Документи

Author(s): Natan Grinberg / Language(s): English,Bulgarian,French,Armenian

This book was rejected for almost seventy years. First published in 1945, it was suppressed immediately. After 1945, it was neither republished nor studied; for decades, it was not even cited in Bulgaria. Almost nothing was known about it's author; tracking him down turned out to be an inexplicably difficult task. Anonymity and oblivion - that was the price of his work which first described the deportation of Jews from Thrace, Macedonia and Pirot. A story that would become one of the biggest taboos in Bulgarian history for at least half a century. The author passed away in the late 1980's, never living to see his name in it's rightful place: among the first researchers to reveal the unthinkable history of the Holocaust.

Politička i društvena elita Srba u Hrvatskoj potkraj 19. stoljeća

Author(s): Nives Rumenjak / Language(s): Croatian

This research deals with a historiographically common subject that, until now, did not have monographic coverage. Its subject are the members of the political, social and economic elite of Serbs assembled in the Serbian club within the Croatian Diet as the part of the ruling People’s Party at the time of viceroy (ban) Károly Khuen Héderváry (1883-1903). Insufficient research of this segment of the Serbian politics loyal to the government at the time it was becoming a significant factor in the system of Croatian agreement autonomy, primarily reflects the lack of both suitable primary and secondary sources, and the innovative methodological approaches that are caused by the scarceness of the basic resources on the subject. Comparative prosopography proved to be the optimal methodological tool in placing the research focus on a very narrow and biographically unknown elite group that was active in different spheres of Croatia proper (Banska Hrvatska) as well as in the wider regional frame of Transleithania (the state union between Croatia and Hungary) at the turn of the 20th century. Prosopography is an established method of political and social history that is used in the research of numerically identifiable (smaller) elite groups in a shorter time frame and it implies analysing a number of complementary serial sources by introducing standardized questions on the background and status of the members of the Serbian elite. The use of comparative prosopography has enabled detection of a deeper social and economical background of the political action and ideology of the Serbian club, as well as a broader circle of the Serbian elite in several social spheres Σ within the institutions of Hungarian- Croatian parliamentarism, in banks, savings banks and financial organizations in Croatia proper and within the institutions of Serbian church and school autonomy in Hungary and Croatia. Prosopography has not, until now, been used by other researchers for analysing the subjects from Croatian history, and therefore it was applied in creating the database on elite groups that lacks in Croatian historiography of the 19th and the 20th century, especially if it is taken into consideration that this was a period of systematic production of many suitable printed serial sources, especially public or state registers on administrative affairs and economy. The groundbreaking importance of this research, from the perspective of Serbian subject matter in historiography, is mostly reflected in the fact of (re)construction of the Serbian identity in quite a number of representatives in the Croatian Diet and especially those members in ruling structures of the financial organizations since most of the available Croatian and Serbian sources from that period either indirectly imply a possible Serbian nationality of the individuals in the researched groups and institutions or they are tacit on the subject. The book embarks upon analysing the subject that historiography so far has mostly dealt with in regards with the Serbian club within Khuen’s People’s Party.

Vojvodina’s Multiethnic Identity: Challenges in 2007-08

Author(s): / Language(s): English

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №14: Vlasi ili Rumuni iz istočne Srbije i “Vlaško pitanje”

