Publisher: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №35: How Susceptible are the Youth to Islamic Extremism

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №35: How Susceptible are the Youth to Islamic Extremism

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić,Srđan Barišić,Stefan Stefanović,Jovana Saračević,Izabela Kisić / Language(s): English

The crucial question here is: Are the Muslim youth in Sandžak imbued with religious extremism or not? Hardly any interethnic and inter-religious incident has been registered in this part of the Republic of Serbia. On the other hand, fighters from Sandžak are being involved in the Iraqi and Syrian wars. Depending on the answer to the question above, the authorities could take appropriate actions aiming at young people in Sandžak. Both domestic and international stakeholders – and there are many of them, including the non-governmental sector – could develop plans and take a variety of concrete steps depending on the answer to this very question.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №34: Extremism - Recognizing a Social Evil

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №34: Extremism - Recognizing a Social Evil

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: nationalism in serbia; extremism in serbia;

The right-wing political extremism negates the fundamental values of a democratic state based on constitution. Extremists proclaim absolute truths, their doctrines are always axiomatic, they are ideologically intolerant and like making scapegoats for social situation. They recognize not the fundamental ethos of human equality. More subtle versions of right-wing extremism can easily undermine democracy. They are even more dangerous than overt extremism: they are not so easy to be identified as social threats, especially in countries undergoing transitional pangs, because they use “political mimicry, verbal camouflage the confusion game” of patriotism. A state can counteract right-wing extremism only by taking comprehensive, preventive measures, primarily in education, the media, governmental institutions and the judiciary.

Monitoring Prison System Reform in Serbia 2012-2013 and Prison System in Serbia in 2011

Monitoring Prison System Reform in Serbia 2012-2013 and Prison System in Serbia in 2011

Author(s): Jelena Mirkov Subić,Ivan Kuzminović,Mara Živkov,Ljiljana Palibrk / Language(s): English

Report on the Status of Implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325 in the Western Balkans

Report on the Status of Implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325 in the Western Balkans

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Human Rights and Accountability. - Serbia 2003 –

Human Rights and Accountability. - Serbia 2003 –

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Human Rights and Collective Identity - Serbia 2004 -

Human Rights and Collective Identity - Serbia 2004 -

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: identity – individual and collective; serbian orthodox church; kosovo; serbian nationalism;human right in Serbia;

Human Rights in Serbia in 2013 – Primordial Resistance to Liberal Values

Human Rights in Serbia in 2013 – Primordial Resistance to Liberal Values

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia; human rights; transition; socio-politics; economy; regime; elections; Vojvodina; Republika Srpska; regional relations; security system; media; culture and education; war crimes; liberal values; democracy; civil society; Russia;

Thirteen years after the change of the regime (2000) Serbia is still transition-stuck. Reforms have been slow and half-done. Actually, only a synergy of international integrations, responsible political elites and large social movements would have made them possible. And there has been no such synergy since 2000. Economic reforms have been stagnating: Serbia’s economy is still far from an acceptable level of development. Overall progress also hinges on a political system: and that system has not been changed yet in Serbia. And then, the global financial crisis that affected Serbia too set the public opinion against reforms. According to EBRD indicators, reformist moves are highly dependent on the character of political institutions and the strength of economic ones within a political system, on the ratio between human resources and economic grow, and on institutional inclusiveness.

Report on Human Rights in Serbia in 2014: Political Culture vs. Europeanization

Report on Human Rights in Serbia in 2014: Political Culture vs. Europeanization

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia; government; civil sector; human rights; elections; Russia; Kosovo; economy; media; security; international relations; Vojislav Šešelj;

Serbia is once again at crossroad that calls for the engagement of its entire society. The steps the government has made toward EU accession are insufficient, the more so since the government itself is not unanimous about the course. This is more than evident in the implementation of the Brussels Agreement. The great majority of citizens knows nothing or knows little about what a membership of EU implies. Besides, most major national institutions such as Serb Orthodox Church, parts of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (now trying to change its course), influential intellectuals and parts of the civil sector are not committed to the values on which EU rests. Turbulence within EU itself and disorientation of some member-states play into the hands of EU opponents and fuel their resistance. Human rights and freedoms have regressed considerably over the past three years, the backsliding itself escalating during the state of emergency declared because of floods (May 15-23, 2014) and in the aftermath. Requiring expertise and, above all, preventive measures, the crisis situation itself revealed the government’s weaknesses and its attitude toward key issues of further democratization.

