"Imaginarul Erotic în Romanul Românesc Postbelic" de Nina Corcinschi
Teza de doctor habilitat "Imaginarul erotic în romanul românesc postbelic" de Nina Corcinschi.
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Teza de doctor habilitat "Imaginarul erotic în romanul românesc postbelic" de Nina Corcinschi.
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This work shows how the 18th century scientific societies were established in Transylvania. Furthermore, it deals with the aims, the works, the ideology and the texts written by these societies. My thesis introduces how it was possible in Transylvania to find this type of societies with the support of the then-governor of Transylvania, György Bánffy. These institutions had the chance to be self-led, which was very strange at that time, given that there weren’t any similar institutions in Hungary.The first chapter of my thesis deals with the political situation of Transylvania in the 1790s and also with the diets that gathered at that time. The reason for this is that these diets bring forward the main issues of the whole Transylvanian society providing the context for the scientific societies’ purpose. This part of the dissertation highlights some political questions which were negotiated in the diet. Later these issues gave topics to the Manuscript Publishing Society and the Language Protective Society as well. One of the crucial questions is the relations of Transylvania with Hungary and Austria. There were some opinions at the diet of 1790–91 – using the chaotic situation after the death of Joseph II – which reinterpreted the relations between Vienna and Buda, Vienna and Cluj and also Buda and Cluj. A part of the thesis aims at analysing the relationship between the three countries based on some Transylvanian leaflets.At the 1790s diets there were both innovative and conservative ideas. The conservative ideas came from the Szeklers and the Saxons who were against paying taxes and joining the military. They also wanted to have their old privileges restored.This was the period when the Romanians first appeared on the Transylvanian political stage. They handed in the Supplex Libellus Valachorum which required privileges for the Romanian nation also referring to their ancient rights. The Supplex Libellus Valachorum would have given wider political rights and religious freedom to the Romanians if it had been accepted. Unlike the Romanians, the Armenians were successful. The cities of Szamosújvár and Ebesfalva handed in a petition to the diet to give them the right of becoming free royal cities. The question of nationalities inside Transylvania was a crucial problem outside the diets as well. This work shows how the 18th century scientific societies were established in Transylvania. Furthermore, it deals with the aims, the works, the ideology and the texts written by these societies. My thesis introduces how it was possible in Transylvania to find this type of societies with the support of the then-governor of Transylvania, György Bánffy. These institutions had the chance to be self-led, which was very strange at that time, given that there weren’t any similar institutions in Hungary.The first chapter of my thesis deals with the political situation of Transylvania in the 1790s and also with the diets that gathered at that time. The reason for this is that these diets bring forward the main issues of the whole Transylvanian society providing the context for the scientific societies’ purpose. This part of the dissertation highlights some political questions which were negotiated in the diet. Later these issues gave topics to the Manuscript Publishing Society and the Language Protective Society as well. One of the crucial questions is the relations of Transylvania with Hungary and Austria. There were some opinions at the diet of 1790–91 – using the chaotic situation after the death of Joseph II – which reinterpreted the relations between Vienna and Buda, Vienna and Cluj and also Buda and Cluj. A part of the thesis aims at analysing the relationship between the three countries based on some Transylvanian leaflets. At the 1790s diets there were both innovative and conservative ideas. The conservative ideas came from the Szeklers and the Saxons who were against paying taxes and joining the military. They also wanted to have their old privileges restored.This was the period when the Romanians first appeared on the Transylvanian political stage. They handed in the Supplex Libellus Valachorum which required privileges for the Romanian nation also referring to their ancient rights. The Supplex Libellus Valachorum would have given wider political rights and religious freedom to the Romanians if it had been accepted. Unlike the Romanians, the Armenians were successful. The cities of Szamosújvár and Ebesfalva handed in a petition to the diet to give them the right of becoming free royal cities. The question of nationalities inside Transylvania was a crucial problem outside the diets as well. Famous Transylvanian historians and the members of the Language Protective Society will work on this topic.From the reports of the diets, leaflets, petitions and private letters emerges a very colourful Transylvania, with several religious cults, nationalities and political ideologies. Among these, Governor György Bánffy, tried to create a “unified Transylvania”. Bánffy’s idea is based on the Transylvanian traditions and laws. That is why Bánffy’s programme became Transylvania’s official ideology. The main argument for his theory is that it