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Jačanje uloge profesionalnih udruženja u oblasti pravosuđa u Bosni i Hercegovini - JUP BiH

Author(s): Snježana Ivandić,Aida Vežić / Language(s): Bosnian

Pred vama se nalazi publikacija koja je rezultat realizacije projekta Jačanje uloge profesionalnih udruženja u oblasti pravosuđa u Bosni i Hercegovini - JUP BiH. Projekat je podržala Vlada Velike Britanije, a realizovala ga je Asocijacija za demokratske inicijative (ADI) Sarajevo, tokom četrnaest mjeseci. Cilj projekta bio je jačanje profesionalnih udruženja u oblasti pravosuđa (udruženja sudija, tužilaca, advokata, notara i udruženje medijatora), kao organizacija civilnog društva, koje trebaju aktivnije učestvovati u procesima reforme pravosuđa i uključiti se u šire društvene trendove. Organizacija ADI Sarajevo, doprinijela je jačanju kapaciteta profesionalnih udruženja u oblastima pravde i pravosuđa tako što je, u sklopu ovog projekta, organizovala edukativne programe za predstavnike profesionalnih udruženja, ali i zajednički rad predstavnika u radnim grupama. Jedanaest bosanskohercegovačkih profesionalnih udruženja, koje djeluju u oblasti pravosuđa, delegirali su svog predstavnika/cu. Delegirani predstavnici/ce udruženja su činili fokalnu radnu grupu. Članovi/ce fokalne radne grupe pohađali/e su ciklus od četiri tematska treninga i imali/e su četiri radna sastanka na kojima su raspravljali o aktuelnim pitanjima u oblasti pravosuđa, i to radeći u tri tematske radne grupe, koje su se bavile pitanjima vezanim za sadržaj i implementaciju zakona o maloljetničkoj delinkvenciji, zakona o advokatima i notarima, te zakona o stečajnom postupku. Pravac pri realizaciji procesa izgradnje kapaciteta išao je od pojedinačnih članova/ca ka njihovim udruženjima i od profesionalizacije udruženja, kao organizacija civilnog društva, ka njihovoj zagovaračkoj ulozi na nivou praktične politike...

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The EU’s Position on the Development of Artificial Intelligence

Author(s): Marta Makowska / Language(s): English

The United States and China are competing for the position of world leader in the field of artificial intelligence solutions, and the European Union is lagging behind. Ongoing work on the EU strategy in this field is aimed at harmonising the activities of individual Member States. EU legal and ethics regulations (protection of consumer rights and anti-discrimination regulations) and the non-commercial use of artificial intelligence (especially in medicine) will be important. The EU should also support all Member States in the development of digital technologies.

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The Digital Dimension of the Three Seas Initiative

Author(s): Bartosz Wiśniewski / Language(s): English

Expansion of digital infrastructure is one of the three pillars of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI). So far, the TSI’s digital dimension has been less elaborate than the goal of enhancing energy and transport infrastructure. Yet, without closing the digital development gaps, the TSI will struggle to make the most of the EU’s emerging digital single market. Placing greater emphasis on the enhancement of digital infrastructure could convince those TSI countries that have thus far seemed to stand on the sidelines to become more involved the project in the future.

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Wymiar cyfrowy Inicjatywy Trójmorza

Author(s): Bartosz Wiśniewski / Language(s): Polish

Rozbudowa infrastruktury cyfrowej to jeden z trzech filarów Inicjatywy Trójmorza (Three Seas Initiative, TSI). Jest on jak dotąd mniej skonkretyzowany niż plany wzmocnienia połączeń energetycznych oraz transportowych. Bez wyeliminowania luk w cyfrowym rozwoju regionu państwa Trójmorza nie sięgną po możliwości powstającego w Unii Europejskiej jednolitego rynku cyfrowego. Położenie większego nacisku na rozbudowę infrastruktury cyfrowej może też skłonić do zaangażowania w jej rozwój tych z państw TSI, które dotąd przyjmowały wobec niej raczej pasywną postawę.