Author(s): Dragomir Dragić / Language(s): Romanian,Serbian

(Serbian and Romanian edition) Uoči popisa stanovništva u Saveznoj republici Jugoslaviji, odnosno u Republici Srbiji, neophodno je detabuizirati tzv. “vlaško pitanje”. Naime, postoji neodrživo nasleđe u tumačenju forme i sadržaja ovoga pitanja. U ovoj brošuri Forum za kulturu Vlaha (na vlaškom: Forumu' pėntru Cultura a Rumâńilor) govori o Vlasima u istočnoj Srbiji, tačnije rečeno između Morave, Dunava i Timoka, kao produktu romanizacije, a ne o nekoj kategoriji “vlaha” koji nemaju takav etnički predznak. Nekih drugih “vlaha” i nema na pomenutom prostoru, sem ako se ne izmisle. Romanizacija kao fenomen započeo je sa rimskim zaposedanjem Ilirika, na istočnoj obali Jadrana, u III veku pre nove ere, a na prostorima gde i danas žive na jezicima nepripadnika tzv. Vlasi, posle 168. godine p.n.e. Tada je nestala antička Makedonija da bi se na jugu Balkanskog poluostrva instaliralo Rimsko carstvo. Ovo carstvo se u prvom veku nove ere proširilo do Dunava, a sa Trajanovim osvajanjima, od 101. do 105. godine nove ere, i preko Dunava. Tako je nastala Trajanova Dakija koja opstaje do 271. godine n.e. Te godine, iz strateških razloga, po odluci imperatora Aurelijana, Rimljani i deo romanizovane populacije napuštaju prostore severno od Dunava, pa se južno od Dunava uspostavlja Aurelijanova Dakija. Ovde se nastavlja proces romanizacije autohtone populacije Tračana, kao i onih koji su iz različitih motiva došli ili su dovedeni sa raznih drugih strana Rimske imperije. Verovatno je taj proces osnažen i promenom u rimskoj legislaciji kroz unifikaciju statusa rimskih građana Ediktom imperatora Karakale 212. godine. Tako su se u jugoistočnoj Evropi rodili “Vlasi”. Zbog intenzivnosti tog procesa na karpatsko-podunavskom prostoru, istorijski gledano ovo šire područje se može označiti prostorom gde su se pojavili “Vlasi”, tj. to je “vlaški matični prostor”. U današnje vreme, imajući u vidu istorijske i antropološko-kulturološke promene koje su se dogodile u proteklih dva milenijuma, tako se može kvalifikovati samo današnja Rumunija. U etnogenetskim procesima, za koje se smatra da su se okončali od VII-X veka, ovaj balkanski element je dobio novo ruho. Njegovom uobličavanju u novi etnički entitet doprinos su dali i Sloveni u svom pomeranju na Balkanskom poluostrvu. U toku ili pri kraju takvog procesa došlo je do razdvajanja severnog i južnog ogranka ove populacije, koja se pod imenom Vlaha pominje u istoriji 976. godine, povodom pogibije Davida, brata cara Samuila. Još iz najranijih vremena Germani su susedne Kelte i Rimljane nazivali WALHOS. Kasnije se ova etnička odrednica suzila na romanizovane populacije koje su dobile svoju latinsku identifikaciju ROMANUS. Od ova dva naziva nastale su hipostaze koje poznajemo i u današnje vreme, uključujući i slovenski naziv “Vlah, Vlasi”, odnosno “vlaški”, na rumunskom književnom jeziku “Român, Români”, na rumunskom narodnom govoru “Rumân, Rumâni” (kao npr. u Dosoftejevom Psaltiru u stihovima na rumunskom iz 1673., te u Šerbanovoj Bibliji na rumunskom iz 1688., itd.), naime na muntenskom, krišanskom, maramureškom, moldavskom i banatskom narečju rumunskog jezika.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №15: National minorities and law