may have succeded in controlling the contrasts between the multiple nationalities and religions. Bánffy’s aim is to reach peace among the nationalities by trying to reach a network of compromises. The scientific institutions, which are supported by Bánffy, will use the same ideology in their texts. The second chapter of my dissertation deals with the Manuscript PublishingSociety. It follows the tradition of those treatises which have been written about this topic earlier. It centers on the description of the structure and the aims of the institution. This chapter has two significant results. On one hand, it interprets manuscripts which have never been analysed before. On the other hand, it deals with the paratexts of Schesaeus-epic, published by the society. From these texts we can extract elements of the “unified Transylvania” ideology.The third chapter is about the Transylvanian Language Protective Society. I start the description with the analysis of György Aranka’s leaflets and the problem of the Hungarian official language. Based on these leaflets we can discover the main aim of the society: to develop the Hungarian language and to make its use possible in both political and legal communication. Moreover, its objective was to spread it among the different nationalities that live in the country. The chapter also figures out why the researchers and politicians considered this theory possible. This chapter describes the structure of the society, the changes it went through and its most important members. It differentiates the institutions, firstly from a circle of friends who gathered in 1803, secondly, from a scientific society which was founded and supported by Farkas Cserey in 1806. And thirdly, it intends to separate the Language Protective Society from the group which gathered in 1818, leaded by Gábor Döbrentei. This segment studies the Aranka-correspondence as the primary source for revealing the relationship among the members of the society.In addition, it analyses the reports of the societies in order to discover the facts that caused some changes in the structure of the institution, dividing its work into six periods. This chapter also analyses the “colourful” publication of the institution called The First Work of the Hungarian Language Protective Society. The aim of this book was to show that Hungarian language is appropriate for assembling several types of writing (e.g.: review, comical poems or odes).With the help of new sources, my paper tries to explain the reasons which led to the end of the Language Protective Society’s work in 1801. The last chapter of the thesis is about two texts in which the members of the Language Protective Society were extremely interested. These texts are the following: the Szekler Chronicle of Csík and a description of Transylvania which used the Szekler Chronicle of Csík. This description was compiled as a response against August Ludwig Schlözer’s Kritische Sammlungen. From the analysis of these works it turns out that the Language Protective Society also followed the theory of the “unified Transylvania” and tried to create representative documents that show the Hungarian as an appropriate language for legal, political or scientific communication. The description of Transylvania, which was written for thise purpose, defines the situation of the Hungarian, Szeklers and Saxon nationalities on the basis of traditional historical view. Using the Szekler Chronicle of Csík it considers the Szeklers to be the aboriginals of Transylvania who even helped the Hungarians to find their new homeland in the 890s. Another innovation of this description is that it also regards the Romanian nationality as residents of Transylvania.In the last part of the third chapter readers can get acquainted with the societies which were formed later and which tried to pose as successors of the Language Protective Society. Although these societies and their texts were created on the basis of other political ideologies, they aimed to inherit the support and the collection of their predecessor. They wanted to define themselves as the pursuers of the work of the late 18th century society. However, they wanted to hide the idea of the “unified Transylvania” which was very significant in the life of the Language Protective Society.
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Academician Juozas Jurginis was one of the most outstanding figures in the Soviet Lithuanian historiography. Analysis of his most fundamental book “The Strengthening of Serfdom in Lithuania” disclosed subtle symptoms of “erosion” in the Soviet version of Marxism. Resting on distinctions suggested by A. Bumblauskas (Communist pragmatism, Stalinism – Leninism, Marxism), the analysis regards this study as an effort to dissociate from the Stalinism- Leninism. Being a virtuosic master of Marxist theory, J. Jurginis noticed and emphasized the problem of different ways in which serfdom and feudalism developed in Eastern and Western Europe. Moreover, the region of Eastern Europe was perceived by him as uneven in terms of social and economic relations. In essence, J. Jurginis formulated “ideologically dangerous” hint indicating that Russia and Lithuania were qualitatively different countries in their historical development. J. Jurginis did not attribute Russia to the “maximum” region of West Europe, while Lithuania according to his conception was close to this civilization space. These insights lead to the conclusion that J. Jurginis covertly challenged stereotypes of the Soviet historiography.
