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Jedan uporni paradoks provlači se i održava kroz većinu negativnih stereotipa samozvanog Zapada: Drugi je beznadežno drukčiji, fragmentiran i podeljen iznutra i to u tolikoj meri da na kraju svi ti narodi deluju radikalno slično. Ko može da razabere tolike različitosti? Lakše je sve ih otpisati kao iste.
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Očigledno je da jedna ovakva »rasprava« nema jednu ili dve polazne tačke već mnoštvo polazišta koja trpe uticaj socijalnog i nacionalnog okruženja u kome se živi, ideoloških i kulturnih galaksija prema kojima se oseća srodnost. Sadašnje galaksije, tako|e, zavise od planova za budućnost.
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Jednog mog prijatelja je jednom prilikom carinik na čikaškom aerodromu zamolio da mu pomogne da objasni starijem čoveku u srpskoj narodnoj nošnji da u SAD nije dozvoljeno unositi prehrambene proizvode kratkog roka trajanja. Mada je carinik govorio (bivši) srpsko-hrvatski jezik i mada se iz sve snage trudio da junaku ove priče ob- jasni carinska pravila, ovaj je uporno odbijao da se rastane od svoje drvene kačice i njenog dragocenog sadržaja – kajmaka
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Maks Veber je moć (Macht) definisao kao mogućnost da ponašanje drugih oblikujemo prema našoj volji. Hana Arent, međutim, moć razume kao mogućnost da se u neprisilnoj komunikaciji dođe do saglasnosti o zajedničkom usmerenju delanja. U oba slučaja moć je predstavljena kao potencija koja se aktuelizuje u delanju, ali polazne osnove su različiti modeli delanja.
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Vreme je da ponovo odredimo Krausovo mesto u kulturnoj istoriji. Kakav je bio Krausov uticaj na njegove savremenike i kasnije generacije? U čemu sa sastoji njegov značaj za književnost i proučavanje jezika, za psihijatriju i psihoanalizu, politiku, pravo, i takozvane društvene nauke?
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U politologiji je koncept kulture uglavnom korišten u objašnjavanju političke kulture pojedinih društva ili u sociologijskim nastojanjima da se objasne procesi modernizacije zapadnih društava. Termin kultura koristio se da bi se označio skup vrijednosti i normi koje su pripisivane ili su inherentne nekoj društvenoj skupini. Tako definirana kultura bila je polazište u sociologijskim teorijama modernizacije i kulturnoj antropologiji. U politologiji navedeni pojam kulture prisutan je u klasičnoj studiji o građanskoj kulturi Gabriela Almonda i Sidneya Verbe (1963, 2004). Njihovo je razumijevanje političke kulture kao “orijentacija u okviru političkog sustava” najproširenije u politologiji. Oni smatraju da je politički proces bitno određene time što neke društvene skupine imaju građansku kulturu, pa su spremne sudjelovati u političkom procesu vodeći brigu o općem dobru, dok je drugima ideja sudjelovanja u politici strana, te su pasivan objekt politike. Demokratski poredak oslonjen je – i nezamisliv je – bez prvih, aktivnih građana. U tokvilovskoj se tradiciji stoga naglašava značenje političke kulture za stabilan demokratski poredak.
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Opće je, pa i pomalo otrcano, mjesto rasprava o političkoj znanosti tvrdnja kako je riječ o disciplini koja ima dugu prošlost, a kratku povijest. Tom se primjedbom želi kazati da se politika na ozbiljan i sustavan način promišljala od davnih dana, počevši od Platonovih i Aristotelovih rasprava o idealnom i realnom ustroju polisa u antičkoj Grčkoj ili – ako krenemo nešto istočnije – od staroindijskih zapisa o zakonitostima politike (Weber, 1999, 208), a da je politička znanost akademski institucionalizirana i etablirana relativno kasno, u 19. i 20. stoljeću. U ovome članku nije nam namjera prikazivati povijest političke znanosti, a još manje cijelu njezinu prošlost. Također, nećemo izravno raspravljati ni o strukturi političke znanosti danas, o tome koje joj sve teme, područja i metode istraživanja pripadaju i u kojoj se mjeri politička znanost emancipirala ili se treba emancipirati od ostalih disciplina društvenih znanosti. Nećemo se, dakle, baviti notornim pitanjem postoji li politička znanost u jednini ili političke znanosti u množini?
