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Към "българската глава" от биографията на архиепископ Роберто Менини (Календарната реформа, конкордатът и униатският проект)
4.50 €

Към "българската глава" от биографията на архиепископ Роберто Менини (Календарната реформа, конкордатът и униатският проект)

Author(s): Svetlozar Eldarov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This article is for the deeds of Archbishop Roberto Manini who was apostolic vicar of Sofia-Plovdiv catholic eparchy. The author refers to a book of 900 pages published in Italy but nevertheless it's academic values it is unknown in Bulgaria. The author exposes the biography of Manini and follows his notable deeds in Bulgaria, from which - the Caledrical reform, the Dondract and the Uniate project.

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Адриано Колочи Веспучи в България (1985-86)
4.50 €

Адриано Колочи Веспучи в България (1985-86)

Author(s): Giuseppe Kosuto / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This article gives information about the life of Adriano Colocci Vespuci and more concrete the time when he was in Bulgaria in 1885 during the crisis concerning the East question which would cause the Serbian-Bulgarian war. Colocci was among the adjutants and the henchmen of prince Alexander Battenberg. Colocci created detailed chronicle about the warfare and during this time he contacted many Bulgarians from different social classes and foreigners as well.

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Пътят на Пенчо Славейков към Италия – порив за нова идентичност на българския интелектуалец
4.50 €

Пътят на Пенчо Славейков към Италия – порив за нова идентичност на българския интелектуалец

Author(s): Antoaneta Balcheva / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Pencho Slaveykov was one of the most prominent intellectuals in the Bulgarian history. He went to live in Italy in his later years but he admired Italy much earlier. In this article the authors exposes his major works in the sphere of literature that were inspired by the Italian culture in one way or another.

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Slučaj Karla Krausa
4.50 €

Slučaj Karla Krausa

Author(s): Franz Leschnitzer / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Decenijama se u više gradova Evrope, poseb- no u Beču i Pragu, a do dolaska nacizma na vlast i u Berlinu, odigravala sledeća scena: Mladi i mnogi stariji intelektualci bi u izlogu neke knjižare ili koiska ugledali jedan mali časopis sa jarko-crvenim omotom, na čijoj je naslovnoj stranici stajalo Die Fackel (Baklja), izdavač Karl Kraus. Kupovali bi ga smesta i onda kada su morali da daju i svoj zadnji novac. Odmah bi počeli sa čitanjem, a kod kuće bi sve još jednom pročitali. I opet bi ga čitali po ko zna koji put. Telefonom ili pismom bi obaveštavali svoje najbolje prijatelje, pošto ovaj najnoviji broj Baklje, koji je mogao biti rasprodan za samo nekoliko dana, možda još ne bi imali.

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O jednoj desnoj reviziji pogleda na antifašističku borbu u Srbiji
4.50 €

O jednoj desnoj reviziji pogleda na antifašističku borbu u Srbiji

Author(s): Srđan Milošević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In this work, Milošević analyzes the writings of Serbia’s clerical right, a group that sought to portray the Serbian anti-fascist struggle as harmful and useless to the Serbian nation. He shows how these writers uncritically rehabilitated individuals who collaborated with the fascist occupation during the Second World War. This revisionist approach uses the ideology of Dimitrije Ljotić and Vladika Nikolaj Velimirović as its foundation. Milošević contextualizes this revisionist approach in contemporary Serbian society and argues that it is no doubt a part of Serbia’s pursuit for a new tradition-based national identity.

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Među rodoljubima, kupusom, svinjama i varvarima
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Među rodoljubima, kupusom, svinjama i varvarima

