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DOKĄD SIĘGAJĄ GRANICE ZACHODU? Rosyjsko-polskie konflikty strategiczne 1990–2010

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English

From a historical perspective, the last two decades can almost be regarded as a 'golden age' of Polish-Russian relations. This is the first time in several centuries that a sovereign Poland and Russia have been able to develop mutual relations without resorting to force; moreover, they have established a bilateral legal basis and put into practice its provisions on "the inviolability of borders, territorial integrity, non-interference with internal affairs and the nations' right to self-determination.This does not change the fact that since 1990 the atmosphere between the two countries has much more often been chilly and tense. Contrary to the widely-held belief, Polish-Russian conflicts do not stem from genetic Russophobia on the part of Poland, or irrational prejudice on the part of Russia. Their substance is real and concerns strategic issues. At the deepest level, though, this is a dispute about how far the borders of the Western world extend, and about the Russian Federation's sphere of influence. However, it is not a clash between two states; moreover, Poland is certainly not the most important actor in this regard, although due to the historical context and its geographic location, it is one of the countries that lies closest to the 'line of contact', and is therefore particularly entangled in the disagreement.

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Sitting on the fence. Swedish defence policy and the Baltic Sea region

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): English

Sweden finds itself in the midst of the most heated debates about defence policy and the direction of military reforms since the end of the Cold War, as Stockholm faces the challenge of finding a new military security formula.From the Swedish point of view, the post-Cold War strategic timeout in Europe is coming to an end. The international environment is reverting to a situation in which the use of force among states is no longer an improbable scenario. Stockholm cannot rule out the emergence of crises or conflicts in Northern Europe in the future, which could directly or indirectly affect Sweden.In this context, the transformations of Sweden’s defence policy over the past twenty years have become a problem. Sweden has moved from neutrality, i.e. non-involvement on any side of an armed interstate conflict, to non-alignment, whereby it stays outside military alliances and freely shapes its policies during wartime. It has joined the European Union and co-operates closely with NATO on foreign missions. Its ability to defend its own territory, however, has diminished.

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Szwedzki szpagat. Polityka obronna Szwecji a region Morza Bałtyckiego

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): Polish

W Szwecji trwają najbardziej burzliwe dyskusje na temat polityki obronnej i kierunku reformy sił zbrojnych od zakończenia zimnej wojny, a Sztokholm stoi przed wyzwaniem znalezienia nowej formuły zapewnienia swojego bezpieczeństwa militarnego. // Z perspektywy Szwecji okres pozimnowojennej przerwy strategicznej w Europie ma się ku końcowi. Następuje powrót do środowiska międzynarodowego, w którym użycie siły pomiędzy państwami nie jest już nieprawdopodobnym scenariuszem. Sztokholm nie wyklucza pojawienia się w przyszłości kryzysów i konfliktów w regionie Europy Północnej, które pośrednio lub bezpośrednio dotknęłyby Szwecję. // W tym kontekście problemem stają się przekształcenia szwedzkiej polityki obronnej w ostatnim dwudziestoleciu. Szwecja przeszła od neutralności, tj. braku zaangażowania po jakiejkolwiek ze stron ewentualnego międzypaństwowego konfliktu zbrojnego, do bezaliansowości, tj. pozostawania poza sojuszami wojskowymi i dowolnego kształtowania polityki w czasie wojny. Stała się członkiem UE oraz ściśle współpracuje z NATO w operacjach zagranicznych. Jednocześnie jednak ograniczyła własne zdolności do obrony kraju. // Utrzymywana do początku lat 90. doktryna neutralności stała się jednak na tyle głęboko zakorzenioną w społeczeństwie i części klasy politycznej składową narodowej tożsamości, że ogranicza pole manewru szwedzkiej polityki w odniesieniu do członkostwa w NATO. Biorąc ponadto pod uwagę konsolidację finansów państwa, która w perspektywie przyszłych lat może ograniczyć wzrost wydatków na obronność, Szwecja stoi więc obecnie przed poważnym wyzwaniem: jak zapewnić bezpieczeństwo militarne państwa w pogarszającym się środowisku bezpieczeństwa regionalnego? Jakie konsekwencje może mieć zmiana dyskursu i polityki obronnej Szwecji dla bezpieczeństwa i współpracy w regionie Morza Bałtyckiego?

