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The European Union Strategic Partnership Agreement with Brazil

Author(s): Bartosz Wiśniewski,Sonia Dahab / Language(s): English Issue: 4 (84)/2017

The aim of this article is to discuss the historical relations of the European Union (EU) and Brazil and to draw possible scenarios of the future cooperation between both partners. Since the very beginning of the formation of the European Communities (EC), Brazil has been perceived asan important trade partner for the EC. During recent decades, the importance of Brazil as an economic and political leader of Latin America has emerged, and the EU recognized such position through establishment of more formal ties with Brazil. The Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA) signed in 2007 was the reflection of the increasing importance of Brazil in the international area, and aimed to commence a closer formalized cooperation between both partners. However, due to some internal and external factors, discussed throughout this article, ten years after signing of the SPA, its outcome is much more often criticised, than praised. The article analyses the reasons for inefficiency of this SPA, and demonstrates somepossible scenarios of further economic and political relations between the EU and Brazil. The role of Mercosur, and its long lasting talks with the EU with regard to the inter-regional agreement, has been also reflected in the discussion, and indicated as a significant consideration in the future relations between Brazil and the EU.

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O normatywnym pojęciu stabilności finansowej na rynku finansowym Unii Europejskiej w nowej architekturze nadzorczej

Author(s): Magdalena Fedorowicz / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 4 (84)/2017

The main aim of this paper is to reconstruct all new legal components of the legal term „financial stability” and to underline its multilevel understanding and possible meanings of that term, which should framed the new Financial Stability Safety Net in the new supervisory architecture of the EU, where the financial stability is considered as a prerequisite of creationand market law application. The main thesis of this paper is assertion that the financial stability is multielement, multilevel and multifunctional term, which could and should be refered to both, the EU and domesticlevel as a whole, to financial institutions and supervisors and also to the clients of the financial market. This shows the opinion, that the legal term„financial stability” is to fulfil as a result of the balance, compromise and accomplishment of the financial market participants legal interests.

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Atrakcyjność inwestycyjna Polski w latach 1990–2016 – trendy, struktura i perspektywy

Author(s): Tadeusz Sporek / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 4 (84)/2017

Poland in recent years is the leader in attracting foreign investment among the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Investment attractiveness of our country, according to many studies, is assessed very high (according to the Ernst & Young European Attractiveness Report in 2016 Poland’s economy 2 place in the ranking), mainly due to a highly skilled workforce. An important component of the investment attractiveness, often emphasized by the investors themselves, is legal and transparency of the Polish legal system in recent years, and the answer to the question whether the Polish legal system is a improving element or rather a threat to the investment attractiveness of the country. The research is based, interalia, on the analysis of the Worldwide Governance Indicator index assessing the institutional environment of countries.

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Dyrektywa Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) 2016/681 w sprawie wykorzystywania danych dotyczących przelotu pasażera – adekwatny środek do walki z terroryzmem i poważnymi przestępstwami czy forma masowej inwigilacji?

Author(s): Julia Wojnarowska-Radzińska / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 4 (84)/2017

On 28 April 2016 the Directive (EU) 2016/681 of the European Parliamentand of the Council on the use of passenger name record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terroristoffences and serious crime was adopted by the 28 Member States. Regulating this complex issue, European legislator has been obliged to strike a “fair balance” between the objective of combating terrorism and serious crime and the objective of protecting personal data and respecting the private life of the passengers. The aim of this paper is to analyse the provisions which apply to the processing of PNR data in the light of the principle of proportionality.

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Stosunki turecko-ormiańskie w świetle opinii tureckiej

Author(s): Danuta Chmielowska / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 4 (84)/2017

Turkey, as a state operating in accordance with the well-known saying by its first President, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Evde sulh cihanda sulh, and aspiring to good relations with all its neighbours, started negotiations on establishing diplomatic relations with Armenians in 2009, using Switzerlandas a mediator.Armenia’s increasing economic and financial dependency on Russia contributes to the growing poverty in widening social circles in the country, which are to a certain extent interested in opening the border with Turkey. Cross-border trading could improve the material situation of many Armenians. Turkey, on the other hand, aspires – although not unanimously – to join the European Union, who is pressuring it to raise the standards of, among other things, democratic behaviour towards its ethnic minorities; the current Turkish government is therefore very interestedin softening and regulating its relations also with Armenia (who wants to strengthen its relations with Europe), which would be very well received by the West and to a certain extent move forward the difficult process of integrating Turkey with the EU. Therefore in both countries, Armenia and Turkey, the trends towards establishing diplomatic relations and open the borders have been growing recently. This was supported by the pressure from the USA, as the American diplomacy was making efforts to bring both feuding countries to start negotiating.

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Migracje z Europy Wschodniej – szanse i zagrożenia dla Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Andrzej Szabaciuk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2017

The aim of the article is to analyse the migration situation of the European Union in the context of social-political processes observed in the immediate vicinity of the united Europe. We will briefly outline the key challenges facing the European Union in the context of the mas-sive influx of immigrants / refugees from the South, highlighting the little-known problem of labour migration from the post-Soviet states and attempting to assess the potential impact of this phenomenon.

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Napływ osób poszukujących ochrony międzynarodowej do Polski na tle państw UE w okresie kryzysu migracyjnego w UE (2014–2016)

Author(s): Anita Adamczyk / Language(s): English Issue: 11/2017

The article discusses issues related to the EU migration crisis of 2014–2016. It offers a quantitative analysis of refugee flows to EU countries, including Poland. The article presents the response of individual EU states to the influx of persons seeking international protectionpost 2014 and the attempts to tackle the immigration problem at the EU level. It focuses on the refugee influx into Poland and examines the origins and numbers of persons who received international protection during the period in question under various legal decisions.