Author(s): Max Bergholz / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This essay has two objectives: first, to better understand how Yugoslavia's communist regime went about constructing an officially-sanctioned memory of the Second World War through the building of monuments and graves for “fallen soldiers” (pali borci) and “victims of fascist terror” (žrtve fašističkog terora); second, to analyze how Yugoslav citizens reacted to such “sites of memory” from 1947 until 1965. I begin with a brief introduction to the activities of the Association of Veterans of the People’s Liberation War (Savez boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata [SBNOR, and then renamed SUBNOR in 1961]), the organization that I consider as the main vehicle through which “memory activists” in Tito’s Yugoslavia acted. I then move to an analysis of public responses to their memory-making activities vis a vis graves and monuments By analyzing archival documents, newspaper articles, and especially letters written to newspapers, I argue that, while many people did respond positively to these officially-sanctioned “sites of memory,” others reacted in a myriad of directly and indirectly confrontational ways. Allowing weeds and grass to engulf graves; permitting pigs to forage in front of monuments and tying horses to them; building monuments to anti-communist forces; telling jokes about monuments and harassing people trying to visit them; and smashing plaques and monuments into pieces, sometimes on several occasions; all of these behaviors suggest that a serious disjuncture existed between the projects which SBNOR’s memory activists were engaged in and some segments of the population’s degree of acceptance of them. I see this disjuncture as exemplified in two types of directly and indirectly confrontational behaviors: first, as indifference or perhaps disconnectedness to officially-sanctioned memories; second, as conscious resistance to such forms of remembrance. At the same time, it is important to note that the documents which serve as the central empirical basis for this essay demonstrate that a sizable group of Yugoslav citizens were also very much mobilized with the veterans of SBNOR in the project of constructing, reproducing and protecting a set of heroic memories about the “People’s Liberation War.” Taken together, the conclusions of this essay suggest the need to revise the existing literature on the history of the memory of the Second World War in Yugoslavia in several ways. It has been suggested by some scholars (e.g., Hoepken, 1999; Denich, 1994; and Hayden, 1994) that the communist regime's “official memory” of the war was constructed for a repressed society, and that this memory dissolved under the pressure of intellectuals during the country’s final decade of existence. This essay, which pays close attention to societal reactions to officially-sanctioned war memories in Yugoslavia, presents a different dynamic. That is, people were neither totally repressed by a certain set of memories about the war, nor simply passive and ready to be awakened by a group of intellectuals. Ordinary people reacted to graves and monuments—two of the most ubiquitous manifestations of “official memory” in Yugoslavia—in their own ways and on their on terms from the moment that such sites of remembrance were constructed. And their reactions, while often quite positive, were also indifferent and, at times, directly and indirectly confrontational and subversive.

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Platforma Narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta od 1941. do 1945. godine – ciljevi i realizacija
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Platforma Narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta od 1941. do 1945. godine – ciljevi i realizacija

Author(s): Muharem Kreso / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This work examines the National Liberation Struggle in Yugoslavia, which Kreso argues can be reduced to two basic problems: the libration from fascist occupation and resolution of the national question within the occupied territory. For the first, scholars concentrate on the total forces of the National Liberation Movement for the second, they examine the participation of all of the nationalities in the Movement (which was seen as the necessary condition to solve the national question). Kreso seeks to connect these two problems by analyzing the relationship between efforts to realize the foundational goals of the Movement and efforts to resolve the national question. He describes these issues as they relate to the decision for a federal organization – in which the national minorities were guaranteed rights, and the Declaration of AVNOJ, in which the national minorities were generally ignored. He also addresses later documents of the Movement, such as the Declaration of the foundational rights of nations and citizens in 1944, in which Vojvodina and Sandžak were mentioned but Kosovo was not. Kreso describes the opposition that existed within the Movement, which created obstacles to the establishment of a foundational platform. He especially emphasizes the acts of a few representatives within the Movement who compromised the original platform (such as a lecture by Vaso Cubrilovic on the problems of national minorities).

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Slučaj Pašage Mandžića paradigma težine traganja za povijesnom istinom
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Slučaj Pašage Mandžića paradigma težine traganja za povijesnom istinom

Author(s): Tomislav Išek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Tomislav Išek examines the role of Pašaga Mandžić, one of the most influential leaders of the NOB (National Liberation Struggle) in eastern Bosnia and an important leader in postwar relations, to address the complex relationship between what “really happened“ in Bosnia in 1941 and the beginning of 1942 and subsequent interpretations of what happened. The Communist Part of Yugoslavia attempted to spread a “base“ in eastern Bosnia that included Chetniks, which eventually led to a “crisis within the movement“ that directly affected the fate of Muslims (Bošnjaks). This was one of many negative consequences of Pašag Mandžić’s policies. After introducing the historical facts and interpretations, Išek then turns to the recent war to show how unresolved ideological conflicts and political disagreements from the Second World War had a tragic revival in the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1992-1995 war, in which the same anti-Bosnian elements appeared as the parties danced the “Dance Macabre.” Linking events from 1941-1942 to 1992-1995, Išek uses Mandžić as an example of an individual who fought for his nation only to be criticized by his Party colleagues. It also illustrates the validity of the famous expression, that “those ignorant of history are destined to repeat it.”

