Zapadnog Balkana sa najvećim brojem ratnika u Istočnoj Ukrajini na proruskoj strani. Prema podacima MUP Srbije, iz Ukrajine se do kraja 2017, vratilo 48 boraca. U izveštaju koga je objavio Regionalni savet za saradnju sa sedištem u Sarajevu, navodi se da bi Srbija uspešno primenila nacionalnu strategiju za prevenciju i borbu protiv terorizma, neophodno je da standardizuje pristup ekstremizmima, zasnovan na različitim ideološkim osnovama. Alternativni narativ morao bi da se odnosi na sve elemente ekstremizma i različiti sektori bi morali da budu uključeni u njegovo stvaranje, navedeno je u pomenutom izveštaju. Osim za strane borce, nasilni ekstremizam u Srbiji vezuje se za zločine iz mržnje i huliganizam u najvećim nacionalnim i verskim zajednicama. Iako se te grupacije međusobno sukobljavaju, postoje bitne sličnosti među njima. Elemente ideološkog diskursa nasilnih ekstemističkih grupacija koji dolaze iz različitih etnokonfensionalnih zajednica u Srbiji su: ekstremni nacionalizam koji uključuje tendenciju za menjanje granica (širenje teritorije ili pripajanje drugoj državi), snažna vezanost za verske lidere, odbacivanje evropskih integracija i vezivanje za druge međunarodne faktore, istorijski revizionizam – pre svega Drugog svetskog rata i istorije Jugoslavije, proganjanje tradicionalnih neprijatelja nacionalnih, verskih i seksualnih manjina, napadi na organizacije za ljudska prava i degradacija žena. Neke od radikalno konzervativnih grupacija su posebno popularne među studentskom omladinom. Izgradnja alternativnog narativa u odnosu na propagandu ekstremističkih organizacija postao je jedan od najvećih izazova za međuvladine međunarodne organizacije, kao i za lokalne aktere u prevenciji i borbi protiv nasilnog ekstremizma i terorizma. Često svođenje alternativnog narativa na instant rešenja, “gotove” odgovore i “kontra činjenice” solidno vizuelno upakovane, pokazuju se kao neefikasno i sve više kontraproduktivne, pa teško mogu da privuku razočarane mlade ljude koji se osećaju izolovanim i bez perspektive. Zapravo, takav pristup, svodi alternativni narativ, na kontra-propagandu bez dubljeg efekta i željene promene.

References

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Zagreb u ratu, otporu, stvaralaštvu i pamćenju. Vodič po Zagrebu u Drugom svjetskom ratu

Author(s): Tena Banjeglav,Kristina Dilica,Alice Straniero / Language(s): Croatian

Pred vama je vodič po Zagrebu kojim želimo olakšati upoznavanje nekih ključnih mjesta stradanja i otpora u Drugom svjetskom ratu. Sažeti opisi povezuju povijesna istraživanja, odabrane ulomke iz književnih djela, dnevnika i osobnih sjećanja. U trenutku kad polako odlazi generacija koja je preživjela vrijeme najgoreg terora u povijesti grada nastojali smo stvoriti što više prostora za riječi i zapise svjedoka vremena i protagoniste povijesnih događanja. Razvoj ove publikacije podržalo je Veleposlanstvo Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u Republici Hrvatskoj, u sklopu programa "Osporavana povijest: novi pristupi obrazovanju o holokaustu". Documenta se pitanjem prezentacije ključnih događaja 20. Stoljeća bavi od svog osnivanja, tražeći najbolje načine približavanja prošlosti novim generacijama. Neki dosadašnji poduhvati uključuju obilazak mjesta sjećanja, počevši od 2010. i dokumentarnog filma Documenta Memoriae – Zagreb, redateljice Dijane Mlađenović dostupnog online na ovoj poveznici. U sagledavanju mjesta sjećanja i otkrivanju novih mogućnosti komemoriranja žrtava, posebno nas je poticao Saša Šimpraga, autor koncepta Virtualnog muzeja Dotrščina, s kojim od 2012. Sudjelujemo u organiziranju godišnjih memorijalnih intervencija dostupnim na poveznici www.dotrscina.hr. Paralelno s događanjima u prostoru parka, u javnom prostoru Trga bana Jelačića u rujnu 2012. mogao se razgledati prvi postav Virtualnog muzeja Dotrščina na temu Pisci I publicisti ubijeni na Dotrščini čija je autorica bila Nataša Mataušić, muzejska savjetnica Hrvatskog povijesnog muzeja.

