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For over five decades Taiwan was predominantly perceived by the international community as a function of regional balance of power network in East Asia and of the United States and People’s Republic of China relations. However, after almost 30 years of democratic change, Taiwanese internal politics is slowly growing out of the diplomatic cross–strait framework and Beijing–Taipei economic rapprochement scenarios. The Sunflower Movement protests and November 29th, 2014 defeat of ruling Kuomintang in local elections indicate an introduction of a new variable – Taiwanese society – in cross–strait formula.
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The author concentrates in the paper on the trade and financial relations between the United States of America and People’s Republic of China over the period 2005–2015. The growing interdependence of the two leading economies on the Western (the US) and Eastern (China) hemispheres undoubtedly is a salient factor in global economy that needs to be scrupulously studied. The geoeconomic competition between the two states overlaps the concomitant geopolitical rivalry. It is one of the most germane phenomenon in the global economic and political relations of the contemporary world.
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Non–Governmental Organizations (NGO) activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are specified by missing mutual diplomatic representation between the two Koreas, and also between the DPRK and the US. This fact helps to increase the importance and prestige of NGOs, the role of individuals and groups in cultural, sport and civic exchanges when participating in mediation of humanitarian and development aid to the DPRK. The entrepreneurs, who are willing to invest in DPRK (despite the adverse conditions) and employ North Korean workers, play an irreplaceable role as well. A summary of these activities provides an overall picture of the presence and impact of non–governmental actors.
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The decision–making process in Japan has been characterized by extensive powers possessed by the bureaucrats who often overshadowed their political superiors. Foreign policy making was not an exception. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) boasted strong control over Japan’s diplomacy. While the role of civil servants was theoretically limited to the implementation of the decisions made by politicians, in reality the administrative staff used a range of informal sources of power to act as arbiters of state matters. Only after the entry into force of Hashimoto’s administrative reform in 2001 did top–level decision makers gain new institutional tools that helped them to conduct an independent foreign policy on a more regular basis. Without denying this conventional wisdom, I argue that the politicians could occasionally play a significant role in Japan’s diplomacy even before implementation of institutional changes at the beginning of the 21st century. Under special circumstances, prime ministers, chief cabinet secretaries and foreign ministers were able to exert a considerable influence on the course of foreign policy, sometimes even changing its direction. Up to the 1990s the most influential figures in the government had enough authority to overcome the domination of the bureaucrats and impose their own will on MOFA.
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The problem of the US military bases, including the relocation of the Futenma military air station and a construction of a Futenma replacement facility (FRF) in Okinawa, has been a difficult and contested issue in Japanese domestic and foreign affairs for decades. In November 1995 Prime Minister Murayama and Vice President Al Gore established a Special Action Committee on Okinawa for deliberation on the reduction and realignment of the military bases. In April 1996 President Clinton and PM Hashimoto decided on the relocation and construction of the FRF in the prefecture within five to seven years. As of 2015 the prospects for implementation seem dim, especially after the electoral victory of the anti–base governor Onaga Takeshi in November 2014. This article focuses on the decision–making process under two consecutive prime ministers, Murayama and Hashimoto, since it was during their premiership that the issue was set on the agenda and decided upon. The article argues that on one hand PM Murayama made several important decisions, but lacking enough experience and power as a minor coalition member, as well as due to short term in office, was not able to supervise implementation of his decisions. On the other hand, PM Hashimoto did exercise strong leadership in regard to Futenma Air Base, but as the LDP president his decisions run along the general policy of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who is in charge of the foreign policy formation on daily base. Furthermore, the American side agreed to the relocation since the benefits – a new and technologically advanced facility for the US army, entirely paid by the Japanese government, outweighed the hardship of the transfer. In the entire process, the Okinawan community, demanding removal of the bases outside the prefecture, was not consulted and hence the ongoing opposition to the US bases and FRF.
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The experts have been interested in the process of the second language acquisition for many years. However, the significant changes appeared in the second decade of the twentieth century. The establishment of the Council of Europe, an ogranization which associates 47 countries, provided new common standards of the evaluation of the language proficiency. The most important aim of the work of the Council of Europe was to promote the multilingualism and multiculturalism to create between the European citizens understanding and openness for other cultures. What is more, common norms facilitated people the mobility because the certificates they were receiving started beeing recognisable in ither countries. The creation of the CEFR and European Language Portfolio was the beginning of the new way of understanding the process of the second language acquisition which, nowadays, has to be transparent for students. Furthermore, students have become more conscious and responsible for their own learning. The possibility of monitoring their learning process gives them opportunity to work out their stategies and patterns of work. Therefore, they are not just an audience but they take an active part in the second languages acquisition.