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Dan pobjede prema sarajevskom ratnom “Oslobođenju ” 1995. godine - šta nam kazuje jedna proslava?
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Dan pobjede prema sarajevskom ratnom “Oslobođenju ” 1995. godine - šta nam kazuje jedna proslava?

Author(s): Sonja M. Dujmović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This article analyzes the history of the “Victory Day” (V-Day) commemorative celebrations and compares it to the 1995 Liberation of Sarajevo. By tracing how the narrative of V-Day evolved over the past half century, Dujmović describes how the government used this celebration to mystically connect the past to the present, to manipulate history in the interest of contemporary political ideologies, and to symbolize the beginning of a new society and government. She notes that the purpose of such a celebration was to demonize the previous system and diminish its successes, to establish and strengthen notions of a homogenous community defined in opposition to its enemies, and to lay the foundations for a de-secular value system which can unify society. The celebration reveals, however, that a universal principle of citizenship is in a serious crisis; that community loyalty exists but that individuals are wary of it. Although the community is maturing, it is difficult for individuals to find alternatives to homogenous and isolated identities.

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Stanje arhivske građe o Drugom svjetskom ratu u Bosni i Hercegovini
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Stanje arhivske građe o Drugom svjetskom ratu u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Mina Kujović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This work provides an overview of archival materials on the Second World War in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Kujović notes that although many documents were produced in Bosnia during the war, not all of them are located in the country. A large portion of the material (especially that dealing with the military sphere) can be found in archives in Belgrade and Zagreb. Unfortunately, sixty years since the end of the war, most of the wartime collections remain uncatalogued, and the largest collection – ZAVNOHBiH – is divided between two archives in Sarajevo – the State Archives of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the archives of the Historical Museum. These issues make it difficult for scholars to adequately research this important period.

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Dr. Ante Starčević: u povodu 110. obljetnice smrti (1823. – 1896.)
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Dr. Ante Starčević: u povodu 110. obljetnice smrti (1823. – 1896.)

Author(s): Marijan Diklić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the 110th anniversary of death of Dr Ante Starčević, a great figure of Croatian statehood and “Father of the Fatherland”, the author gives a brief overview concerning his life, education and political activities of this distinguished Croat. Starčević created Croatian radical national integration ideology and founded Party of Right. He was the most important member of that party and throughout his life he used all his intellectual and other capabilities in the struggle for united, free, sovereign and independent Croatia. This struggle was directed primarily against Austria and Hungary, but also against all other who wanted to rule over Croatia. Starčević based his political activities mostly on the historical Croatian right to achieve their state, but he also accepted the natural right of all nations to achieve self-determination and to create their own national state. For Starčević an independent national state, in this case a Croatian one, was a basis for the development of spirit of a nation. Through its independent state a nation achieves its creative spirit and its and its creative strength and capabilities.

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Hrvatski klub i nastanak Stranke prava u Dalmaciji
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Hrvatski klub i nastanak Stranke prava u Dalmaciji

Author(s): Marina Diklić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Dissatisfaction with the politics of the National Party in Dalmatia, which played an important part in the national awakening in Dalmatia, appeared at the end of the 1870s, and culminated at the end of the 1880s and beginning of the 1890s. At the head of the politically disaffected, those who tended to be especially oriented toward Croatian nationalism and Rightist ideas, was first and foremost Don Mihovil Pavlinović, and after his death in 1887, Don Juraj Biankini. At the end of the 1880s and the beginning of the 1890s, several conflicts broke out among the members of the National Party which led to a change in its name to the National Croatian Party in 1889 and even to a split in the party in 1892. Disappointed by a lack of success in economic and political affairs a group of National Party representatives led by Biankini decided to break from the Representative Club of the old National Croatian Party and form their own club, the Croat Club. At the beginning of the 1890s a process began in Dalmatia whereby all the Rightists and the Rightist oriented groups began to unify into a united Party of Right. The main instigators of the process were Don Ivo Prodan, who led the religious- Rightist grouping, and Dr. Ante Trumbić and Frano Supilo, who led the liberal Rightist grouping. They would soon be joined by Biankini’s Croat club, which took upon itself the task of key organizer, leading ultimately to the unification of all three Dalmatian Rightist groupings and the formation of a Party of Right in Zadar in 1894. The President of the Croat Club, J. Kazimir Ljubić, became the first president of the newly established Dalmatian Party of Right.