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Digitalisation in China: Transformation of the Economy and Social Engineering

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): English

Chinese authorities promote and finance projects focused on artificial intelligence (AI), big data, and mobile payments at scale. They define digitalisation as an element of the modernisation of the economy, including Chinese companies’ drive to achieve global competitive advantages, to be followed by achieving a leading international position in digital technology. Digitalisation, and especially AI, also will become a tool in the country’s system of control and evaluation of citizens. The achievement of these premises—according to Chinese government plans they should be reached by 2030—will be difficult, in part because of a lack of qualified personnel.

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Cyfryzacja w ChRL: transformacja gospodarki i inżynieria społeczna

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): Polish

Władze ChRL na szeroką skalę promują i finansują projekty dotyczące sztucznej inteligencji (AI), big data czy płatności mobilnych. Traktują cyfryzację jako element modernizacji gospodarki, dążenia do uzyskania przez firmy chińskie przewagi konkurencyjnej, a co za tym idzie – czołowej pozycji międzynarodowej. Cyfryzacja, a zwłaszcza technologia sztucznej inteligencji, ma być narzędziem budowy systemu kontroli i oceny obywateli. Realizację tych założeń do 2030 r. – zgodnie z planami władz ChRL – utrudni jednak m.in. brak wykwalifikowanej kadry.

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The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Tea Hadžiristić,Nidžara Ahmetašević / Language(s): English

Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) in Bosnia and Herzegovina is in crisis. Since its creation in 2002, it has steadily been losing both revenue and audience. The fact that it is dysfunctional and highly politicized has brought it to the verge of financial collapse. The state broadcaster, BHRT, narrowly averted being shut down in June 2016 due to a lack of funding, and its fate remains uncertain. The catastrophic economic situation, lack of substantive progress towards EU accession, fragile civil society, and state capture make the situation more difficult. One of the main challenges for PSB in post-communist countries is ending the capture of the state by political parties, which in BiH is additionally complicated by ethnopolitics and legal uncertainty, which results from what Zielonka and Mancini call “floating laws” – frequent changes to legal frameworks and weak and selective rule of law. This paper probes the future prospects for PSB in BiH by looking at the developmental path of PSB and its current situation, taking into consideration these complex contextual challenges. Given the challenging situation with respect to the development and functioning of PSB in BiH, the paper discusses three aspects relevant to understanding its prospects. First, the development of the policy framework for PSB is examined by looking at how the initial media policy was adopted and what roles were played by key actors, such as the EU, international donors, local political elites and civil society, in policy-making processes. Special attention is placed on exploring the impact that EU accession criteria have had on policy-making regarding PSB. Secondly, the current situation with respect to the functioning of PSB in BiH is explored, particularly examining political, legal and financial factors. Finally, the paper studies the future prospects of the PSB system in the context of a rapidly changing multi-channel environment driven by convergence, digitalization, and the proliferation of social media and new media platforms in general. This analysis is positioned within the context of contemporary debates on the future of PSB, especially with regard to its legal, financial, technological, and socio-political dimensions. Special attention is paid to the role of PSB in postsocialist states, as well as the specific nature of the post-war political situation in BiH, its power-sharing structures, and implications for the functioning of PSB. In order to approach these issues, the paper draws on the work of Jakubowicz on public broadcasting in post-communist settings, (2004, 2008) and Hallin and Mancini’s work on political parallelism and colonization of the media (2004, 2011). The prospects of PSB in post-communist transitional societies are analyzed in relation to the work of Jakubowicz and Sukosd, Zielonka and Mancini, and Voltmer. For a better understanding of the broader political context, we refer to Bugarič’s concept of unfinished transition and state capture in Europe’s peripheries, as well as Mujkić’s writing on Bosnian ethnopolitics, to analyze the coalescence of the political elite and national divisions in BiH. Finally, this paper relies on contemporary studies of the media in South East Europe (Petković, Hrvatin, Milosavljević) and BiH in particular. The paper argues that the transformation of the state broadcasters into a genuine PSB in BiH has so far failed with respect to all of the core elements of such a system: funding, independence, remit, and adoption of new technologies. We ascribe this primarily to institutional inertia and subsequent politicization of the public sphere. At the same time, the ongoing debate about PSB in BiH is largely anachronistic, and fails to capture the core challenges and articulate much needed innovative policy solutions that would look beyond the now largely outdated, defunct model of PSB that was introduced in 2002. PSB in BiH is a victim of the political colonization of the media sphere, and weak, dysfunctional state institutions that suffer from the chronic disregard for law demonstrated by ruling elites. The paper first gives an overview of key theoretical concepts and debates relevant to understanding contemporary trends in PSB development, globally and regionally. The next section provides an insight into the overall country context relevant to understanding the contemporary developments regarding PSB in BiH, followed by an outline of the key findings regarding the four crucial dimensions related to PSB in BiH: regulation, funding, technology, and socio-political factors. After a discussion of the key findings and a brief conclusion, the paper ends with a list of recommendations addressed to key stakeholders involved in PSB reform in BiH.