Human Rights in the Shadow of Nationalism Serbia 2002

Human Rights in the Shadow of Nationalism Serbia 2002

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia; nationalism; human rights; politics; democracy; 2002; omnibus law; government; Hague Tribunal; federal law; Vojvodina; human rights; minority groups;

The year 2002 is regarded by many as a year lost because nearly all of the political capital gained on 5 October 2000 was squandered: the coalition which had brought about the downfall of Slobodan Milošević bogged down in futile infighting and was becoming its own chief obstacle. Having been established for the specific purpose of ousting Milošević, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) nevertheless went on to shoulder the formidable task of transition, a burden its heterogeneous political makeup proved ill-equipped to bear. For all the enthusiasm which characterized the political situation in 2001, it became clear that the prevailing concept of democracy as a multi-party system devoid of proper institutions and the rule of law alone could not change the general political atmosphere in the country weighed down by the Milošević legacy, institutions mired in old attitudes and methods, and resistance to reform. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – now Serbia and Montenegro – was not admitted to the Council of Europe, nor did the DOS leaders’ promises of an association agreement with the EU materialize. Consequently, there was no appreciable headway in the domain of human rights.

Human Security in an Unfinished State - Serbia 2005 -

Human Security in an Unfinished State - Serbia 2005 -

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia; human security; human rights; nationalism; war crime trials; legislation; prison monitoring; cultural policy; media; education; Serbian Orthodox Church; Vojvodina; Sandžak; international relations;

Political, social and economic problems characteristic of the societies with strong national feelings and plagued by xenophobia and unsolved problems of the past kept weighting the overall situation of human rights in Serbia in 2005. The restoration of basic tenets of Milosevic’s policy (nationalism, populism, fundamental misconception of the international order and reality, resistance to change, marginalization of political opponents and their stigmatization, etc.) and the silent rehabilitation of the Socialists’ cadres (to be ascribed to the Socialist Party of Serbia’s support to the minority government, but shared ideological and other interests as well) called into question, i.e. brought to a standstill reforms and the process of facing up the past. Besides, Serbia is burdened with the defeated national policy and pending state issues. Serbia is still left without a new constitution that would define her as a modern state, and, consequently, without state symbols such as national anthem, banner, etc.

Annual Report: Serbia 2007 - Self-Isolation - Reality and the Goal

Annual Report: Serbia 2007 - Self-Isolation - Reality and the Goal

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: elite; nationalism; socio-economy; army; security service; religion; constitutional and legal framework; Vojvodina; Sandžak; education; media; minority; Hague Tribunal; foreign policy;

The international community’s intervention put an end to two decades of massive violation of human rights (genocide, war crimes, persecution, torture, etc.) in the Balkans. The international community also set up the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to impose non-impunity and justice. Unfortunately, the end of massive and brutal violation of human rights did not result in adequate punishment of crimes. The process of establishment of a legal frame that would incorporate relevant international human rights documents is slow-paced and meets a number of obstacles – from both local and international players. Almost ten years after the intervention, it is still disputable whether the endeavor to protect human rights has actually promoted the human rights concept as imperative for a modern, democracy-oriented society. Serbia’s experience – but also that of neighboring countries – clearly indicates that such an ambitious plan necessitates decades of commitment. Some progress has been made in Serbia that – under the pressure from the international community but also from domestic actors – had to sign all relevant international conventions and regulate the domain of human rights under the Constitution and a number of laws.

Annual Report: Serbia 2008 - Human Rights, Democracy and – Violence

Annual Report: Serbia 2008 - Human Rights, Democracy and – Violence

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia; xenophobia; racism; intolerance; army; police; freedom of religion; legal system; socio-economic research; Vojvodina; Sandžak; national minority; media; international relations; human rights;

The trend of institutional disintegration continued in 2008 in parallel with economic standstill, all of which negatively affected citizens’ mood. The pro-European coalition that won the spring 2008 election failed to meet their expectations as it was not politically courageous enough to make a breakthrough in fundamental reforms. In the meantime Serbia, like all other countries in the region, entered recession. The global economic crisis will only aggravate Serbia’s recession caused by domestic crisis. Eight years after Milošević’s ouster it turned out that Serbia had failed to get transformed – for, its elites have basically remained the same and it has not distanced itself from Milošević’s program. The national program has not been defeated yet: its ideology still enjoys strong support from a part of the Serb elite. This is about the elite that had inspired the Memorandum of the Serb Academy of Arts and Sciences and created the program itself. The ICTY has never examined the part academicians, the Serb Orthodox Church, the Writers’ Association, journalists and cultural elite from this circle played in the Greater Serbia project. Their role has not been morally condemned either in Serbia or beyond it. So their activity in the post-Milošević era remained the same. They are still dictating a cultural matrix and “moral” values for the society as a whole. And this is what mainly obstructs establishment of a moral vertical without which the Serbian society can hardly recuperate. In addition, territorial aspirations are still present, which is best mirrored in the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, i.e. Republika Srpska.