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Između starog i modernog pravaštva
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Između starog i modernog pravaštva

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This paper examines the changes which took place in the Party of Right’s approach at the end of the 19th century. The appearance of new leaders in the party (J. Frank and his collaborators) and the gradual departure of the older generation, above all A. Starčević, brought about certain changes in the tactics of the Rightists. The Party of Right’s change in direction was influenced by forces outside of the party: the constitutional system created by the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868, the crisis of Dualism, the situation in the Croatian opposition, and the change in foreign policy direction. The term ‘modern Rightism’ was first coined by opponents of the Party of Right, who wanted to belabour the new Rightists with blame for divesting themselves of authentic Starčevićism. Modern Rightism certainly transformed its approach, but not in a negative sense. Its proponents accepted modernization in the political field, and tailored their political tactics to developments in Austria-Hungary. Political modernization meant setting up an organized party structure and accepting the challenges posed by the democratization of the political system. This set in motion a reciprocal process, because while democratization created the possibility for mass parties, the creation of such a party also necessitated good organization (administration, programme, statutory documents, membership, regular financial support, promotion, a network of associations, etc.). Nevertheless, adherents of modern Rightism remained faithful to the traditions of Rightist ideology established on the basis of furthering Croatian State Right and Croatian national identity. Modern Rightists (mostly followers of J. Frank, or Frankists), supported the solution of the Croatian national question within the Habsburg Monarchy, because they estimated that within its framework they could realize specific political aims and enable the economic development of Croatia.

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Hrvatska i “hrvatsko pitanje” u korespondenciji Josipa Franka i Moritza von Auffenberg-Komarowa (1908. - 1910.)
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Hrvatska i “hrvatsko pitanje” u korespondenciji Josipa Franka i Moritza von Auffenberg-Komarowa (1908. - 1910.)

Author(s): Marko Trogrlić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The political activity of J. Frank, the leader of the Pure Party of Right, especially after the introduction of the “Rijeka Resolution” (1905), was characterized by the so-called Vienna orientation, that is, a policy directed toward the leading diplomatic and military circles in Vienna. This orientation was motivated by the hope that they could contribute to a positive resolution of ‘the Croat Question.’ M. Von Auffenberg-Komarow, a senior military officer and member of the so-called greater Austrian circle, occupied an important position in Frank’s “Vienna orientation.” It is indeed not unimportant that through this connection the leader of the “pure” Rightists had direct contact to the Austrian Chief of Staff, F. Conrad von Hotzendorf. In Auffenberg’s papers, saved in the War Archives in Vienna, some thirty letters from Frank to Auffenberg exist from the period 1908 to 1910. Frank’s correspondence with Auffenberg represents an interesting source of information about the political situation in Croatia. From them one can observe the political activity of not only Frank and his colleagues, but also about their political opponents. From the letters, one can glean Frank’s view of the dynasty and the Monarchy, his political attitude, as well as his expectations of the leaders of Dualist circles in Vienna and Budapest as regards the satisfaction of Croat interests and an acceptable solution to ‘Croat Question’ within the framework of the Monarchy. The question of Bosnia and Hercegovina, before and after its annexation, likewise found its way on to the pages of Frank’s letters to Auffenberg. The archived correspondence between Frank and Auffenberg also contains some letters to Auffenberg from Frank’s sons Vladimir and Ivo, as well as Count J. Drašković, who were also in contact with him.

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Doprinos vrhbosanskog nadbiskupa dr. Josipa Stadlera djelovanju Stranke prava u Bosni i Hercegovini tijekom Prvoga svjetskog rata
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Doprinos vrhbosanskog nadbiskupa dr. Josipa Stadlera djelovanju Stranke prava u Bosni i Hercegovini tijekom Prvoga svjetskog rata