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The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Kosovo

Author(s): Naser Miftari / Language(s): English

With a population of 1.8 million, where Albanians make up more than 90 percent, Kosovo is the smallest and the last territorial unit that emerged as an independent state from former Yugoslavia. Formerly, it had the status of an autonomous province in Yugoslavia and later Serbia. Then for almost a decade before declaring independence in 2008 Kosovo was under the functional governance of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) a UN-led mission mandated to run the day to day affairs and set up institutions of self-government in the post-conflict Kosovo, based on the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 adopted in June 1999. The development of the media sector in Kosovo was part of the UNMIK mandate and under a decade-long international management, the media sector experienced important transformation. The liberal media regime introduced by UNMIK was successful in ensuring the diversification of the media sector. However, the liberalization of the media sector and the post-conflict rapid increase in media outlets has led to a saturated and weak media market with declining sources of revenue. One of the major projects in the media sector initiated by UNMIK in post conflict Kosovo was to set up the country’s national public broadcaster – Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK). This paper investigates the current position, role and functioning of RTK – in a diachronic perspective - from its inception in 1999 to the present. It explores whether the overall context in which the RTK is embedded provides a favorable environment for its future prospects and continued development by focusing on the challenges that RTK is facing at present with respect to regulatory, financial, technological and socio-political trends. Upholding the independence and long-term sustainability of RTK are commitments that the Kosovo Government set out to meet upon embarking on the European integrations process. In 2015 Kosovo signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) as a first important step towards the European integrations process. Meanwhile, the need to address the vulnerable position of RTK and ways to ensure its editorial independence, have been systematically highlighted in the EU’s Kosovo progress reports in recent years. From the EU perspective, nurturing the independence and financial sustainability of RTK is seen as a firm assurance that Kosovo will continue to have a universally accessible public forum where ideas, opinions and political views are presented and debated. It is also a firm assurance that the diverse segments of Kosovo’s multicultural landscape will feel represented. However, keeping on air a public broadcasting system fully dependent on state budget and not vulnerable to political interference, in Kosovo’s conditions, seems difficult, if not impossible. The paper is based on the review of different processes related to the developments around RTK. It includes analysis of legislation, strategic documents, official correspondence between Kosovo legislators, the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) and Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Mission in Kosovo (OSCE) as well as interviews with a number of interlocutors (media experts, RTK managers, former RTK consultants and other stakeholders). The analysis is framed within contemporary international debates on the future of PSB in a changing media environment and taking into consideration specificities of the development of PSB in post-communist societies and Western Balkan countries in particular. The paper also explores the current perspective and challenges for future development of PSB (e.g. digitalization and the EU driven perspective on commercialization etc.) In light of the new paradigm promoted by the EU with provisions that emphasize an inherent bias toward market liberalization, it is important to understand the implications that such policies might have for the prospects of the media market and the challenges that such policies entail with regards to access and future paths of the PSB development in Kosovo. In efforts to provide a coherent outlook on the present and the future of RTK the research is guided by three broad questions. The first question relates to the process of initial media policy adoption and the role of various actors played within it (e.g. influence of EU, local power elites, etc.). The second question explores the current situation of PSB and the extent of implementation of the current media policies. The third question seeks to provide answers to the future developments and prospects of PSB in Kosovo. The paper sets a theoretical and analytical framework against which the analysis of RTK is conducted. It is divided into three sections. The first section reflects on the contemporary debates on PSB on a global and EU level followed by an outline of relevant characteristics of PSB in postcommunist and Western Balkan countries. The section also takes into account some of the relevant approaches to explain the PSB transformation in the specific context. It explores propositions put forward by Jakubowicz and Sükösd8 on the idealistic, mimetic and atavistic orientations in the transformation of PSB in the former communist bloc, propositions that were further advanced in Voltmer, to see whether the same can be applied in the trajectory of the setup, development and current operation of Kosovo’s PSB. The second section provides a brief overview of the methodological approach used in this research. The third section, the analysis section, concludes with a discussion of the research findings and offers a set of recommendations that could be useful in addressing the current status of RTK and the challenges ahead in the future.