Annual Report on Human Rights: Serbia in 2009 - Europeanization – Accomplishments and Limitations

Annual Report on Human Rights: Serbia in 2009 - Europeanization – Accomplishments and Limitations

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: European integration; violence; politics; army; police; legal system; Parliament; religion; Hague Tribunal; democracy; minority; Vojvodina; Sandžak; socio-economy; media; international relations;

In 2009, Serbia made necessary progress in defining its future as a European country. The measures taken by the Serbian Government in that direction opened its European perspective. This inevitably provoked adverse reactions by one part of the Serbian elite, which is feverishly defending its position and insisting on the greater-state national project. This specifically refers to its resistance to NATO membership, interpretation of the recent past and defense of Bosnia’s status quo. Regardless of the opening of its European perspective, Serbia is still torn between its wish to join the European family and a strong conservative bloc trying to preserve the model of a patriarchal and populist state. The aggravating factors are a total blockade of the economy, bad privatization, monopolistic status of tycoons and incapable leaders at all levels. A drag on development is also centralism that stubbornly resists any decentralization and regionalization, which are a prerequisite for democratization and the undertaking of responsibility at all levels. Serbia’s progress toward the European perspective also implies a more resolute internal transformation, involving the status of Vojvodina, change of the Constitution, decentralization and regionalization, status of minorities and reform of the country’s media space. This is a prerequisite for breaking away from Milošević’s legacy.

Annual Report: Serbia In 2010 - Human Rights Reflect Institutional Impotence

Annual Report: Serbia In 2010 - Human Rights Reflect Institutional Impotence

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: nationalism; Europeanization; Serbia; judicial reform; army; police; security service; Parliament; independent agency; legal regulations; religion; economy; media; discrimination; international relations;

The unexpectedly long economic crisis has exposed all the weaknesses – political, economic and social – of the present system, which has not yet made a fundamental break with the legacy of the Milošević regime. The blind alley in which Serbia has found itself again gives rise to serious concern because its democratic achievements, albeit minimal, and its progress towards EU membership are both in question. At 58%, popular support for EU integration is lowest so far. This is largely due to the fact that citizens’ concrete interests are excluded from the authorities’ communication with the public concerning the accession process, as well as to the fact that the process itself has been reduced to a vague state- bureaucratic procedure taking place beyond the reach of the citizens and not taking account of their interests. The process of European integration has been systematically reduced to formal questions concerning legislation, procedure and bureaucratic conditionality. The process is presented to the public in such a way as to show no connection with individuals’ concrete interests.

Human Rights in Serbia in 2012: POPULISM: ENTROPY OF DEMOCRACY (Abridged version)

Human Rights in Serbia in 2012: POPULISM: ENTROPY OF DEMOCRACY (Abridged version)

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia; judiciary; nationalism; Parliament; army; police; security; regulatory agency; minority; religion; socio-economy; prison system; media; Vojvodina; Sandžak;

EU strategic decision on Serbia’s candidacy is crucial for the country’s further movement towards European integrations. Had it not been for it, Serbia’s poor democratic potential would have been trapped by its strong, populist right-wing. The Serbian society is still incapable to definitely opt for a substantive, democratic transformation and fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria. Regardless of all the pressures to which it has probably been exposed, the political pivot’s, the Democratic Party’s, failure to progress more towards Europeanization testifies of its lack of states manly leadership and inability for a political U-turn. Having radicalized the Kosovo issue Belgrade has undermined its standing in EU. Mainstream political and intellectual elites do not look to the future. Serbia needs to take stock of its situation. The society’s un-readiness to cope with the past plays into the hands of the political right and its attempts at blocking Serbia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. Rather than accept the reality, the political elite is autistic and trapped by self-pity. As long as its elite role-plays a victim Serbia will not be able to work constructively on its future and the future of the region.