Author(s): Zoran Grijak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1908, a number of prominent Bosnian and Hercegovinian Croats founded the Starčević Club of the Croatian Party of Right in Sarajevo in 1909. It emphasized its adherence to Starčević’s programme, but in its ties to parties in Croatia favoured the Frankists. There never was an exclusively Rightist party formed in Bosnia and Hercegovina, despite the fact that some of the key Rightist platforms were included in the programme of the Croat National Community established in 1906 and the Croat Catholic Association founded in 1910. The final meeting of the leadership of the united Party of Right in Opatija in March 1913, where one of the most important issues raised was the attitude to the First Balkan War, was attended by members of the Administrative Board from Bosnia and Hercegovina, including the Sarajevo lawyers Nikola Mandić and Jozo Sunarić, the architect Josip Vancaš, while among those who sent their regrets were one of the founders of the Muslim Progressive Party (1908), Ademaga Mešić, Archbishop Josip Stadler, and others. Archbishop Stadler, however, was not in fact a member of the Administrative Board but one of the founders of Rightist activity and a key organizer in Bosnia and Hercegovina, even though due to his position as a Church dignitary he could not compromise himself among the leaders of political parties. He accepted the Rightist programme of 1894 which contained the aim of attaching Bosnia and Hercegovina to Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. He sought political support from Frank’s Pure Party of Right in Zagreb and the greater Austrian circle which had formed in 1905 around the Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

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Politika i sudbina: dr. Ivo Pilar i njegova borba za samostojnost hrvatskog naroda
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Politika i sudbina: dr. Ivo Pilar i njegova borba za samostojnost hrvatskog naroda

Author(s): Zlatko Matijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Dr. Ivo Pilar was born in Zagreb, where he also died in unclear circumstances. He completed legal studies in Vienna. From 1905 on, he owned a law firm, first in Tuzla, then in Zagreb. Even in his younger days, he evinced an interest in the problem of artistic creation in a broader social context (Secession). As a political and politically engaged publicist, he wrote in German and Croatian, often using a pseudonym (Dr. Juričić, L. von Sudland, and Florian Lichttrager). He became actively involved in political life, co-founding the Hrvatska Narodna Zajednica (Croatian National Union) in 1910 and the Frankist Party of Right in Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1918. In his political activities and writings he strove for the best solution to guarantee the national existence of the Croats within the Central European geopolitical space. The political leadership of the Monarchy did not comprehend the important results of his insights concerning a possible solution to the Croatian question within the wider context of the vitally important “South Slav Question” (Die Sudslawische Frage und der Weltkrieg). In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Pilar became a persona non grata due to his political beliefs and was legally persecuted (1921-1922). During the next decade he maintained secret contacts with the most important Croatian politicians. His violent death brought to an end not only his surreptitious political work, but also his scholarly and theoretical studies.

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Relevantnost Matoševih sudova o Anti Starčeviću
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Relevantnost Matoševih sudova o Anti Starčeviću

Author(s): Srećko Lipovčan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Among those writers who were not members of the Party of Right but rather supporters of Rightist ideas, the work of poets, essayists and publicists, A.G. Matoš was certainly among the first in that he wrote the most about Rightist ideas – and especially A. Starčević – and that he wrote informatively, lucidly, and critically, revealing on this issue, one of his favourite ‘themes,’ his determinately free, independent spirit. A. G. Matoš always wrote about A. Starčević respectfully, but here and there with a casual turn of phrase that was all-encompassing, he described, interpreted, and judged the various levels (about Starčević, the man and his nature, about his qualities as a leader, about his fallacies, about the inadequate interpretations of his learning, about his importance as an ideologue, about the consequences of his obstinate assertion that he was “not concerned with practical politics,” etc.). If Matoš’ rather numerous fragments on Starčević published over the course of two decades were collected into one text, this would be the most widespread study of him that was ever written. Matoš’ starčevićiana, mentioned in passing, has rarely received systematic analysis, so it is presented in this article in its basic terms of reference, in the constancy of Matoš’ undertakings for freedom (the liberal idea of his but not our time!) as the universal denominator for general development of reality toward the speediest modernization of Croatian society possible. It is interesting to note that Pilar’s (incomplete) study of A. Starčević, begun after 1918 but conceived as a part of ageneral plan as one of the first theoreticians of our modernization – was in large part, in particular its criticism of Starčević’s political efforts, inspired by Matoš’ writings.

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Hrvatski nacionalisti i djelo Ante Starčevića od atentata u Marseilleu do uspostave Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1934. - 1941.)
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Hrvatski nacionalisti i djelo Ante Starčevića od atentata u Marseilleu do uspostave Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1934. - 1941.)