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Originally published in: "Literaturnaja Gaseta" , Moskau, 22. Dezember 1951 (Original title: Molodaja Gwardija (Die junge Garde))
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Originally published in: "The New York Times", New York, 10. Februar 1952 (Original title: Slovenias Church undergoes attack (Vorgehen gegen slowenische Kirche))
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This article focuses on obligations related to blackout which were imposed on the inhabitants of Festung Breslau. It analyzes documents issued by the Fortress Command, the local press (Schlesische Tageszeitung), and written relations in the form of memoirs and diaries. All of these were collected by Horst Gleiss in the source edition Breslauer Apokalypse 1945. There were three main groups of objects to be blacked out: cars, trams and flats. The orders of the Fortress Command were confronted with the legal acts on blackout in force in the whole Third Reich. A study on civil air defense by Erich Hampe, relevant to this topic, was utilized. As far as cars were concerned, the focus was on limiting the light emission from the main headlights. Similar principles applied to the urban trams. These, however, due to the greater number of light sources (e.g. lamps in the passenger compartment), were subject to stricter restrictions. In the case of flats, an analysis of selected testimonies shows that windows were darkened above all.
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Alfred Alexander Reisch’s "Horké knihy ve studené válce: Program tajné distribuce knih ze Západu za železnou oponu financovaný CIA" published by Ústav pro studium totalitních režimů – originally published in English as "Hot Books in the Cold War: The CIA-Funded Secret Western Book Distribution Program Behind the Iron Curtain" (Budapest, Central European University Press 2013) – is the subject of this review. Reisch is an American political scientist of Hungarian origin, and he is also one of the protagonists of the book. The classified project of distributing books, magazines and other publications to the Eastern Bloc countries, which developed under the auspices of the Free Europe Committee (FEC) and with covert CIA funding, lasted from the mid-1950s to the late 1980s. During this time, according to Reisch, some ten million publications of various genres, from political and scientific literature to fiction, art books and dictionaries to fashion magazines, were sent across the Iron Curtain in inventive ways. The project’s organizers avoided shallow propaganda and, with the help of several covert organizations, targeted mainly intellectuals and students, opposition and regime elites and selected institutions. The reviewer admires Reisch for being the first to reconstruct, from fragmentarily preserved sources and interviews with witnesses, the history of the “mail project”, which, according to the reviewer, was one of the most successful and effective tools of American foreign policy in the Cold War. Despite some shortcomings, the book provides a wide range of previously unknown information and draws the reader into the plot like a spy novel.
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Having reached it’s strategic objectives (membership in EU and NATO), Lithuania encountered with the problem of trawl for a new societal development visions. That is why Lithuanian mentality, facing with such strong challenges, as EU-integration and globalization, is being in quest of national identity components “inventory” and reevaluation in the context of a new circumstances. In this regard sport, universally accepted as substantial component of national identity, becomes actual for knowledge. Unfortunately, in Lithuania by now academic writing on this subject astonish at its fragmentary nature and confine it mainly to the factography, while sport-minded individuals are professionally over engaged. Therefore preliminary research has shown, that sport, as a socio-cultural phenomenon in the field of interdisciplinary studies is non-existent in Lithuania. Considering what have been said, we may state decisively, that present article will be one of the first attempt to define and evaluate the role of sport in society and the sphere of politics in a more broadly way. It also will be the first attempt to search for roots of broadly entrenched stereotypes and assessments about involved subject.
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Ještě k případu Bieblovy sebevraždy
This article addresses the last creative period of the poet Konstantin Biebl (1898–1951) in the late 1940s and early 1950s and explores it in a broader cultural and political context, taking into consideration the poet’s character, the genesis of his last collection of poems entitled "Bez obav" [Unafraid] (1951), as well as the unexplained circumstances of his tragic death. Biebl was one of the leading representatives of leftist avant-garde art in interwar Czechoslovakia. In the early 1940s he stopped publishing. After the Communist coup in 1948 he tried to adjust to the period’s ideological and aesthetic norms as applied to the new literature in the spirit of socialist realism, which is reflected in "Bez obav". The article focuses on the events taking place after its publication, which culminated with the poet’s suicide in November 1951. The author presents these events and the relationships between the actors in the light of previously unpublished documents from the archival collection of the poet, translator and cultural official, Jiří Taufer (1911–1986), who was one of the key figures in the cultural policy of the period and the conflicts surrounding it. The author sees the main value of these documents in their focus on František Nečásek (1913–1968), the head of the culture and press department of the Office of the President of the Republic and the holder of several other posts, whose role in these events – possibly a very important one – has so far been somewhat overlooked. The article includes an annotated edition of contemporary and later texts, mostly of a personal character and unpublished, which illustrate the context of the described events. The article concludes with a summary interpretation of these documents.