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The Development and Future of PSB in Macedonia: Towards the Construction of a Participatory PSB Model

Author(s): Igor Micevski,Snezana Trpevska / Language(s): English

Parliamentary democracy in Macedonia was established with the Constitution of 1991. The multi-party system is marked by an ethnically-based divergence where the main political parties are divided into two ethnic blocks representing the country’s Macedonian majority and Albanian ethnic community. The issue of the power balance between the two communities led to a brief war in 2001, following which a new agreement was reached to share power at both the central and local level. Over the last several decades the Macedonian political system has not evolved into a consolidated democracy. On the contrary, since the populist VMRO-DPMNE took over the government in August 2006, converse trends have led the state into a direction of stronger authoritarianism. Consequently three successive Freedom House reports categorized Macedonia in the group of so called ‘hybrid regimes’ – formal democracies that manifest authoritarian particularities. The last Freedom in the World Report states that Macedonia has lost its designation of ‘electoral democracy’ as it does not meet even the basic standards. One of these standards is related to providing “significant public access of the major political parties to the electorate through the media…” Taking into account the process of democratic consolidation and the development of the media system in Macedonia, this paper analyses the transformation of its public broadcaster and the pressure from below for greater civic participation in both its decision making processes and its content and programming. Applying Hallin and Mancini’s theoretical framework, Macedonia’s political system can be classified as being closest to the Mediterranean or Polarized pluralistic model with: a strong interventionist role of the state, political parties divided along ethnic lines and the ruling party entering into a coalition with the ethnic party that won the majority of votes from the Albanian electorate (parallel majoritarian democracy), political parties having a dominant role in the social processes and placing group interests before individual interests (organized pluralism), late democratization of institutions, deep clashes among political actors and contestation of the legitimacy of the political system as a whole (polarized pluralism) and a widespread culture of clientelism. All this bears direct consequences on the media system and on public service broadcasting. As the country has moved strongly towards authoritarianism in recent years, an assessment is necessary of where PSB stands now and what (if any) its future might and should be. This paper will discuss the challenges PSB in Macedonia is currently faced with and explore perspectives for overcoming the obstacles for its transformation by considering the four normative principles of PSB: citizenship, universality, quality and trust. Being central to the idea of PSB, these concepts are regained in the ongoing debates on PSB in a changed setting. PSB, by definition, is envisaged as a space which enables the flourishing of a critical and vibrant public sphere and, therefore, it has a crucial role in enabling citizens’ active participation in the process of social change. The normative value of Habermas’s theory of the public sphere remain a critical tool for studying the PSB role in contemporary democratic societies. Habermas argued that access to the public sphere should be open in principle to all citizens and it is in the PSB core remit to enable inclusiveness as a crucial democratic principle. The PSB should play a crucial role in sustaining the public sphere and providing citizens an opportunity to be part of it. In line with this, the paper examines the possibility of citizens’ stronger participation through the concept of Public Service Media and active citizenship. Initially, this paper aims to identify the challenges PSB faces in Macedonia compared with similar dilemmas in Western democracies, and, secondly, its goal is to position Macedonian PSB in a normative framework for future transformation. Two major challenges to PSB, of relevance to Macedonia, are identified in the literature with respect to the digital age: (i) commercial pressure and pressure from European competition regulation, by which it is claimed that PSB is pushed to the margins, making it obsolete, and (ii) technological pressure – meaning that new technologies and the internet era are dramatically changing the patterns of media consumption, so the main challenge for PSB is how to reach the fragmented audiences and how to encourage their motivation, as citizens, to participate in their programs. However, Macedonian PSB faces more pressing challenges. This is the reason why this paper is based on three main claims which will be further explored. First, Macedonian Radio-television (MRT), on top of challenges of commercial pressure and pressures from new technologies, faces the pressure of political authoritarianism as its most important predicament. Second, MRT has a future in the specific socio-political context only if it moves towards a ‘participative model’ to match the pressures from societal groups for participatory democracy, and, thirdly, establishing an enduring relationship with the public and civil society is the first condition for PSB to regain trust and legitimacy in the society. In the analysis of the transformation of PSB in Macedonia we have used the conceptual frameworks developed within the comparative media systems and media policy studies. In addition, in an attempt to detect the methods of transformation we rely on the critical theory of political economy and on those scholars and policy-makers who argue that PSB is still a legitimate form of media organization in contemporary societies, with the same basic functions adjusted to the new technological environment. We draw our arguments on the conceptual distinction between the three regulatory approaches for the future transformation of PSB, taking the stance that with the current societal and political tendencies in the country the policy makers and the national PSB should follow the approach of ‘adding to broadcasting’. This approach maintains the idea that the traditional broadcasting services of PSB are of crucial importance, but adds new services as equally important for its redefined remit. Following the introduction, the next section provides a discussion on the contemporary theoretical and policy debates concerning the future of PSB, also highlighting some of the key issues relevant for post-communist countries and describing the methodological approach. Section 3 contains an overview of the country’s political and social context, a brief description of the media landscape and the structure of Macedonian PSB. In Section 4 we isolate some of the most pressing political challenges – including the concerns that arise from the increased tendency toward authoritarianism. Here we also discuss the financial and technological aspects of the MRT operation and analyse the fulfillment of its socio-cultural functions. In Section 5 we discuss our findings in the context of wider theoretical debates and emphasize the key trends and challenges for the future development of PSB. We conclude in Section 6 with the development of ideas for the future of PSB that would overcome present political challenges and would be based on a participatory model. In the end, in Section 7 we give some recommendations for the future direction of the PSB transformation in the country.