Author(s): Mario Jareb / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Croatian nationalists during the second half of the 1930s normally presented themselves as followers of Starčević’s thought. Nevertheless, important differences existed among them, thus even public interpretations of Starčevićism were quite different. From 1936 on, a large number of nationalists gathered in the Croatian cultural- educational and cooperative society “Ante Starčević” in Zagreb. This society organized several lectures, whose aim was the affirmation of Starčević’s ideas in the Croatian public sphere. While the majority of the membership accepted Starčević exclusively as the promoter of the idea of a free and independent Croatian state, others, a minority, attempted to tie his ideas to the contemporary totalitarian ideas current in Hitler’s Germany. In this regard, Dr. S. Buć and his circle of likeminded followers stand out. They soon came into conflict with the majority of Croatian nationalists. In this period, the group supporting A. Pavelić (lawyer) and his Ustaša organization are the best particular example. They likewise relied on Starčević’s ideas, interpreting Ustašism as their practical application of them. Nationalistically oriented students also supported the ideas of Starčević. The majority were organized in the cultural and academic society “August Šenoa.” Generally, it can be said that, Croatian nationalists in the period from 1934 to the formation of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941 showed their inclination to the ideas of Starčević. Yet the particular affiliation of specific political groupings was overlooked as was the lack of unity in terms of the interpretation of the content of Starčević’s ideas.

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Temelji ideologije i tehnologije preuzimanja vlasti u Jugoslaviji 1944.-1945. godine
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Temelji ideologije i tehnologije preuzimanja vlasti u Jugoslaviji 1944.-1945. godine

Author(s): Jera Vodušek Starič / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author contends that it is necessary to have a good understanding of the ideological basis on which the construction of a socialist state was then taking place in order to understand all the complicated levels on which the takeover of government by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) occurred during the war and in the years 1945-1946. This basis in the widest sense was the theoretical work whose aim was to delineate a new proletarian state, and that was Lenin’s State and Revolution of 1917. Stalin, as Lenin’s «sole rightful» heir, praised and awarded that work with great authority in the 1930s. In this context, the author analyzes the phases by which Yugoslavia became a one-party state during 1945 in which all the levers of power and society was in the hands of the KPJ. Special attention is paid to developments in Slovenia and Croatia. In this sense the author draws attention to the fact the the communists did not only settle accounts with all those who did not belong to their political party, but that in an effort to create a centralized and unified Yugoslavia many leaders of the party from these two federal states suffered. Following the creation of AVNOJ as the apex of federalization, the attempt at centralization that followed led to conflict with the concepts that were winning over Slovenia and Croatia under the aegis of SNOS and ZAVNOH already in 1944. That is why the party leadership of Slovenia and Croatia was disciplined in the fall of 1944. At the end of this process, in December 1945, the Central Committee of the KPJ called the Central Committees of the Communist Parties of Slovenia and Croatia to talks in Belgrade. In settling accounts with poltical opponents the OZN (Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda – Department of National Defense) and the judiciary (especially the extraordinary courts and the military courts) played a key role. Indeed, the OZN was by decree of the party the main executor of the party in the process of taking power. The manner in which government was taken ensured a monopoly of power to the party, while the methods used were very similar to those used in the Soviet Union.

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Pamćenje i kultura povijesnog mišljenja – baština hrvatskog antifašizma 1945.-2005.
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Pamćenje i kultura povijesnog mišljenja – baština hrvatskog antifašizma 1945.-2005.

Author(s): Drago Roksandić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In recent decades, with the development of ≪new cultural history≫, issues around ≪memory≫, ≪remberance≫, but also ≪forgetting≫, have become central to understanding the human experience of the past, present, and future. The Second World War is the turning point with which issues of human and civil rights and international law step by step begin to attain global civil rights. Thus the relations to the heritage of the Second World War can become more personalized, on the side of the war≫s ≪winners≫ as on the side of its ≪losers≫. Since fascism was not a Croatian ≪invention≫, the articulation of Croatian antifascism was above all reactive, regardless of whether its Italian or any other European influences are considered in the period prior to 1941. Croatian antifascism had to confront quite a large number of challenges; it had to address quite a large number of outstanding issues, which in and of itself multiplied the preconditions for an exclusive antifascist alternative that would ultimately, independently of the variety of ≪tactical≫ accomodations to other antifascist tendencies, whether they be radical, that is communist. Only a scholarly coming to terms with the reality of fascist practice, that is, antifascism in its concrete historical circumstances, therefore, with the appropriate attention paid to context, is qualified to answer the questions posed, and that means presenting interpretive distinctions.

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