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Nach dem fast "hundertprozentigen" Wahlsieg des Husák-Regimes Ende November 1971 wird die Lage in der Tschechoslowakei als "konsolidiert" angesehen und ausgegeben. Der einzige Bereich, in dem die "Normalisierung und Konsolidierungspolitik der Kommunistischen Partei der Tschechoslowakei" immer noch auf Widerstand stößt und nur schwerlich positive Ergebnisse aufzeigen kann, ist das kulturelle Geschehen. Immer noch überwiegen in der Kulturpolitik harte administrative Maßnahmen. Zunächst wurde die vollkommene Zensur wieder eingeführt, die einzelnen Künstlerverbände wurden als letzte "Festung des rechten Opportunismus" aufgelöst und die Künstler, die in Opposition zum Regime stehen, werden mit Arbeitsverbot belegt, ihre Werke werden aus den Büchereien entfernt. Trotz des schon mehr als ein Jahr währenden Bemühens des Regimes, neue, "gesäuberte" Künstlerverbände zu gründen, entstehen lediglich nichtrepräsentative, aus ausgewählten Kadern zusammengesetzte Vereine, in denen nahezu alle bekannten Namen von tschechoslowakischen Künstlern fehlen. Am augenscheinlichsten ist diese Situation auf dem Gebiet der Literatur und des Filmschaffens, also gerade in jenen Bereichen, in denen die tschechoslowakische Kunst in den sechziger Jahren große internationale Erfolge aufzuweisen hatte. Der französische kommunistische Schriftsteller Louis Aragon - dessen sämtliche Werke Anfang Januar 1972 in der CSSR verboten wurden - bezeichnete eben deshalb die Lage in der Tschechoslowakei von heute als "Biafra des Geistes".
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The author of the first comprehensive synthesis of Romanians’ history and of the first historical theory treatise died almost entirely forgotten on February 27, 1920, in Bucharest. The prophet of the complete Union – who had tirelessly militated along half a century for restoring the national “tree” – assisted, in isolation and sickness, but not passively, to the political and cultural effervescence having led to the conclusion of the Union. National funerals were organised, praising speeches were uttered, but all of it was soon followed by an oblivion of Xenopol; his name would subsequently be uttered far too rarely, only on commemorative occasions. Several studies focusing on the philosopher and economist, a couple of circumstantial evocations, a bust in Arad, where a part of his library would be sent (per his wish), and a statue of Iași make up – for the most part – his public presence in posterity. However, there is yet another presence of Xenopol: one active, fertile, ensured by the permanent reference to his work, which represents – according to his student and emulus N. Iorga –“one of the greatest efforts of the Romanian spirit applied to science”. Such a work – equally valued abroad – could only be stimulated by a great love for the country (to which service he dedicated his entire life) and by an enthusiastic thrive for knowledge.
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text 1 from "LE MONDE", Paris, June 9, 1954 (original title: "Le parti communiste rajeunit ses cadres dirigeants") by Jacques Pauvet text 2 from "L'HUMANITÉ",Paris, June 5, 1954 ("Les travaux di 13e Congrès du Parti Communiste Français") text 3 from "L'HUMANITÉ",Paris, June 7, 1954 ("Le rapport sur les questions de la jeunesse presenté par François Billoux") text 4 from: "L'HUMANITÉ", Paris, June 8, 1954 ("Le Comité Central elu par le XIIIe Congrès")
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text 1 from MANCHESTER GUARDIAN, April 17, 1954 ("Mr.Pollitt's Comradely Hint to Mr. Bevan") text 2 from MANCHESTER GUARDIAN, June 1 and 3, 1954 ("Communists in the Colonies") text 3 from DAILY WORKER, London, April 20, 1954 ("Newly Elected")
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text 1 from: NEUE ZÜRCHER ZEITUNG, May 18 and 20, 1954 ("Richtungswechsel der österreichischen Kommunisten") text 2 from "ÖSTERREICHISCHE ZEITUNG", Vienna, May 14, 1954 ("Der Weg zur Erringung und Sicherung der Unabhängigkeit Österreichs")
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