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The aims of this article are twofold. First, it explores some key elements and themes of “street lit”—a movement in contemporary, predominantly African-American fiction that takes place within the urban underwold, describing gang and ghetto life. The commercial success of street lit leads me to reconsider some common approaches to the study of subcultures, underclass, and “alternative communities” within cultural studies. Specifically, I wish to address two major claims which often tend to go together in cultural studies. One of them, which I ascribe to Marcuse, Hebdige, Hall, and others, is the glorification of gangs, subcultures or the underclass as possessing a revolutionary political potential that can challenge the capitalist economical system and lead to social change. The other tendency is what I see as excessive textualisation of the phenomena studied within cultural studies, which results in understanding them either as reinforcing or subverting established cultural codes. I argue that to understand the aforementioned groups as either reinforcing or subverting the dominant economical system is to make a fallacy of excessive textualisation, and that their activities can never fall easily into either category. In the end, the combination of both approaches makes the study of alternative communities and their potential severely flawed.
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Australia has a long history of immigration, including accepting refugees. Over the years, it has developed mechanisms and instruments that aim not only to help people in need but also to provide for the country’s stability and prosperity. However, in recent years some elements of Australia’s refugee policy, especially its approach towards the so-called boat people, have come under fire. Nevertheless, the solutions implemented by Australia should be part of the EU’s efforts to find ones useful for dealing with its current migration crisis.
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Over the course of the last 50 years, migration to the United States has transformed from Europeanto Latin American, and predominantly Mexican. Increased legal migration from Latin America has beencoupled with increased unauthorised entries from the region. The major challenges facing U.S.policymakers concern their ability to prevent unauthorised entries and the repatriation or integration ofthose already in the country. With decreased legal and unauthorised immigration rates, Poland has lostthe potential to affect U.S. migration policymaking. Hence, it is worthwhile to assess whether thelimited benefits stemming from visa-free travel to the U.S. would justify the increase in invested politicalcapital required to secure one of Poland’s traditional foreign policy goals.
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In 2015 Bulgaria has regained one position compared to the previous year in the economic competitiveness ranking of the World Competitiveness Yearbook (WCY), published by the Institute for Management Development (IMD). The country is ranked 55th out of 61 economies. This is only a marginal improvement and remains significantly lower compared to its highest achievement in 2009 – 38th place. The ranking highlights two particular commonalities among the best ranking countries. Firstly, nine countries from the top 10 are also listed in the top 10 of the business efficiency factor. And secondly, all top positions are occupied by economies which are driven by innovation-based growth. In the policy brief the Center for the Study of Democracy provides the following recommendations for increasing the competitiveness of the Bulgarian economy: • Tackle high level corruption and state capture; • Modernize public administration and strengthen independent regulators; • Adopt education for innovation-based growth; • Tackle energy poverty, energy intensity and supply dependency; • Improve the country’s branding.
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Bulgaria has been caught between the EU’s net-zero carbon ambitions for 2030 and 2050 and the country’s slow democratisation and diffusion of renewables and energy efficiency. To develop effective policy measures, the Bulgarian government needs to draw evidence-based consistent decarbonisation pathways for each economic sector with annual targets for continuous monitoring. This is especially true considering that there is so far little connection between the government’s own strategic documents (i.e., the 2030 National Development Programme, the National Recovery and Resilience Plan and the National Energy and Climate Plan) and the EU’s long-term objectives for a low-carbon transition. This Policy Brief plots Bulgaria’s options along three scenarios with a 2050 horizon using an innovative decarbonisation transition modelling instrument, called The Calculator. It helps bridge the gap between the complicated integrated climate and energy models and the practical dilemmas of policy-makers preparing Bulgaria’s long-term decarbonisation strategy.
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This policy paper aims to bring attention to an oft-neglected security problem in the Western Balkans: women being recruited by—and migrating to—the Islamic State. In many ways, female recruits, both from the Western Balkans and other regions, are attracted to the Islamic State for the exact same reasons as men, yet the roles of women in the Islamic State and the messaging the group uses to lure women to migrate to Syria and Iraq are sufficiently different to warrant a gender-based perspective in countering violent extremism (CVE) policymaking. The Islamic State and ways to defeat it dominate current media headlines and policy discussions, but as propaganda continues to attract women, strategies to topple the Islamic State will require equal attention to both male and female recruits in order to be successful. The first part of the paper looks at the numbers of women leaving from the Western Balkans to Islamic State-held territory, the profiles of women who migrate, and the roles they take on in the Islamic State. To explain why women are influenced to migrate, the second part examines the “push” and “pull” factors of Islamic State recruitment. The last part focuses on the efforts of Western Balkans governments to criminalize participation in or support of the Islamic State and the disadvantages of relying solely on this policy.