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The article presents the technology for integration of refugees through projects run by unemployed Bulgarians with appropriate education, further education and the provision of employment. Shared significant European experience in organizing training and job placements for refugees, enabling to use any level of qualification of foreigners, and to ensure the security of the population.
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Tokom mjeseca jula 2017. godine, polaznici/e Feminističke škole organizirane u okviru Sarajevskog otvorenog centra, proveli su kvalitativno istraživanje o postupanju i stavovima službenih osoba koje rade na procesuiranju krivičnih djela seksualnog nasilja, s fokusom na krivično djelo silovanja, te predstavnika organizacija civilnog društva koje se bave zaštitom prava oštećenih. Istraživanje je zasnovano na strukturiranim intervjuima sa predstavnicima MUP-a, tužilaštava i civilnog društva iz Sarajeva, Zenice, Tuzle, Banje Luke i Mostara. Intervjuima su trebale biti obuhvaćene i sudije koje rade na procesuiranju ove vrste krivičnih djela, te su pozivi za učešće u istraživanju dostavljeni udruženjima sudija u BiH. Nažalost, ista se nisu odazvala pozivu. Urađeno je ukupno deset intervjua. Veliki broj njih radio se u parovima, što je impliciralo dva intervjuera/ke i dva sagovornika/ce. Na ovaj način, ukupan broj sagovornika iz ciljne skupine koji je učestvovao u istraživanju je 17.
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Jednym z zasadniczych celów działania gmin jest rozwój lokalny. Aby efektywnie zarządzać lokalną gospodarką, jednostkom samorządu terytorialnego przekazano pewien zakres samodzielności pozwalający podejmować określone działania dopasowane do potrzeb lokalnej społeczności. Kluczowym aspektem tego zabiegu było wyposażenie gmin w określone źródła dochodów oraz przyznanie im prawa do samodzielnego prowadzenia gospodarki finansowej, rozumiane jako samodzielność finansowa. Celem tego artykułu jest ocena stopnia zależności samodzielności finansowej jednostek samorządu terytorialnego i rozwoju lokalnego. Złożoność analizowanego zagadnienia wymagała zastosowania dwóch głównych metod badań. Pierwszą z nich było wyznaczenie wskaźnika syntetycznego w celu odrębnego pomiaru rozwoju lokalnego i samodzielności finansowej. Druga metoda polegała na wykorzystaniu wskaźnika korelacji Pearsona, aby ocenić zależność pomiędzy tymi zjawiskami.
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The aim of this article is to analyze international relations in the Asia-Pacific regionfrom the historical perspective of the 40th anniversary of the economic reformin China and the establishment of diplomatic US-China relations. China’s successfulreform programme and US-China economic cooperation have helped to transformthis country into a superpower and, as a result, multilateralism in the region hasbeen replaced by new US-China bipolar structure. 2018 was the year regional actorsgrew accustomed to this new strategic environment.
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The role of water is so important in all practical aspects of life, then the need to control water resources is a mandatory condition for mankind, that has and will always lead to conflicts and even war, be it declared or not, for water. Conflicts have been a constant throughout history, as well as the regulations for water access, all these may be shortly named politics of water – hydropolitics. Fresh water is a limited natural resource, and the growing demand for this resources may be the cause of conflict escalation and wars, as it is the case for oil. The availability of drinking water per capita is inadequate and insufficient on a global scale. The spread of water on the planet is not equal, considering geographical area, season and historical period, which poses a potential threat for the relations between people, nations, countries and alliances. The history of conflicts for water is old and when the political and diplomatic means fail, wars for water can emerge.
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In the recent years, security, freedom, especially the social, political, economic and religious sectors, with their set of individual and group rights have been undermined by the growing international terrorism as the number of victims scaled up. The measures taken to preserve the safety of the European continent, including the use of police and military force where impacted by the need to manage relations with a determined Russia trying to impose its geostrategic importance, the pressures exerted by migration and the influx of refugees, UK’s decision to leave the EU, and the separation of European states in main and second-hand actors. With the emerging challenges of the European security and their dynamics, the paper concentrates on the future agenda of the EU states. Special attention is given to the Copenhagen School with regard to security in politics, society, economy, and religion, with the hope that all incoming measures are to fulfill the defines and safeguarding requirements of the population.