Antiratni pokret u Bosni i Hercegovini devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća

Author(s): Edin Omerčić / Language(s): Bosnian

U tekstu će biti riječi o postojanju širokog kruga političke, intlektualne i kulturno-umjetničke opozicije koja je od kraja osamdesetih godina radila prije svega na iznalaženju rješenja izlaska iz jugoslovenske krize, potom na spriječavanju izbijanja ratnih sukoba, te na okončanju istih, odnosno kroz kulturno-umjetnički angažman tokom rata nastojala ukazati na stradanja civilnog stanovništva. Građom i izvorima koji se iznose i koriste u tekstu pokušava se tema osvijetliti iz više različitih perspektiva. U prvom dijelu teksta ukratko se izlaže kontekst u kojem su djelovale nenacionalističke organizacije i političke stranke, antiratna i građanska udruženja. Zatim će se ukazati na masovne antiratne proteste i na pojedinačne individualane pokušaje adaptacije stanovništva na novonastale ratne okolnosti.

ZBORNIK RADOVA TREĆE AKADEMIJE POLITIČKE ODGOVORNOSTI

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov Momčinović,Alen Kristić,Nasiha Pozder,Željko Ivanković,Dino Abazović,Drago Bojić,Sabina Čehajić-Clancy,Vjekoslav Domljan,Sarina Bakić,Ivan Šarčević / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian

Fondacija Boris Divković formirana je u ljeto 2013. godine u Sarajevu. Ideja osnivača je da se kroz rad Fondacije što veći broj mladih ljudi, kako u našoj zemlji tako i u regiji, upozna i uči odgovornoj političkoj teoriji i praksi. Iako Fondacija djeluje na socijalno liberalnim polazištima, odlučilo se ovim obrazovnim procesom obuhvatiti i mlade ljude koji su dijelom različitih organizacija, političkih ili nevladinih, drugačijih ubjeđenja, ali i one koji individualno žele unaprijediti svoja znanja o političkoj kulturi. Pitanje sprege morala i politike bilo je od velike važnosti za našeg kolegu Borisa Divkovića i upravo je jedna od prvih značajnijih aktivnosti Fondacije organizacija Akademije političke odgovornosti u kojoj su učestvovali mladi brojnih političkih orijentacija i profila. U novembru 2016. godine održana je treća Akademija političke odgovornosti, a zbog velikog interesa polaznika u maju ove godine organiziran je i njen drugi modul. Teme su obuhvatile: opšti pojam političke kulture, njen razvoj i važnost, dominantnu paradigmu regionalne političke kulture iz perspektive koncepcije svjetskog etosa, religiju kao podcjenjeno mjesto političke socijalizacije. Razgovarali smo o ekonomiji u području politike, kulturi sjećanja. Također, predstavljeni su globalni politički portreti ličnosti poput Vaclava Havela i Wangari Muta Maathai, te regionalni politički portreti kao što su: Zoran Đinđić, Vlado Gotovac, Bogić Bogićević I Boris Divković. Drugi modul išao je detaljno u političko-ekonomske paradigme sa stajališta svjetskog etosa, religiozne socijalne nauke, itd. Posebna pažnja posvećena je ekološkim temama.

Религиозна свобода и права на човека откъм перспективата на личностното развитие и образование

Author(s): Margarita Atanasova Mollova,Petar Georgiev Kostov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The region of Southeast and Central Europe faces several key risks in the context of ethno-religious peace and security. Ethno-religious conflicts pose a serious threat to the stability and security of the region. The diversity of ethnic and religious groups in the region can lead to tensions and breaches of the peace. Extremist and terrorist groups using religious motives are also a factor of concern. These groups can pose a serious security threat and violate human rights. The protection of religious freedom and human rights is essential. This principle includes the freedom of individuals to express and practice their religion or belief without discrimination. In addition, human rights include the right to express religious beliefs and convictions, as well as freedom of assembly and the right of conscience. These rights are inseparable from the security and stability of the region. They promote tolerance, diversity and respect for the rights and freedoms of every citizen, while guarding against conflicts and tensions related to religion.

BETWEEN THE TWO WORLD WARS (1918-1941)