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Norway and the Bear. Norwegian defence policy - lessons for the Baltic Sea region

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): English

Norway is currently the only Western European state and ‘old’ NATO member that strongly relies on the traditional dimension of NATO's collective defence. It is also the only ally in Western Europe which perceives Russia as a threat to its military security, in the so-called High North. // In order to successfully deal with the potential challenges and threats in the region, Norway has been pursuing a defence policy based on cooperation and deterrence. Cooperation means improving collaboration with Russia in cross-border relations, in the petroleum sector and in the military sphere. The deterrent measures include maintaining NATO’s credibility as a collective defence alliance; increasing military cooperation with the United States; building up Norway’s own military capabilities; and developing military cooperation across Northern Europe. // The primary objective of Oslo’s defence policy is to minimise the likelihood of crises and conflicts emerging in the High North which could prove too ‘big’ for Norway but too ‘small’ for NATO.

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Norweski sposób na Rosję. Polityka obronna Norwegii - wnioski dla regionu Morza Bałtyckiego

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): Polish

Norwegia jest obecnie jedynym krajem zachodnioeuropejskim i „starym” krajem członkowskim NATO, dla którego tradycyjny wymiar obrony zbiorowej NATO ma duże znaczenie. Jest również jedynym krajem z Europy Zachodniej, który postrzega Rosję jako zagrożenie dla swojego bezpieczeństwa militarnego – na tzw. Dalekiej Północy. // Aby sprostać potencjalnym wyzwaniom i zagrożeniom w tym regionie, Norwegia prowadzi politykę obronną opartą na strategii współpracy i odstraszania. Współpraca odnosi się do kooperacji z Rosją w relacjach transgranicznych, sektorze paliwowym i w sferze wojskowej. Odstraszanie obejmuje wzmacnianie NATO jako sojuszu obronnego, zwiększanie współpracy wojskowej z USA, budowę własnych zdolności obronnych oraz rozwijanie polityczno-wojskowej kooperacji w Europie Północnej. // Celem norweskiej polityki obronnej jest przede wszystkim zminimalizowanie prawdopodobieństwa wystąpienia kryzysów i konfliktów na Dalekiej Północy, które mogą się okazać „za duże” dla Norwegii, ale „za małe” dla NATO.

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Słabe ogniwo? Niemcy w zachodnim systemie bezpieczeństwa

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): Polish

Polityczne, gospodarcze i militarne parametry potęgi RFN wpływają na podejście Berlina do kształtowania europejskiego i międzynarodowego ładu. Niemcy są regionalnym mocarstwem w UE o dużych możliwościach dyplomatycznych, są trzecią potęgą gospodarczą świata o globalnych powiązaniach handlowych i inwestycyjnych, jednocześnie posiadają ograniczony potencjał wojskowy. RFN jest więc przede wszystkim zainteresowana rozwijaniem pokojowych i dyplomatycznych mechanizmów zarządzania kryzysami i konfliktami oraz utrzymaniem pokoju i stabilności w obszarze bezpieczeństwa europejskiego i globalnego. // Skłonność Berlina do stawiania na dialog i kompromis w globalnej i regionalnej polityce bezpieczeństwa może stanowić coraz większe wyzwanie dla utrzymania spójności i wiarygodności Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego – zarówno z perspektywy USA, jak i członków NATO z Europy Środkowej i Północnej.