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Public Service Broadcasting in Montenegro

Author(s): Nataša Ružić / Language(s): English

The aim of this paper is to examine the status and operation of the public service broadcaster in Montenegro and the process of transformation of the state-controlled Radio Television of Montenegro (Radio i Televizija Crne Gore, or RTCG) into a public service broadcaster. The paper elaborates on the current situation with RTCG and attempts to provide insights into the prospects for its future, in the context of contemporary European and local debates, tackling the obstacles, challenges and changing policy streams when it comes to public media. In doing so, special attention is given to the political, economic and social factors that influence the transformation of the state broadcaster in Montenegro. The former state controlled broadcaster was formally established as a PSB in 2002, and this is when the transformation process started. The path towards the development of PSB was not an easy task given the complex contextual factors and obstacles that RTCG faced. The former state broadcaster RTCG, remembered for the dissemination of hate speech during the Yugoslav wars during the 1990s, for political obedience to the ruling party and for its financial ruin, was suddenly supposed to transform itself into a geniune PSB to serve primarily the citizens of Montenegro. Moreover, such a transformation was happening in an extremely complex political and economic context: the country found itself in the midst of democratization and liberalization processes, while at the same time negotiating its accession to the EU. The financial crisis put immense pressure on the government and the media market, limiting the scope of any intervention that aimed at the sustainable institutional transformation of RTCG. Taking these contextual factors, and the dynamics they produced, into consideration, this paper attempts to answer three sets of questions. First, how the initial media policy and regulations in regard to PSB were adopted, who the main actors were in the process (considering the EU influence), and how these actors interacted with each other. Second, what is the current situation with the PSB regarding the implementation of policies and reforms, giving special attention to the PSB remit, funding model, formal and de-facto independence, market share, and progress regarding the digital switchover in Montenegro. And, finally, what are the key challenges for the future development of PSB in Montenegro, taking into account the impact of new technologies, convergence and digitalization on the prospects of the PSB in the rapidly changing multi-channel environment. Another aspect of interest to this study is that of the influence of the EU on the national media policy due to the competition approach of the EU. Last but not least, this research question also relates to the overall changes in the broadcasting market, with the proliferation of new media platforms and the increased commercialization of broadcasting. In order to answer these questions, the paper heavily relies on contemporary scholarly debates on the future prospects of PSB, especially drawing upon the analysis and theoretical propositions by Jakubowicz , Picard and Siciliani , Rumphorst , Moe , Hallin and Mancini. Furthermore, special attention is given to the role, function and prospects of PSB in post-communist, transitional societies as analyzed in the works of Car and Veljanovski. In the search for an answer on the abovementioned questions, the paper provides an analysis of the existing legislation, as well as semi-structured interviews with members of the administrative bodies of the public service broadcaster and media experts in Montenegro. This paper presents the argument that the former state-owned media company in Montenegro was not fully transformed into a public service broadcaster. After taking into consideration the key debates, contextual factors, and contemporary trends relevant to the development of a PSB, paper argues that the transformation of the state-broadcaster into a genuine PSB in Montenegro has so far not been successful. As will be demonstrated, the PSB remains a highly politicized and dysfunctional institution, while policy debates are centered mainly around basic issues of financial sustainability and political (in)dependence. At the same time, there is no substantial debate on the role of PSB in the society, its relevance in the convereged digital environment, and its public service function. Given the current situation, the future of PSB in Montenegro seems bleak, to say the least. The paper consists of five sections. In the first part of this paper the PSB is analyzed from a theoretical point of view, while in the second part of the paper the process of transformation of RTCG as a state media into a public service broadcaster is considered. The second chapter will deal with the definition of public service broadcasting and basic characteristics of this system, including analysis of debates on the global and local levels, outlining the opposing views of theorists and international organizations concerning legislation, models of funding, remit debate and technology debate. The following subsections present debates on PSB in the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as a methodological framework used for research and analysis. In the third chapter the paper will present the public service broadcaster in Montenegro and identify the problems faced by this media outlet. In the fourth chapter we will analyze the legislation in Montenegro, the funding of the PSB, the process of digitalizing and the sociological, cultural and political aspects in which the public service broadcaster is trying to operate. The concluding chapters include a discussion of the main findings, final remarks and recommendations.

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The Prospect and Development of Public Service Media: The Case of Albania