Author(s): / Language(s): English

October 2000 political changeover did not produce the fundamental break with Milosevic's policy. There are numerous examples thereof, notably as regards Republika Srpska, Kosovo and Montenegro. Insistence on that orientation in the face of factual defeat had a negative impact on status of inter-ethnic relations in Serbia proper. National policy aiming at creating an ethnically pure Serb state ended with a catastrophic balance: hundreds of thousands of dead, several million displaced persons and refugees. In the past decade minorities, notably Croats (during the war in Croatia), Bosniaks (during the war in B&H) and Albanians (during the whole decade) bore the brunt of "ethnic-cleansing" policy. By extension, relations between the majority people and some minorities were exacerbated. In the meantime minorities have radicalised their stands and are waiting for resolution of their problems by dint of international community brokerage. Most conspicuous example of the aforementioned was South Serbia, in which the danger of conflict spill-over was great for a while. But thanks to NATO and other international organisations actions and efforts tension has eased and cooperation and revival of economy have been initiated owing to enormous political and financial support of the West. Serbia has entered the period of facing up to difficult and long-term consequences of nationalistic and war policy of the former regime. The entire society has been devastated, and institutions of system destroyed. Long wars, international isolation and bombardment campaign have impacted the general social mood, which is marked by high intolerance, xenophobia, anti-Semitism and emergence of neo-Nazi groups. This is all due to the political vacuum and absence of vision of Serbia's future. Such a general atmosphere affects national minorities, who feel increasingly threatened. The last census, according to unofficial information, indicates that Serbia remains a markedly multi-ethnic country. This may be explained by massive emigration or brain-drain of young and educated Serbs. About 400,000 refugees from Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, contrary to some expectations, have not to a larger extent changed the demographic structure of the country. Despite emigration of minorities, their percentage remained the same, in view of de-assimilation of Vlahs and Romany (they stopped identifying with Serbs). This means that the minority issue would remain the hot issue, notably if the nationalistic block continues to persist on realisation of ethnically pure state. Some ethnic communities have been territorially homogenised, hence some of them, in some areas constitute the majority population. Some national minorities, notably Albanians, Bulgarians, Croats, Hungarians, Bosniaks/Muslims, and Romanians inhabit border areas. Thus their territorial homogenisation is a complex political fact. Despite current authorities efforts to fine-tune national minorities-related domestic legislation to the European standards, situation in that regard is slowly changing because of badly impaired inter-ethnic relations in the last decade. Ethnic distance had been increased, but as of late it started dwindling, but not everywhere and not with respect to all minorities.

Liber amicorum: A Philosophical Conversation among Friends - A Festschrift for Michael A. Peters

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Срби у Темишвару

Author(s): Mirjana Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian

This book is dedicated to the customs, culture and way of life of Serbs in Timisoara. The emphasis is on the strategies of constructing and achieving community and layered identities (national/ethnic, dual, regional, local) within a historic discourse. The data presented in this book has been gathered through various means. Aside from archival material and statistical data on the life of the community, as well as relevant theoretical approaches in the study of ethnicity, the most important data was acquired through fieldwork. The research began in 2002, and took place over a series of short-term visits to the city in 2002, 2003 and 2005. The method of participant observation was applied to many everyday as well as festive situations in the family and social lives of Serbs in Timisoara. I have attended numerous liturgies, weddings, christenings, choir and folklore association rehearsals and performances, family and social celebrations and sporting events. Interviews, surveys and informal conversations were conducted with members of the community encompassing both sexes, all ages and varying social status, political and religious affiliations. Among my informants there were people whose connections to the church weren’t strong, as well as people from mixed marriages. Aside from this, I had tried to gather data on the lives of Serbs between the World wars or earlier indirectly – through the narratives of their descendants.

(Н)и овде (н)и тамо: Етнички идентитет Срба у Мађарској на крају XX века

Author(s): Mladena Prelić / Language(s): Serbian

Етнички односи Срба са другим народима и етничким заједницама

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Slovenian,Serbian

Građanin Blagus

Author(s): Saša Blagus / Language(s): Croatian

Kontrarevolucionarni građanski rat iz devedesetih u Hrvatskoj još uvijek traje. Istina, vodi se drugim sredstvima, ali još uvijek traje. Znakova izlaska iz »olovnih vremena« ne da nema, nego je na djelu intenziviranje izuzetno regresivnih društvenih kretanja. Prije 14 godina sam počeo iskazivati neslaganje s rušenjem svih temelja društvenih odnosa i države koji su u sebi nosili klicu mogućnosti ozbiljavanja istinske ljudske zajednice, premda sami to još nisu bili. U njima je ipak bilo, kako je govorio Milan Kangrga, »nekaj ljudskog«. Svrha rata koji je Tuđman nazvao domovinskim bila je gušenje baš te mogućnosti. Imao sam potrebu protestirati ne samo protiv brutalne restauracije kapitalizma koja je eufemistički nazvana tranzicijom, nego i protiv naleta historijskog revizionizma kojemu je cilj rehabilitiranje i eventualno oživljavanje zločinačke NDH. I zaista, rat je imao sva obilježja nastavka »velikog čišćenja« koje u Drugom svjetskom ratu nije uspjelo. Radikalno zlo je ponovno eksplodiralo; ono prirodno, divlje, nagonsko, sirovo, surovo, još-ne ljudsko nadvladalo je slobodu, duh i um. Suočili smo se s materijaliziranim fantomom – ovdašnji, samonikli oblici nacizma i fašizma, ustaštvo i četništvo, ponovno su oživjeli kako bi zgazili duh evropskog moderniteta na ovim prostorima.