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Russia's armed forces on the information war front. Strategic documents

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska / Language(s): English

The question about the role of the armed forces in the information space is in fact a question about the role of the factor of force in the Kremlin’s domestic and foreign policy. In Russia, this factor has invariably been treated as a hallmark of the country’s position as a global power, an instrument of deterrence, and a way to exert political pressure and build spheres of influence. The country’s military information strategy is designed to serve those tasks, and envisages multiple battle fronts, including internal and external affairs, the info-psychological front, the cyberspace and other spheres. Its visible consequences include a militarisation of the language of politics and propaganda, the imposition on public opinion of the narrative of an information war against Russia, and a radical change of the Russian army’s image. Today Russia forcefully demands that other countries respect its spheres of influence in the neighbourhood (as seen from its aggression against Ukraine and its armed intervention in Syria). It claims to be the guarantor of peace processes, even as it demolishes the European and global security architecture, and presents itself as a centre of power, asserting the right to co-decide on matters of global security.

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Rosyjskie siły zbrojne na froncie walki informacyjnej. Dokumenty strategiczne

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska / Language(s): Polish

Pytanie o rolę sił zbrojnych w przestrzeni informacyjnej jest w istocie pytaniem o rolę czynnika siły w polityce wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej państwa. W Rosji był on i nadal jest traktowany jako wyznacznik jej pozycji mocarstwowej, instrument odstraszania, nacisków i budowy sfer wpływów. Dostosowana do takich zadań wojskowa strategia informacyjna przewiduje walkę na wielu frontach: wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, informacyjno-psychologicznym, cybernetycznym i in. Jej widoczne konsekwencje przejawiły się nie tylko w militaryzacji języka polityki i propagandy, narzucaniu opinii publicznej narracji o wydanej Rosji wojnie informacyjnej oraz diametralnej zmianie wizerunku armii. Rosja siłą domaga się respektowania swoich stref wpływów w sąsiedztwie (agresja wobec Ukrainy, interwencja zbrojna w Syrii). Burzy europejską i globalną architekturę bezpieczeństwa, przedstawiając się zarazem jako gwarant procesów pokojowych. Prezentując się jako biegun siły, manifestuje prawo do współdecydowania w kwestiach bezpieczeństwa globalnego.

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Półwysep, czyli wyspa. Krym w trzecim roku po aneksji

Author(s): Wojciech Górecki / Language(s): Polish

Ponad dwa i pół roku po aneksji Krym bardziej niż półwysep przypomina wyspę, a utrudniony – w różnych wymiarach – dostęp do stałego lądu wpływa niekorzystnie na warunki i poziom życia. Niezależnie od problemów transportowych i społecznych, zdecydowana większość mieszkańców pozostała jednak na miejscu i przystosowała się do nowej sytuacji, a winę za występujące trudności skłonna jest przypisać sankcjom, polityce Zachodu czy ukraińskiej dywersji. Postawę taką wzmacnia prowadzona przez Moskwę polityka faktów dokonanych, ostra retoryka, wykluczająca rewizję status quo, a także brak determinacji Kijowa w dążeniu do przywrócenia nad Krymem kontroli. Jeśli sytuacja ta nie ulegnie zmianie, w perspektywie jednego pokolenia półwysep może całkowicie zintegrować się z Rosją, czemu sprzyjać będą powstające nad Cieśniną Kerczeńską mosty oraz rozszerzająca się wspólna przestrzeń medialna i kulturalna. Grupą najbardziej poszkodowaną w wyniku aneksji okazali się Tatarzy Krymscy: ich organ przedstawicielski, Medżlis, został uznany w Rosji za organizację ekstremistyczną, co uniemożliwia mu działalność na półwyspie.

