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Review of: The North-Eastern Frontiers of Medieval Europe. The Expansion of Latin Christendom in the Baltic Lands. Hrsg. von Alan V. Murray. (The Expansion of Latin Europe, 1000-1500, Bd. 4.) Ashgate. Farnham 2014. XLIX, 389 S., Ill. ISBN 978-1-4094-3680-5. (£ 110,–.). Reviewed by Dennis Hormuth.
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Aleksander Maciesza was the son of Siberian exiles. At present, he is counted among the most outstanding figures of Płock in the 20th century. He was a doctor by profession, but his knowledge and interests went beyond the learned medical view. Aleksander Maciesza was not only a well-known doctor, an outstanding ophthalmologist, a lover of science and anthropology, but also a social activist, local government activist, anthropologist, archeologist, photographer, but most of all he was a man of great passion for exploration. He was remembered, by the inhabitants of Płock, as a long-term president of the Płock Scientific Society, the mayor of Płock and the president of Płock in the beginning of the Second Polish Republic. His contributions to science and the city of Płock and its residents make him an extraordinary doctor, but above all an extraordinary man.
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Review of: Aleksandra Koutny-Jones: Visual Cultures of Death in Central Europe. Contemplation and Commemoration in Early Modern Poland-Lithuania. (The Northern World, Bd. 73.) Brill. Leiden u. a. 2015. XVII, 257 S., 70 Ill., Kt. ISBN 978-90-04-30507-6. (€ 110,–.). Reviewed by Tomasz Grusiecki.
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The article is devoted to the civil position of the Bessarabian historian Alexandru Boldur in certain life circumstances. The author on the basis of archival materials presents and analyzes a concrete example - two appeals, the first to the Bucharest authorities through the newspaper "Romany Libera", and the second on the occasion of the obituary dedicated to the historian Alexander Gonts. This is a convincing evidence of the personality of a man who was distinguished by courage and perseverance, such as Alexandru Boldur.
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Allies at a Distance. East German-Romanian Military Contacts in the Mirror of Political Relations
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Allies at a Distance. East German-Romanian Military Contacts in the Mirror of Political Relations
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The River Dnipro (formerly better known by the Russian name of Dnieper) is intimately linked to the history and identity of Ukraine. Cybriwsky discusses the history of the river, from when it was formed and its many uses and modifications by human agencies from ancient times to the present.From key vantage points along the river’s course—its source in western Russia, through Belarus and Ukraine, to the Black Sea—interesting stories shed light on past and present life in Ukraine. Scenes set along the river from Russian and Ukrainian literature are evoked, as well as musical compositions and works of art. Topics include the legacy of the region’s cultural ancestors as the Kyivan Rus, the period of Cossack dominion, the epic battles for the river’s bridges in World War II, the building of dams and huge reservoirs by the Soviet Union, and the crisis of Chornobyl (Chernobyl). The author argues that the Dnipro and the farmlands along it are Ukraine’s chief natural resources, and that the country's future depends on putting both to good use.Written without academic pretence in an informal style with dashes of humor, Along Ukraine's River is illustrated with original line drawings, maps, and photographs.
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The account presents the fortunes of Amalia Reisenthel, born just after the end of World War II in Wrocław into a family who had survived the Holocaust. Her biographical story addresses issues concerning the origins and fate of her parents during war, life in an assimilated Jewish family, experiences of anti-Semitism, studies and the events of 1968. The key section of the narrative is the relation of her departure from Poland as part of the “post-March” emigration and also her later return visits to the country in the 1980s and 1990s. During the interview, topics connected with identity and the attitude of the witness to history to Poland were also discussed, including her contacts with Polish culture and language.
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The Centenary and the Great Union of 1918 have generated many festivities and events in Romania during the last few years. However, their impact on the public seems to have been quite low. This study aims to analyze the reactions to these manifestations as expressed in comments posted on YouTube videos dedicated to these events. Some distinct categories of ideas have been identified: “Hail to the heroes,” the value of these videos as learning tools, or the past versus the present.
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The Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 created the context for Romania to officially declare its independence from the Ottoman Empire and have it recognized by the great occidental powers. The efforts of the Romanian army and of the entire population in general were rewarded this way with the fulfilment of a long awaited ideal. Nevertheless, this accomplishment came along with many sacrifices, difficult situations that had to be overcome as well as numerous material and financial losses. The war reparations Romania requested from the Russian military authorities compensated for only part of the damages and the process proved to be more time consuming than expected. The official piece of correspondence that we refer to in this article, issued by Prince Obolensky, the Russian commissioner in charge of this matter, represents another small but by no means insignificant piece that is added to the greater puzzle on Romania’s independence and its relations with the Russian Empire. It completes the existent data on the subject and it highlights the position of both parties.