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Türk kamu yönetiminin hem idari hem de hukuki açıdan değişiminde ve gelişiminde Avrupa devletlerinin ve değerlerinin geçmişten günümüze önemli etkisi ve katkısı olmuştur. Son yıllarda Türkiye ve dünya gündemini derinden etkileyen olaylardan birisi olan göç konusunda da Türk kamu yönetimi idari ve hukuki açıdan Avrupa Birliği’nin yönlendirmesi ve zorlamasıyla önemli değişiklikler yapmıştır. Göç, içine birden fazla aktörün dâhil olduğu çok karmaşık bir olaydır. Bundan dolayı göç yönetimi ve göç politikalarının belirlenmesi ve uygulanmaya konulması da aynı şekilde karmaşık ve bir o kadar da zorlu bir süreçtir. Her ne kadar göç olgusu insanlığın tarihi kadar eski olup günümüze dek sürekli devam etmiş olsa da göçün kamu yönetimleri ve kamu politikaları gündeminde üst sıralara çıkması 1950 ve 1960’lardan itibaren olmuştur.
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Celem artykułu jest określenie sposobu oceny oddziaływania władz miasta na rozwój turystyki, umożliwiającego wczesną diagnozę popełnionych błędów. Przy próbie osiągania tego celu musimy sformułować założenie: sposoby oddziaływania samorządu na rozwój turystyki uzależnione są od poziomu natężenia funkcji turystycznej miasta. Ponieważ jednostki samorządu terytorialnego zarządzają obszarami o różnym natężeniu i dynamice zmian poziomu natężenia funkcji turystycznej, nie pozostaje to bez wpływu na kształt prowadzonej przez nie lokalnej polityki turystycznej. Działania władz samorządowych skierowane na aktywizację lokalnej gospodarki turystycznej powinny być podejmowane w różnym zakresie i z różnym natężeniem w jednostkach o odmiennym stopniu ukształtowania funkcji turystycznej – zgodnie z różnymi potrzebami i celami w zakresie rozwijania turystyki na ich terenie. Oddziaływanie samorządu na rozwój turystyki dotyczy zarówno sfery popytu (oddziaływanie na klienta – wizerunek miasta, oferty „konsumpcyjne”), jak i sfery podaży (oddziaływanie na inwestorów i już funkcjonujące podmioty gospodarcze). Założenia te pozwolą określić pytanie badawcze, na które będziemy starali się odpowiedzieć, a mianowicie: znając poziom natężenia funkcji turystycznej miasta i tym samym fazę cyklu życia obszaru turystycznego, określić, w jaki sposób oceniać oddziaływanie samorządu na rozwój funkcji turystycznej dużego miasta. Innymi słowy, w jaki sposób władze samorządowe wykorzystują będące w ich dyspozycji instrumenty oddziaływania na turystykę. Możliwości oceny sposobu postępowania władz samorządowych dopatrujemy się w weryfikacji kompleksowej ankiety, która umożliwi zdiagnozowanie istniejącej rzeczywistości.
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EU industry is funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and it is a driver to the economic sustainability and competitiveness. The European priorities is to develop the economics sectors by technological and digital transformation and to increase competitiveness by internationalization and circular economy. The future cohesion policy (2021-2027) is aimed to boosting EU competitiveness through innovation, technological transformation, low-carbon economy and efficient use of natural resources. The growth of business activities is influenced by many factors, one of which is access for funding. The analysis focuses on the results of the Bulgarian program for innovation and competitiveness in terms of SMEs and industry development. The EU grant schemes have supported the technological modernization of the SMEs and start up innovative productions.
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This paper explores the democratic accountability in the EU after the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty. Research claims that democratic deficiencies are being observed and they trigger a discussion among academics and policymakers. Author refers to the theoretical concept about the social relation of accountability between actor – forum (Bovens, 2007) in which the actor has an obligation to explain and to justify their actions while the forum is empowered to challenge the actor and ask questions for justifications of the actions taken. Author presents main institutional and leadership functions of the EU and challenges as they conduct their assigned duties especially related to the Council, interaction with the European Parliament and the Rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU. In conclusion it is observed better information and transparency between the involved parties post-Lisbon Treaty. The author suggests, however, more dynamic and result-oriented forums for accountability on both EU and member states level.
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Policies have become a form of social institution and are tools which governments use to organize contemporary societies (Shore and Wright 1995) . The intensions and functions of organically formed institutions evolve as the social/biological environment changes through time but, policy in its genesis has specific intensions. Post-modernist thought avoid the nature of policy because it focuses of the individual and the individuals' ability to usurp power structures by avoiding categorization (Kirtsoglou 2004; Butler 2005). However, the nature and purpose of policy is to essentialize and categorize people and define subjects' access to power structures and determine individuals' roles and statuses in society (Shore and Wright 1995; Haines 2013). Thus, individuals are defined, enabled and limited by the categories policy imposes on them (as Citizen, refugee, legal/ illegal immigrant, etc). Thus, deeply embedded in policy are the cultural norms and ideologies, which help us understand power rhetorics and meanings of a society.
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