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Obwód kaliningradzki 2016. Społeczeństwo, Gospodarka, Armia

Author(s): Iwona Wiśniewska,Maria Domańska,Jan Strzelecki,Piotr Żochowski,Andrzej Wilk,Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): Polish

Moscow has been developing a new model of governance for Kaliningrad Oblast in 2016. The changes in the regional government (the governance of the oblast was entrusted to people sent from Moscow and had no links with the region) were part of it. These are a result of Russia’s depleting financial resources and austerity policy, the increasing militarization of the Russian Federation and the important role the oblast plays in this policy, and the need to ensure a satisfactory result in the upcoming presidential election. Although there are at present no visible symptoms suggesting an intensification of protest sentiments, Moscow is taking preventive action to try to tighten its grip on local elites and residents. Kaliningrad Oblast remains an essential element of the Russian military strategy in the Baltic region. This is borne out by the deployment in the region of S-400 air defense systems, ships equipped with Kalibr missiles, and Bastion missile defense systems (which are nominally anti-ship weapons but are also adjusted to attacking ground targets). Furthermore, the deployment of Iskander missile systems has been launched which enables the creation of a so-called “Anti-Access/Area Denial” (A2/AD) zone, extending the range of Russian weapons to the territories and airspace of the neighboring NATO member states.

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With Russia right across the border. Finland’s security policy

Author(s): Piotr Szymański / Language(s): English

Finland sees Russia as a source of opportunities and threats. On the one hand, Russia is an important trade partner and Finland believes that intensive political contacts with Russia provide a boost for its international profile as a militarily non-aligned broker between the West and Russia. On the other hand, Finland is concerned by the Russian vision of the international order based on great powers’ spheres of influence, and by Russia’s increasing military capabilities. This is why Finland’s strategy towards Russia is a combination of economic and political co-operation, aimed at reducing the risk of bilateral tensions, and military deterrence. Finland is a country situated on the periphery of its civilisational base (the West) and whose border with Russia is over 1,300 km long. Thus, its armed forces are primarily focused on territorial defence. Finland maintains general conscription and a large trained reserve force, which raises the costs of possible aggression. Finland has also intensified its defence co-operation with Sweden, the USA, NATO and within the EU in response to Russia’s military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine.

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Dylematy bezpieczeństwa militarnego państw azjatyckich. Wewnętrzne uwarunkowania sekurytyzacji

Author(s): Łukasz Fijałkowski,Jarosław Jarząbek / Language(s): Polish

The publication aims to explain the dynamics of internal conditions of military security in Asia through the analysis of the case studies of four states: Indonesia, Iran, Jordan and Singapore. The subject of research is the security of these states examined with the use of the theory of securitization and an attempt to translate it into the realities of internal conditions of military security.

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The trouble with PESCO. The mirages of European defence

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): English

The creation of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in December 2017 crowned the series of recent debates and actions aimed at strengthening the common security and defence policy of the EU. However, the compromise around PESCO has revealed strategic divergences among France, Germany and the countries on the eastern flank related to the perceptions of threats and challenges, the development of the EU’s security and defence policy, and the future of trans-Atlantic relations. The debates on PESCO in Western Europe have also highlighted a growing gap between the political narratives and military reality.

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Documents Talk NATO-RUSSIA relations after the cold war

Author(s): / Language(s): English

(...) regardless of the adopted perspective of an observer or analyst, and optimism/pessimism related to NATO-Russia relations, they will remain a key aspect of international security. This necessitates the search for “source knowledge” and “decoding” numerous stereotypes and simplifications that these relations have overgrown for the last quarter century. One must not forget the calculated and deliberate disinformation that Russia has been practising regarding its relations with the Alliance. It consistently uses the myth of “betrayal of the West”, blaming NATO nations for being the primary cause of the current state of NATO-Russia relations. It is not our task in this volume to explain the nature of these problems exhaustively, nor to discuss the structure of modern Russian political mythology. However, the significant dispersion of “first-hand” sources raises the bar of problems confronting researchers of NATO-Russia relations. Therefore, this volume attempts at gathering key open-source documents produced by both sides and arranging them into a representative whole to provide a better understanding of the “big picture” (...). The emerging picture of political thinking and policy justifications offers the power of beating back many stereotypical opinions (...)