Neostvarena prava i promašene politike 2: Zastupljenost nacionalnih manjina u državnoj upravi, pravosuđu i policiji

Author(s): Ljubomir Mikić / Language(s): English,Croatian

Relying on the fact of by law guaranteed right on proportional representation of national minorities members in public authorities that has for years presented a big problem and challenge for the Republic of Croatia, Serb National Council (SNC) published the analysis Unrealized Rights and Failed Policies: Representation of National Minorities in State Administration, Judiciary and Police in March of 2014. The analysis was based on competent authorities’ data about the representation of national minorities in stated institutions, highlighting the representation of Serbs followed and collected by SNC and the Independent Democratic Serbian Party Club in the Croatian Parliament between the middle of 2008 and the middle of 2013, respectively until the beginning of the EU membership of Republic of Croatia in July of 2013. The results of the analysis were devastating. It has been noticed that during the analysed period, despite the specific measures of the Government of Republic of Croatia, not only there was no improvement in realization of the rights, but previously achieved level of representation demonstrate tendencies of moderate to significant degradation. Former politics of the Government directed towards increasing the number of national minorities’ members in competent authorities have been rated as useless, and stated reasonable doubt they were only fulfilling the form in order to meet the criteria of the EU entry negotiations. The conclusion, among other, stated the necessity for the Government and other competent authorities to undertake decisive, comprehensive and concrete measures in collaboration and with participation of national minorities’ representatives and independent experts in the following period in order to implement the corresponding guaranteed rights.

Govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2015.

Author(s): Tamara Opačić / Language(s): English,Croatian

The year behind us was marked by an increased number of physical assaults on Serbs in Croatia, threats against them and destruction of their property. In 2015 Cyrillic script1 in Vukovar was practically abolished and we have witnessed numerous attempts to rehabilitate the Independent State of Croatia (NDH)2 as well as an increased incidence of hate speech by public figures and part of the media. For this reason 2015 will be remembered as the year in which nationalist and anti-minority atmosphere – which became more intense since Croatia’s accession to the European Union in 2013 – has reached a worrying scale.

Building Confidence in Peace. Public opinion and the Cyprus Peace process

Author(s): Erol Kaymak,Aleksandros Lordos,Natalie Tocci / Language(s): English

Building Confidence in Peace reports and analyses the results of the firstin a series of public opinion surveys in Cyprus carried out by the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) in collaboration with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot partners. The project, which began in late 2007, gained momentum and significance with the 21 March 2008 peace process launched by the Greek Cypriot President Demetris Christofias and his Turkish Cypriot counterpart Mehmet Ali Talat.Building Confidence in Peace reports and analyses the results of the first public opinion survey in Cyprus carried out by the Centre for European Policy Studies in collaboration with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot partners. In the new atmosphere of relaunched negotiations in 2008, this book investigates what Cypriots think of each other, of the peace process and of possible solutions to the conflict. On the basis of our findings, a double need starkly emerges. First, it is essential to act, in parallel with the negotiating process, to raise public confidence in the peace process, in order to ensure that as and when an agreement is reached, the people will go along with it and make its ratification and implementation a success. Second, precisely because of persistent areas of divergence, a set of confidence-building measures (CBMs) should be envisaged to help narrow the gaps separating the two communities. This does not entail shifting attention from negotiations to CBMs. On the contrary, unilateral CBMs or non-controversial measures oriented towards inter-societal reconciliation may have a very positive impact and add momentum to the peace process within a strategic context of renewed negotiations. It is precisely in this spirit that we note the ongoing efforts to build confidence in parallel with the negotiations, first and foremost with the opening of the Ledra Street/Lokmacı gate crossing on 3 April 2008.

