Уставно питање у Југославији

Author(s): Jovo Jakšić / Language(s): Bosnian

A lot is being said and written about the Croatian issue. Many ask themselves and others: what is the Croatian question? No matter how well a person was informed about this issue, and no matter how well-intentioned he was, this question cannot be answered in a few words. Because, the Croatian question, in fact, means the Constitutional question of the whole country, the most important part of the question. In the history of nations and states, numerous constitutional struggles have been waged between individual classes, classes, dynasties, peoples and regions. But guided in on special occasions and other times, each of these struggles had something special, and could not be fully compared with the constitutional struggle of another time, or another people.

Bosna i Hercegovina - 15 Godina Dejtonskog Mirovnog Sporazuma. Medunarodni Simpozijum – Knjiga Sazetaka

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian,English

By producing his most important work "L'Esprit des lois", Montesquieu showed th at the strength of a law is in the spirit that it carries. It is of decisive importance that the law is not simply a mechanistic sum of various influences that have been gathered in one place, but that it combines historical conditions making it consistent. And then the law makes sense and only within the context of realm of reality, set in such manner, it is enforceable. The law, which would be immediately taking over the text of a 'legal science's modern state' does not seem to make sense, as equally as the composition which would be composed on the principles of aesthetics and art theory, and that would not have contained the creative impulse of the spirit of freedom. The Dayton agreement is not the law, but it represents a kind of legal document which has been derived from a certain political will. In this sense, its topicalising can not be primarily based on positive law's issues. Discussing the Dayton agreement as the legal act, unless it has been fully understood in the context of positive law, debate, on these grounds, must remain ineffective an d may not rep resen t the basis of perspective construction of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an orderly society in the state form. As an agreement th a t stopped a war, this document is more a political ac t representing a form of political agreement or a compromise that aims, above all, at the giving of a possibility for creating new perspectives of Bosnian society, which no longer should be based on conflict and violent forms of resolving political issues.

Анализ на правната рамка на регистрацията на неправителствените организации

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The analysis of the legal framework of non-profit legal entities shows that there is no uniform approach to the regulation of individual registers. The administrative burden of initial registration and the subsequent listing of changes is primarily on the non-profit legal entities themselves, while the office of initiation, where it is, is very limited. There are no rules or mechanisms for the exchange of information between individual registers, which often leads to a discrepancy between the information. Last but not least, the question of the need to have all these registers, especially those without specific legal significance, and whether the creation of a central register could not successfully replace the majority of them.

Soft Belarusianisation. The ideology of Belarus in the era of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict

Author(s): Piotr Rudkouski / Language(s): English

Over the past three years, a distinct change has become visible in the ideological discourse of the government of Belarus. To an increasing degree, the state ideology is focusing on strengthening national identity, emphasising the divergence of Belarus’s interests from those of Russia, and re-examining the historical narration in a direction which emphasises the distinctiveness of the history of Belarus from that of Russia. Above all, the government has changed its attitude towards the Belarusian language and culture. A campaign promoting the Belarusian language is being carried out on a large scale – under the auspices of state ideologues. The government has also become involved in the promotion of vyshyvanki, traditional, embroidered Belarusian clothes and their ornamentation. This allows us to talk about a process of ‘soft Belarusianisation’. Articles criticising Kremlin policy have begun to appear fairly regularly in the government media. Official representatives of the authorities, while not going so far as to promote the idea of friendship with the West, no longer refer to it using the rhetoric of the ‘enemy’, as was previously the case. This modification of ideological discourse probably means that the regime is looking for new ways to arrange its relationships, both with its own society and with the countries of the West. This does not mean, however, that the authorities are ready for systemic changes. The role of the President and the concept of the state remain unaltered in ideological discourse; there is still no tripartite division of power, and civil society’s room for manoeuvre remains narrow.

Miękka białorutenizacja. Ideologia Białorusi w dobie konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego

Author(s): Piotr Rudkouski / Language(s): Polish

Over the past three years, a distinct change has become visible in the ideological discourse of the government of Belarus. To an increasing degree, the state ideology is focusing on strengthening national identity, emphasising the divergence of Belarus’s interests from those of Russia, and re-examining the historical narration in a direction which emphasises the distinctiveness of the history of Belarus from that of Russia. Above all, the government has changed its attitude towards the Belarusian language and culture. A campaign promoting the Belarusian language is being carried out on a large scale – under the auspices of state ideologues. The government has also become involved in the promotion of vyshyvanka, traditional, embroidered Belarusian clothes and their ornamentation. This allows us to talk about a process of ‘soft Belarusianisation’. Articles criticising Kremlin policy have begun to appear fairly regularly in the government media. Official representatives of the authorities, while not going so far as to promote the idea of friendship with the West, no longer refer to it using the rhetoric of the ‘enemy’, as was previously the case.This modification of ideological discourse probably means that the regime is looking for new ways to arrange its relationships, both with its own society and with the countries of the West. This does not mean, however, that the authorities are ready for systemic changes. The role of the President and the concept of the state remain unaltered in ideological discourse; there is still no tripartite division of power, and civil society’s room for manoeuvre remains narrow.