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In the international politics arena the Ottoman Empire was rather pragmatic and very often considered Islamic law to be of secondary significance, turning to objective possibilities and interests instead. It is evident that the Porte in international relations manipulated with a certain spectrum of political mechanisms, far from the Islamic legal code and yet very much a part of real-politik (military force, political-diplomatic activities or pressures of material or fiscal character). The Ottoman administration never had a consistent politics in issuing capitulations. Capitulations were issued to foreign sovereign countries as compensation for political collaboration, alliance or peace. Practice has also shown that tribute-paying countries received capitulations in cases when, from the Porte’s perspective, it was opportune to support a political project, a group or program in a particular tributary country. Ottoman capitulations should, for that reason, be considered as political instruments. Even though Islamic theory on international relations anticipated the capitulations as political instruments, as well as there was always a tendency toward keeping them within the frame of Islamic law, issuing the capitulations was not an ideologically, but politically and pragmatically motivated case. Therefore, in the aim of defining the relations and obligations in relationship towards “the other side” the Porte used terminology which stemmed from Islamic Law. However that relationship never needed to be strictly consistent with Islamic law. Even though the main idea of the Dubrovnik’s capitulation was mostly drawn up according to the rules of Islamic law, partially it does consist of certain elements that surpass the theoretical concept of relations toward tribute-paying countries. From a legal perspective which emanate from the theory of asymmetrical relationships in Islamic law, as long as Dubrovnik paid its haraç it was subject to the Porte’s military and political protection. The haraç, of course, wasn’t the only obligation. Dubrovnik was expected to adapt its domestic and foreign politics to the Porte’s politics. However, Dubrovnik’s haraç was symbolic, since it didn’t really amount to much for the Porte, it seems that Dubrovnik’s political role was much more significant to the Porte than haraç. Therefore, if we are to sublime the status of the Republic of Dubrovnik within the context of the above-mentioned interpretations, we could conclude that principally Dubrovnik belonged to darü’l-’ahd. However, it is obvious from the capitulations that the Republic of Dubrovnik retained the high degree of political integrity which, contrary to expectations and the Islamic law, sometimes resembled the elements of independence, all in the conformity with the Porte’s pragmatic interests.
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The main source for this article is a population census carried out in Przemyśl in 1918, previously unused in any scientific research. Using a survey method, it encompassed single households; only some of the material exists to this day, a larger part stored in the Sanok Archive, and a smaller in the National Archive in Przemyśl. The census combined the elements of the earlier “State of Souls” (status animarum) in relation to households and the more modern type of Austrian survey to which new categories were added; its original form enables new methods for analyzing the local population of that area. The circumstances in which the census was carried out are unknown; we can assume that it was conducted by the local magistrate, due to food shortages and mass migration of the population (including the military) to the city. The surviving 1,163 cards enable us to pinpoint personal data from the respondents, such as sex, age, religion and nationality, place of birth and address, and in some cases social status and profession.
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In this paper, we present an extensive polemic of the 1995–1996 cultural press, driven by the imminence of joining the European Union and the dilemmas brought about by this option. Thus, one of the debates that marked Romanian culture (Europeanism/national specificity) resumed in a special form in the post–1989 context. This fact is eloquent both for the specificity of Romanian modernity (whose scores have not been settled), but also for the manner in which the Romanian intellectual discourse synchronizes with that in other Southeast European countries (where similar discussions took place).
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A research on a newly discovered case from the end of World War I was conducted, based on studies of data requested from the State Military Historical Archives (SMHA) of the Republic of Bulgaria. The analysis of the archived documents traces the promotion of an NCO into a naval officer’s rank without any training in a re-qualification course. The said promotion exemplifies the practical realization of a foreseen opportunity in the statutory documents for promotion into the rank of officer, even in His Majesty’s Navy. This extreme solution was resorted to at the end of the war for two reasons: to take into account the merits of those who in reality and almost daily risked their lives in the “sea of war”, and last but not least: to quench the discontent among the Navy personnel due to the long-lasting gruelling and unpopular war – the same personnel who was required to sweep mines with morally outdated and unseaworthy ships.
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One of the biggest genocides in the history of Spain has been the religious persecution during the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War. Nowadays, the politically correct discourse tries to present those facts as a result of actions undertaken by uncontrolled people in a situation that was very difficult for the authorities to monitor. The truth is very different. Assassinations, tortures, rapes were committed in the majority of cases by militias formed and supervised by Republican authorities.
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