Author(s): Besart Kadia,Blerjana Bino / Language(s): English

Following the collapse of the communist regime in the early 1990s, contemporary Albania has been undergoing a series of economic, social, and political transformations. Such encompassing transformations affect, among other things, the role of media in society and in the democratic processes, particularly the public service broadcasting (PSB), which, in principle, has the potential to contribute to democratic advancements in post-communist countries. The aim of this research paper is to investigate the current and future developments of the Albanian Radio and Television (RTSH) by analysing dimensions such as politics, policy and regulation, market and financing models, digitalization and technology development as well as socio-cultural issues. The specific objectives of the research are: (i) to explore the PSB challenges and future perspectives in the political and socio-economic context in Albania: post communism; democratization; EU accession; liberal reforms and free market; new social and cultural trends; and (ii) to propose recommendations for the future perspectives of PSB in Albania to respond to the contemporary developments in the country. The research is relevant both in terms of media policy and developments in Albania as well as for similar research conducted within media studies. First, the research is significant in terms of policy developments since it provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state and future perspectives of rtsh. This comes at a time when there is a growing interest in media developments in the event of digitalisation and intense proliferation of information and communication technologies (ICTs). In addition, debates on the future of PSB are important in light of the democratic processes in Albania and its EU accession. PSB reinvention and repositioning is to respond to the contemporary social, cultural, political and economic developments in Albania. Media and democratization as a research topic is relatively underexplored in Albanian media studies, which corresponds with the claim of Rupnik and Zielonka that mass media remains one of the poorly understood factors in the new democracies of the former Eastern bloc. Within this, public service broadcasting is neglected as a topic of research. Additionally, Voltmer points out that mass media have been largely ignored by mainstream democratization research in spite of the fact that media are playing a paramount role in the democratic processes. Following Hallin and Mancini’s note that research on Eastern European media systems is still in the process of emergence, lacking original research, this research on the case of Albania aims to contribute to the systematic and comparative analysis on PSB and media systems in the Western Balkans (WB). This research relies on qualitative methodology. Through analysis of primary and secondary data, and conducting in-depth interviews with media professionals, scholars and policymakers and the explorations of existing studies, reports and publications on media in Albania, the research analyses the current developments and future challenges of the transformation of Albanian Radio and Television into a public service broadcaster. The research questions are: What is the current situation of PSB in Albania? What is the policy framework on PSB: laws, regulations and institutions? What is the PSB position in the media market and the financial model? Where does PSB stand vis a vis technological advancements and digitalization? What are the future perspectives and challenges of PSB in Albania? The research concludes that the transformation of rtsh to a genuine public service media has to be done by taking in consideration the political, economic and socio-cultural context in the country. It is naïve at best to assume that rtsh in Albania can be detached from politics in a country like Albania with a high level of politicization marked