Barometrul preelectoral al orașului Turnu Măgurele

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

The survey was conducted between March 6-8, 2020 on a sample of 450 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor’s office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

Barometrul preelectoral al municipiului Buzău

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

The survey was conducted between February 29 and March 1, 2020 on a sample of 502 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor’s office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

Barometrul preelectoral al municipiului București

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

The survey was conducted between February 23-27, 2020 on a sample of 1252 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor’s office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

Barometrul preelectoral al orașului Videle

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

The survey was conducted between February 15-17, 2020 on a sample of 400 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor’s office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

Barometrul preelectoral al orașului Zimnicea

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

The survey was conducted between February 15-18, 2020 on a sample of 459 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor’s office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

Barometrul preelectoral al Municipiului Zalău

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

The survey was conducted between January 10-19, 2020 on a sample of 808 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor’s office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

Think Locally - Act Locally! - Results of local self-governments in application of mechanisms for prevention and fight against corruption at the local level in Montenegro - Annual Report -

Author(s): Ana Nenezić,Milka Tadić-Mijović,Željka Ćetković,Marko Šošić / Language(s): English

Corruption is directly impeding rule of law, demolishing moral of society and shattering stability and economic progress of state. Not only it is in contrast with positive legal regulations, it represents also a deviation of fundamental social principles. Therefore, fight against corruption represents a precondition for development of democratic society. Corruption is also one of key challenges that Montenegro is facing, and consequently adequately addressing corruption must be a key task of state administration, including also units of local self-government. According to researches, of both international and national organizations, fight against corruption in Montenegro remains at unsatisfactory level and additional efforts are needed in order to achieve sustainable results in this area. Unlike at national, corruption at the local level has not been recognised for a long time as an issue that must be paid attention to. Precisely lack of efficiency and responsibility at the local level has resulted also in enormous debt of Montenegrin local self-governments, which has at the end of 2016 amounted to 143,091 million EUR, whereby system of responsibility does not exist in practice, and there are rare examples of effective processing of corruption cases at the local level by authorised organs.

Zakończenie

Author(s): Edyta Małecka-Ziembińska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

České balancování Čínské a Tchajwanské agendy: Improvizací netřeba

Author(s): Rudolf Fürst / Language(s): Czech

The contradictions surrounding the terminated Prague-Beijing treaty and the planned trips of Senate Presidents Jaroslav Kubera and his successor Miroslav Vystrčil to Taiwan have unexpectedly problematicized the view of Czech policy balancing between Taiwan and China. Will our Taiwanese contacts disrupt relations with the politically more important China and damage our economic interests in the PRC? The well-managed practice of simultaneously balancing Czech interests in Taiwan and China, lasting over two decades, has unexpectedly become complicated and has become the subject of sharp disputes about supporting Taiwan and defending national dignity from pressure from the Chinese embassy. The following text recaps the experience of the Czech Republic's dual diplomacy towards the PRC and Taiwan and identifies a crisis of confidence in the use of options that are easily offered, that have proven successful, and that the Czech Republic learned to manage already in the 1990s. The escalation of the Czech domestic debate is observed in connection with the split in Czech policy towards China and its domestic politicization. Taiwan has become another example of how the Czech public debate in mediatized abbreviations shifts to identity stories that distract attention from the essence, which is the common pragmatic need of the state's foreign policy. The conclusion recommends a return to proven practice and consideration of strengthening the positions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the government, which should not be exposed to the role of bystanders. Visits by Czech state representatives to Taiwan at the highest level - the President, Prime Minister, line minister and chairmen of both chambers of the Parliament of the Czech Republic - for substantive and relevant reasons, it is not necessary to reject them a priori, but to proceed with them as exceptional steps subject to the consensus of politically responsible actors. In this context, the trip of the President of the Senate to Taiwan is insufficiently justified.