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A bad film might include such features as unconvincing actors, a predictable plot, forced lines, unnecessarily explicit love scenes and a nonsensical ending. In which case Serbia’s foreign policy during the state of emergency, declared in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, looks like a multiple winner of the Golden Raspberry award. Maladjusted to the new circumstances, she remained silent when she should have spoken out, spoke the wrong lines at the wrong moments, stammered and overacted only to come to the expected unhappy end – on bad terms with her most important international partners and in a firm embrace with those who are unpredictable.
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Pretpostavljamo, a neki od nas su se i uvjerili, da sva ta ljudska prava i zakoni postoje samo na papiru. Zapravo, kada se nađemo u problemu, ništa od propisanog i potpisanog se ne primjenjuje, ili slučaj traje toliko dugo da i zaboravimo šta se desilo. Ili, nemamo nikakav problem. Niko me ne dira – ne piše mi na čelu da li sam lezbejka, gej ili biseksualna osoba. U vezi sam, vodim ‘’normalan’’ život. Imam posao, krug prijatelja i prijateljica, putujemo, izlazimo. Nema potrebe da cijeli svijet zna s kim spavam, kako se osjećam i koga volim.
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As a result of the changes of borders in the 20th century, a large proportion of Poland’s cultural heritage found itself on the territory of present-day Belarus and Ukraine. Over the centuries, many cultural goods were created on the erstwhile eastern territories of Poland which the contemporary Polish state, like the other two countries, considers part of its national heritage. This consists mainly of architectural and artistic monuments, archives, libraries and cemeteries. It is difficult to determine in detail how much of the Polish cultural heritage created before 1945 remained in Belarus and Ukraine, but certainly without it, the history of Polish culture and knowledge about it cannot be complete. In fact, no other countries in the world (except Lithuania) are as important to the Polish cultural heritage as Ukraine and Belarus.This report gives a comprehensive overview of issues related to Polish cultural goods in Belarus and Ukraine. It discusses the significance of the cultural assets located within the territories of these two countries in the context of preserving the heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, while also presenting the state of their preservation and how it is perceived by the respective authorities and societies. The publication also contains an analysis of Poland's activities towards Polish cultural goods in Belarus and Ukraine over the past three decades and a discussion of issues related to cataloguing cultural assets, the extent of financial commitment to their restoration, as well as the organisation of the Polish public institutions responsible for the activity in this field. The final part of the report includes recommendations concerning some possible solutions and potential directions of policy that Poland could try to implement in the subsequent years.
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Slovakia is going through a period of important social and economic changes. The murder of the investigative journalist Ján Kuciak in February 2018 activated a significant part of the public, which led to the largest anti-government protests in the country since 1989. Their immediate result was the resignation of the long-standing social-democratic Prime Minister Robert Fico. The rise in public dissatisfaction at the rule of the elites bore fruit in victory for the political novice Zuzana Čaputová in the presidential elections. However, the public’s dissatisfaction with politics has also been expressed in a rise in popularity for radical forces, including Marian Kotleba, which are working to remove Slovakia from the EU and NATO. The changes on the Slovak political scene will most likely culminate in the parliamentary elections planned for spring 2020, in which the leftist-nationalist ruling camp will face off against the right-liberal opposition and the anti-system radicals. Therefore, although Slovakia is enjoying good economic figures at the moment, it is currently facing the risk of serious political turbulence.
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This study assesses the current degree of integration of Belarus into the world scientific and technological space based on the analysis of aggregated statistical data, primary patent data, review of analytical materials and interviews with experts. The author studied the institutional conditions and forms of international cooperation in the innovation sphere at the level of companies, organizations and the state; an assessment of the intensity of international flows of resources (in the form of patents) and results (technologies, high-tech and knowledge-intensive goods and services) of the innovation process was carried out; Barriers to Belarus' entry into the world scientific and technical space are discussed and suggestions are given to eliminate some of them.
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