by continuous all-encompassing confrontation between political parties. It is also not realistic to expect journalists to adhere to Western European professional journalistic standards, which are isolated from the conditions in which they work in Albania, such as lack of labor contracts, constant political pressure, self-censorship, financial instability, low level of adequate professional development, to mention but a few. Therefore, to provide recommendations for a deep and multifaceted transformation of the PSB in Albania, it is important to understand the complexity of the context. For rtsh to fulfill its remit as serving the public interest and to survive in a fiercely competitive media market, its transformation into a public service media is a viable option, which implies the use of online media tools to embrace the opportunities offered by media convergence. This will enable more transparency and quality programming; attract the audience and be responsive to the future prospects of Albanian society. The next chapter offers a theoretical and methodological background by outlining some of the key international debates on the future developments of public service broadcasting. This will be followed by an analysis of these debates in the context of new democracies such as in the Western Balkans. The research methodology will be outlined along with the challenges of the research. The third chapter focuses on the case of Albania by offering a description of the political, economic and social aspects that are relevant to the debate on PSB. This chapter will look into the major features of the media landscape in Albania as well as the background of the PSB, such as its history, organization and regulation. The fourth chapter will outline the findings of the research followed by discussions in relation to the conceptual framework. The final chapter provides conclusions and recommendations on how PSB should be developed in Albania.

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The Development of an E-Procurement System in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Ivan Kutleša / Language(s): English

The establishment of a single portal for e-procurement (www.ejn.gov.ba) in late 2014 is a good basis for the development of an efficient e-procurement system in BiH. However, so far, approximately one half of the functional modules needed for a completed system of electronic public procurement have been implemented, and important formal-legal preconditions, primarily bylaws from the Law on Electronic Signature and the Law on Public Procurement, are missing. Those bylaws would enable electronic submission and bid evaluation. All of this indicates the electronic procurement system is still in an early developmental phase. That is why it is crucial that all elements of an electronic public procurement system are established as soon as possible, because they can significantly contribute to the improvement of transparency, efficiency and cost-effectiveness in public procurement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Rezultati istraživanja: Dostupnost informacija na službenim web-prezentacijama javnih organa Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Javni organi Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) ne slijede međunarodne prakse i standarde kada je riječ o objavljivanju informacija od javnog značaja na vlastitim službenim web-prezentacijama. Iako se trenutna praksa objavljivanja informacija ne može u cijelosti ocijeniti kao netransparentna, zabrinjavajući nedostatak transparentnosti javlja se u segmentu koji se tiče informacija o budžetu, operativnih informacija i dijelom informacija o organizacijskoj strukturi institucije. Drugim riječima, ključne informacije o radu institucija BiH još uvijek nisu dostupne javnosti, što upućuje na njihovu “zatvorenost” i nespremnost preuzimanja proaktivne uloge u osiguravanju pristupa informacijama koje se nalaze u njihovom posjedu.