Author(s): Mario Jareb,Hrvoje Čapo / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Between the two world wars, the Croatian society developed in a multinational state under the rule of the Serbian royal dynasty of Karađorđević. The newly created Yugoslavia was, as Robert Gerwarth has observed in his book The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End, 1917-1923 (p. 14) a “‘multi-national empire in miniature’, but ‘with reversed ethnic hierarchies’ than the failed Austro-Hungary Monarchy.” There are several reasons why the State of SCS united with the Kingdom of Serbia, the key ones being the military-political goals of Serbia and Italy. The Kingdom of Serbia announced at the very beginning of the war that it would fight to achieve this goal and the Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pašić understood unification as expanding the territory and creating a Greater Serbia. Furthermore, a group of Croatian, Slovenian, and Serbian politicians who had been working abroad as the Yugoslav Committee since 1915 advocated South Slavic unification. This group vehemently opposed the provisions of the secret Treaty of London of 1915, which promised Italy the Eastern Adriatic with a majority Croat population in exchange for entering the war on the side of the Entente. Finally, in the weakened Austro-Hungarian monarchy, a Yugoslav club of Croatian and Slovenian politicians who advocated a trialistic arrangement of the Monarchy was active from 1917. The Kingdom of Serbia had an international reputation and position that exceeded the influence of the Yugoslav Committee with which it negotiated the draft of the future state. The most specific result of their cooperation was the Corfu Declaration of July 1917, by which Nikola Pašić on behalf of Serbia and Ante Trumbić on behalf of the Yugoslav Committee confirmed that the new state would be based on the principles of equality and freedom of choice – only the instruments ensuring the protection of the citizens of the State of SCS were not envisaged. The state of SCS was basically an unacknowledged state formed on the ruins of the Habsburg Monarchy, as it was only recognized by the Kingdom of Serbia. It was clear that it was only a transitional solution towards unification with Serbia.

THE HOMELAND WAR

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Croatia began the transition from Communism to democracy on May 30, 1990, when the first multi-party Parliament was constituted. The amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRH), adopted on July 25, cleansed the system of socialist legal terminology. Franjo Tuđman, President of the SRH Presidency, became the President of the Republic of Croatia and the main figure in Croatian politics. The process of constituting a new government was completed on December 22, 1990 with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Croatia was defined as “the national state of the Croatian people and the state of members of other peoples and minorities, who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Slovenes, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, and others, who are guaranteed equality with Croatian citizens and the realization of their national rights in accordance with the democratic norms” of the United Nations and “the countries of the free world.” In relation to the 1974 Constitution, which was drafted in such a way that Croatia was “equally divided” between Croats and Serbs, the difference was in the listing of other peoples and nationalities, which relativized the earlier division. The attitude towards Yugoslavia was determined by the view that “the Republic of Croatia remains part of the SFRY until a new agreement between the Yugoslav republics is reached, or until the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia decides otherwise.”

CONCLUSION

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić,Vlasta Švoger / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

For centuries, the Croatian lands have been at the crossroads of traffic routes and different civilizational frameworks – Mediterranean, Western European, and Eurasian. The consequence of this position in a contact zone was that the Croatian society in the 19th century was multiethnic and multireligious, multilingual and subjected to different cultural influences. Croats made up just over 70% of the population, Serbs a little less than 25%, and Italians, Germans, and Hungarians were the most numerous of other ethnic communities. Affiliation with the Catholic and Orthodox churches roughly coincided with these percentages, while the share of Protestants and Jews was slightly higher than 1% of the population. Until 1847, the official language was Latin, which was then replaced by Croatian. German was very widespread as a language of commerce and every-day communication of the higher social strata in Croatia and Slavonia, while in Istria and Dalmatia Italian was the language of administration, the judiciary, secondary education, and communication among the higher strata of the society. In the second half of the 19th century, its role was gradually taken over by the Croatian language. The lower social strata, largely illiterate, spoke Croatian. Croatia and Slavonia were strongly influenced by the Austro-German cultural circle, and towards the end of the century cultural influences from other Western European countries were increasingly felt. In Istria and Dalmatia, which in the previous centuries had been under the rule of Venice, retained a strong Venetian and Italian cultural influence. In the border areas towards the Ottoman Empire, there was a rather limited cultural influence of the neighbours south of the Sava among the lower social strata.

Strategie firm w obliczu sankcji nałożonych na Rosję

Author(s): Beata Stępień,Szymon Truskolaski / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Purpose: In this chapter, we analyse how companies responded to sanctions imposed on Russia after its invasion of Ukraine. We examine the impact of selected external (public-legal pressure, the size of sanctions and crisis caused by the war) and internal factors (strategic agility, code of ethics and sustainable conduct) on the degree of compliance with sanctions and the type of adaptation strategies adopted. Design/methodology/approach: The objects of the study are medium-sized companies from countries that have imposed sanctions (here, Poland, Germany and the US). The results come from an electronic questionnaire survey conducted in 2023 among 610 medium-sized companies operating in industries directly or indirectly affected by trade restrictions. Findings: The company’s code of ethics and the perceived severity of the crisis have the greatest impacton the approach to sanctions and respective adaptation strategies. At the same time, external and internal pressure affect companies in opposite directions, with consequences for their adaptation strategies.