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Teraźniejszość totalna. Tezy o współczesności. Profesor Jerzy Chłopecki in memoriam

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Book dedicated to the memory of prof. Jerzy Chłopecki, a sociologist and political scientist. Volume contains scientific texts, the authors of which refer to Chłopecki's theses concerning the world of media, politics and mechanisms of power, interpersonal relations, law, history and economics. It also includes previously unpublished texts by Chłopecki himself.

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Między rozumem a mitem

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

The book is a collection of articles dedicated to Professor Stanisław Filipowicz for his 70th birthday anniversary. The texts refer to his scientific achievements in political philosophy and the history of thought and political ideas.

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Obszar poradziecki w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej

Author(s): Anna Czyż / Language(s): Polish

The publication refers to the place, importance and role of the post-Soviet area in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This is an important and current topic, especially in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine. The Russian Federation uses all possible instruments of influence to maintain control over the post-Soviet area, treated as the exclusive sphere of Russian influence and the priority direction of Russian foreign policy. The main goals of Russian foreign policy towards the so-called near-border include the political, economic and military integration of this area under the leadership of Russia.

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Iść i zarazem dojść. Cztery eseje z krytyki polityki terapeutycznej

Author(s): Ivan Dimitrijević / Language(s): Polish

Modern political semantics is based, among others, on re-semantics of Aristotelian kinesis. All “-isms”, all parties, all ideologies are, following Koselleck, the notions of movement: they assume the mobilization of citizens towards goals that can be achieved in time, which results in the constant dialectics between stagnation and social mobility. How does kinetic politics influence a democratic system? How does the widespread activation of bodies and minds affect the mental state of individuals? Is there, following Lasch, a relation between mobility and narcissism? Has politics become a form of disease therapy? Is politics not one of the sources of disease? Or, perhaps, politics is about a certain praxis and not a movement?

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NATO after the End of the Cold War

Author(s): Zdeněk Kříž / Language(s): English

Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has been going through a permanent adaptation process that has changed it beyond recognition. If the Alliance had wanted to survive the Warsaw Pact, it did not have any other choice. As regards the beginning of the permanent NATO adaptation process, it is possible to regard the adopting of the 1990 London declaration. Today’s shape of NATO differs from its form in the Cold War substantially. The Alliance’s tasks have been extended significantly, as well as its territorial range and the number of its members. Rob de Wijk points out that the successful adaptation of NATO to the new post-Cold-War realities is an unprecedented event because traditional military alliances were dissolved together with the expiration of the reason for their existence in the past. (Wijk 1998: 14–18). However, one should pay attention to the fact that NATO has never been a merely military alliance based only on the idea of collective defense. According to Karl Deutsch, the Alliance has been an organization of states sharing common values, which makes war among members impossible. He calls this kind of alliances “security community”. (Deutsch et al. 1957; Adler – Barnett 1998) This paper aims to describe and analyze the main tendencies in the NATO transformation after the end of the Cold war and will proceed as follows. The second chapter will pay attention to the changes in the NATO strategic thinking. The third chapter will focus on the NATO enlargement followed by the fourth chapter dealing with the NATO-Russian relations. The fifth chapter is devoted to the NATO expeditionary operations and the sixth will provide a survey of the NATO military adaptation. The last chapter will summarize the main outcomes of the NATO adaptation after the end of the Cold War. As far as methodology is concerned, procedures typical of history science will be used in this paper.

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Russia’s Belarusian Army. The Practical Aspects of Belarus and Russia’s Military Integration

Author(s): Andrzej Wilk / Language(s): English

We should consider the broadly understood military integration of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation (RF) as the most advanced aspect of the relationship between the two countries, while at the same time it is the element which shows the greatest disproportion. Belarus is fully dependent on its eastern neighbour for military cooperation, and its own armed forces and arms industry are unable to meet the state’s basic defence needs. Moreover, they cannot function efficiently or develop without Russian support or if they are isolated from cooperation with the analogous Russian structures. In the short term, cutting off Minsk’s cooperation with Moscow would result in the collapse of the Belarusian armaments industry and a systemic crisis in the armed forces, which would then have to be recreated from scratch.

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