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Digitisation in Romania accelerates during the pandemic

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English

Romania stands out as having one of the EU’s least developed systems of online public services, which contrasts with its extensive telecommunications infrastructure offering very fast and cheap access to the network. This is due both to the policy of the governments, which until 2019 did not show much interest in the digitisation process of the country or failed to propose a comprehensive programme for its implementation, and to the resistance of the public, who were distrustful of the e-government solutions offered. However, the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic led to a breakthrough: on one hand, it spurred the authorities to introduce legal changes and deploy new technological solutions that had hitherto been postponed, and on the other, it forced Romanian society to use public digital services.

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Tightening the screws. Putin’s repressive laws

Author(s): Maria Domańska / Language(s): English

In December 2020, President Vladimir Putin signed a package of laws tightening regulations on non-governmental organisations, public gatherings and media censorship. It is one of the elements marking a new quality in the Kremlin’s domestic policy: Russian authoritarianism has de facto abandoned the pretence of democratic procedures in favour of increased control and repression.

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Protection of Digital Platform Workers in the EU

Author(s): Marta Makowska / Language(s): English

The European Commission (EC) has proposed a directive that provides protection of people performing work for digital platforms, especially in professions that do not require specialist qualifications. If the proposal is accepted in the shape presented by the EC, it will be a breakthrough solution on a global scale that adjusts labour law to the challenges of the digital economy. It will also strengthen the EU’s position in relations with platforms.

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EU Sanctions for Disinformation Campaigns: Prospects and Limits

Author(s): Elżbieta Kaca / Language(s): English

The EU has faced a growing number of foreign disinformation operations, mainly instigated by Russia and China. The European Commission (EC) is considering a sanctions system in response to such attacks. Its would, however, be limited by technical difficulties in detecting the sources of such operations and Member States’ divergent views as to the scale of retaliation. From Poland’s perspective as a country supportive of using sanctions in EU external relations, such a solution would strengthen the EU’s response to Russian and Chinese hostile actions.

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EU Proposes Artificial Intelligence Regulation

Author(s): Stefania Kolarz,Oskar Szydłowski / Language(s): English

The proposed regulation of artificial intelligence (AI) on the EU market is primarily intended to protect fundamental rights and values. As the first regulation of this type in the world, it may set the standard. However, the new requirements in practice might hinder the access of foreign entities to the internal market and reduce the competitiveness of EU businesses.

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A Technological Arms Race: Chip Manufacturing

Author(s): Oskar Szydłowski / Language(s): English

The supply gap in the chip market caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the chips’ growing role in the global economy, as well as in international relations. Countries where chipmakers are headquartered are restricting exports of this good, and the competition for access to these products has opened a new phase in the technology race between China and the U.S. Currently, the U.S. is emerging victorious, significantly limiting China’s ability to modernise. The European Union plans to cooperate with Taiwan and the U.S. on chip supplies and is working on production technology.

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№208: Digital Protectionism: Data Localisation

Author(s): Oskar Szydłowski / Language(s): English

In recent years, under the pretext of protecting national security and citizens’ privacy, states have introduced several protectionist measures concerning digital data. The main one is data localisation law, which requires data to be stored and processed in a specific country. In practice, it often serves authoritarian governments in gaining greater oversight of citizens through unrestricted access to and control over data. Furthermore, it has a negative impact on the global economy, especially international trade. The challenge remains to develop regulation at a global level in place of incompatible local regimes.

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