Alternativni izvještaj o primjeni Okvirne konvencije za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina u Republici Hrvatskoj za razdoblje 2015 — 2019.

Author(s): Ljubomir Mikić / Language(s): English,Croatian

Alternativni izvještaj izradilo je Srpsko nacionalno vijeće (SNV). Izvještaj obuhvaća razdoblje od 2015. do 2019. i njime se želi dati doprinos razmatanju primjene Okvirne konvencije za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina (OKZNM) u Republici Hrvatskoj (RH) u okviru 5. kruga praćenja. Ovim izvještajem SNV nastavlja praksu izrade alternativnih izvještaja o primjeni OKZNM-a u Republici Hrvatskoj (RH), koja je započela u prethodnom (četvrtom) krugu praćenja, izradom alternativnog izvještaja SNV-a o primjeni OKZNM-a za razdoblje od 2009 do 2014. [...]

Zu wissen, dass du noch lebst. Kinder aus Tschetschenien erzählen

Author(s): Klaus Bednarz / Language(s): German

Herausgegeben von der Gesellschaft Memorial und der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung. Edited by Foundations «Memorial» and «Heinrich Boell». Published in AUFBAU-VERLAG, Berlin 2006 Russian schoolchildren, like the vast majority of Russian society, know almost nothing about the history of Chechnya. And when a 15-year-old Russian schoolgirl asks the question, "I just want to understand why do we hate each other so much?" At the beginning of her reflections on Russians and Chechens, it may sound perplexed at first glance. But in truth it springs from the same spirit from which Heinrich Böll and Lew Kopelew once asked: "Why did we shoot each other?" Böll and Kopelew were finally able to state that there is no longer any hatred between Russians and Germans. To be able to say something similar about Russians and Chechens will probably remain a utopia for a long time to come. The statements gathered in this book by Chechen and Russian schoolchildren about war and peace between their peoples are a shocking document of contemporary history. But with overcoming speechlessness as the first step towards understanding, it creates hope at the same time. Maybe this generation has a better future after all.

PRAVO NA PRAVDU

Author(s): Semiha Kačar / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

ŠKOLA MIRA U MRKOPLJU - od čega je sve građena -

Author(s): Franjo Starčević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

THE POST-COMMUNIST APOTHEOSIS OF THE NATION-STATE AND THE OLD AND NEW MINORITIES

Author(s): Vojin Dimitrijević / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

MINORITIES UNDER THE RULE OF NATIONALISM: THE CASE OF YUGOSLAVIA

Author(s): Dušan Janjić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The former Yugoslavia initially offered a relatively progressive model for minority protection, with strong constitutional guarantees and cultural autonomy, but this system masked deeper tensions rooted in ethnic rivalry and suppressed national identities. With the rise of nationalism and the weakening of the federal center in the 1980s and 1990s, these tensions exploded, leading to discrimination, exclusionary state-building, and violent conflicts, as elites in both majority and minority groups pursued power through ethnically based nationalism. This culminated in the disintegration of the state, ethnic wars, and the creation of new national entities that institutionalized inequality and deepened inter-ethnic divisions, particularly evident in cases like Albanian-Serbian relations in Kosovo.

MINORITY LANGUAGE RIGHTS IN YUGOSLAVIA IN A EUROPEAN FRAMEWORK

Author(s): Ranko Bugarski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Ranko Bugarski’s article explores the evolution and challenges of minority language rights in Yugoslavia, emphasizing how these rights are a key aspect of broader minority protections and have been shaped by European legal standards. He highlights how the former Yugoslavia was once a model of multilingual policy, granting extensive language rights, but contrasts this with the decline of such rights in the post-Yugoslav era amid rising nationalism, legal ambiguities, and weakened institutional support. Despite some constitutional guarantees, current practices often fall short, reflecting a stark gap between legal provisions and their real-world application.