Annual Report on Human Rights in Serbia in 2011: EUROPEAN OPTION OBSTRUCTED

Annual Report on Human Rights in Serbia in 2011: EUROPEAN OPTION OBSTRUCTED

Author(s): / Language(s): English

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №33: Mental Healthcare befitting Human Dignity

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №33: Mental Healthcare befitting Human Dignity

Author(s): Dejan Lj. Milenković,Miloš V. Janković,Nikola Grujić,Vlаdimir Jović,Paolo Serra,Darko Sekulić,Jelena Marković,Milan Marković ,Ljiljana Palibrk / Language(s): English

Keywords: mental health; human dignity; human rights; Serbia; psychiatry; mental illness; law; de-institutionalization; disability; NGO;

This collection of papers broaches some of the biggest stumbling blocs in the way of mental health reform and effective deinstitutionalization in the Republic of Serbia Analyses, opinions and recommendations presented in it refl ect the years-long advocacy by several non-governmental organizations and independent experts for mental health reform and transformation from institutional to community-based care. This is about a long-term campaign of committed individuals, organizations and associations for gradual shutdown of residential institutions catering for psychiatric patients, and children and adults with mental disabilities, and, moreover, for dignifi ed lives of and equal opportunities for these most vulnerable groups of population.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №38: Value Orientations of Secondary School Students in Serbia, 2019.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №38: Value Orientations of Secondary School Students in Serbia, 2019.

Author(s): Marija Radoman / Language(s): English

This publication analyzes Serbia’s secondary school students’ statements and value orientations. Interviewees participating in this survey were 17– 18 years of age, coming from generations born after the October 5, 2000 change of the regime in Serbia. The survey focused on students’ values and statements on gender issues, abortion, homophobila, ecology, nationalism, Roma minority, as well as on the past and the 1990s wars on ex-Yugoslav territory, and analyzed how deep rooted those statements were among this population. The purpose was to gauge possible changes in statements in comparison with findings of the survey conducted in 2011.1 The compared findings of the two surveys results in major information about the values characteristic of this age group. The survey was conducted on a sample of 866 interviewees in five towns in Serbia: Belgrade, Novi Pazar, Niš, Kragujevac and Novi Sad.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №28 - SANDŽAK: identity in the gap between the old and the new

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №28 - SANDŽAK: identitet u procepu starog i novog

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Helsinki Committee; Serbia; community identity; Yugoslavia

The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights considers the issue of the identity of the political community to be crucial for profiling the future of Serbia. In its desire to become an integral part of the EU, Serbia must also find a productive answer to the decades-long identity crisis. The current, highly emphasized ethnic profiling of community identity brings with it a number of challenges and problems. First of all, it makes integration difficult, because it narrows the field of multiculturalism and all the wealth of diversity that the former Yugoslavia, for example, emphasized as the key to its own survival. The Yugoslav model was, we should draw attention to that fact, a kind of forerunner of the European Union, and in it Serbia, as an integral part of Yugoslavia, itself had a very complex identity and a rich cultural heritage. The later narrowing and reduction of identity to an ethnic basis tore the thin threads of the very sensitive social and cultural fabric, not only of the former Yugoslavia, but also of Serbia itself. Therefore, if Serbia really wants to become an integral part of united Europe and actively participate in modern processes, it must participate in the production of identity in a different way than it does now. In contrast to the identity hierarchy, where the national identity occupies a high and privileged place, it is necessary to affirm the pluralism of identity. In Europe, in addition, efforts have been made for decades in the promotion of regional identities.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №38 Monitoring Prison System Reform in Serbia 2012-2013 and Prison System in Serbia in 2011

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №38 Praćenje reforme zatvorskog sistema u Srbiji 2012 – 2013. i Stanje ljudskih prava u zatvorima u 2011. godini

Author(s): Jelena Mirkov Subić,Mara Živkov,Ljiljana Palibrk,Ivan Kuzminović / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: human rights; Prison Reform; Human Rights Monitoring; Overcrowding; Alternative Sanctions: Probation System

Over the years, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights visited prisons in Serbia and reported on the human rights situation of convicted and detained persons - in other words, since 2001, the Committee has visited all 28 penal institutions, many of them more than once. In a large number of reports, the Board specifically analyzed the discrepancies between domestic legislation and international standards on the one hand and practice in the sanctions enforcement system on the other hand, suggesting possible solutions.