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„Demokracja międzyrządowa” – w kierunku rekonstrukcji polskiej koncepcji reformy instytucjonalnej UE

Author(s): Piotr Tosiek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2017

The purpose of this article is the identification of main problems of current European debate on EU institutional reform, the extraction of basic elements of Polish concept of “intergov-ernmental democracy” as well as the critical analysis of two operationalized components of this concept. The main thought is based on the view that the current European debate on EU reform is not reflected in the “intergovernmental democracy” concept based on misperception and ideological approach. Theoretical background of the article is intergovernmentalism that evaluates integration processes from the perspective of member state. Requests of the state as abstractly understood should be reflected in the construction of EU institutional system, while the precondition of the existence of the appropriate system is state’s carrying out activities adapted to political reality.

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Czyste i brudne kultury energetyczne Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Remigiusz Rosicki / Language(s): English Issue: 11/2017

The object of analysis in the text are “energy cultures” in the member states of the European Union (EU-28). The text attempts to verify the legitimacy of the statements pointing to the pos-sibility of grouping the European Union member states according to a special kind of energy use practices.In order to elaborate the research problem the text features the following research questions:(1) Is it legitimate to claim that within the EU-28 there are special “energy cultures”?, (2) If the claim of the existence of special “energy cultures” is legitimate, what features determine the division among the EU-28 countries? These questions should be associated with the intention to establish the existence of the division of the EU-28 states into “clean” and “dirty” energy cultures. Such a division can be substantiated by individual features of the EU-28 member states, related to energy production, consumption and conversion, e.g. GHG emissions and the commitment to the coal sector.For the adopted premises to be verified, the analysis employed one of the agglomerative methods (i.e. the Ward’s method) and one of the methods for optimising a given group of objects (i.e. the k-means method). Besides, with the aid of individual tests, the differences in the level of parameters between the isolated clusters of countries were analysed. Furthermore, with the aid of the principal component method groups of independent factors were isolated, and the scope of essential differences in the level of the isolated factors between the grouped EU-28 member states was determined.

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Stosunki Unia Europejska – Chiny w XXI wieku

Author(s): Józef M. Fiszer / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2017

Today, EU and China – along the US – undoubtedly play a key role in the international arena. They have established strategic partnership in their bilateral relations and strive to de-velop cooperation in all areas. Yet, they also dissent on many important issues. In this article, I investigate the premises of EU-China bilateral relations, as well as opportunities and threats to both parties as far as their status on the global stage is concerned. Moreover, I test the thesis I deem controversial, which claims that the 21st century will be Asian century, and de facto the era of China.The literature on contemporary China, on the role it plays in the international arena and on its relations with the EU is abundant. However no definite answer has been given yet as to where China is heading and whether rhe EU will break up in the 21st century. China’s “turn to multilateralism” is questioned, with some researchers claiming that it simply serves to conceal China’s long-term goal, i.e. taking control over the world in the second half of the 21st century.

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Protivrečnosti evropske medijske politike

Author(s): Irina Milutinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 42/2018

In the media theory and practice, there is a broad agreement that the media play an important role in creating of active public, which is perceived as a social and political space in which public opinion is created and acted. The focus of this paper is on the question: does the European media policy coherently, consistently and comprehensively implement its programs in line with projection that the media have status and responsibility of the “fourth government” or “watchdogs of democracy” in a democratic society? The aim of the paper is to discuss compatibility between, on the one hand, proclaimed norms and principles of the European media policy, and on the other, success of their practical realization in the function of democratic public. Methods of critical and comparative analysis have been applied, and the following indicators have been considered: media market liberalization, state protectionism, media corporatism, social and media pluralism, public interest. In the conclusion, several factors that disturb coherent implementation of the media policy in the pan-European framework are identified: ineffectiveness of the foreseen instruments; a lack of democratic legitimacy; divergent interests of individual actors in the media sector, and fundamental differences among individual member states with reference to the social and economic functions of the media.

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Eine nachhaltige europäische Integrationspolitik für den Westbalkan?

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Eine nachhaltige europäische Integrationspolitik für den Westbalkan?

Author(s): Adis Merdžanović / Language(s): German Issue: 03/2018

The article offers a critical look at some of the most common assumptions underlying the Western Balkans’ European integration process. While generally supportive of the goal of EU membership for the states in the region and the EU’s renewed commitment to enlargement in 2018, the contribution highlights important shortcomings in our understanding of EU accession. Firstly, we should not perceive the Western Balkans as a region in crisis but as one with profound structural problems that necessitate a deeper engagement and not a short-term “crisis management”. Likewise, the EU itself is currently undergoing a process of transformation that may put its role as an anchor of stability into question. Secondly, involving civil society in the accession process is crucial, but civil society actors throughout the region may have policy objectives that put accession into question. Thirdly, while parliaments should play a larger role in the process, the prevailing structures prevent their greater involvement andultimately undermine the goal of democratisation. Fourthly, that EU membership is seen positively shouldnot mean that individual reforms in one state cannot be debated and criticised. Fifthly and finally, the EUis not a club whose rules have to be followed, but an inherently flexible structure that new member states may change and improve upon. The article concludes by arguing for a citizen-centred approach so as tomake EU accession sustainable among society’s members.

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Berichte

Author(s): Gregor Mayer,Kerim Kudo,Theresia Töglhofer / Language(s): English,German Issue: 03/2018

Constructing China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Southeast Europe. Berlin, 3 May 2018 Albanien ante portas? – EU-Perspektiven des Westbalkan-Landes in der Diskussion. Berlin, 15. Mai 2018 Krisenregion Westbalkan: Wie kann sich Europa stärker engagieren? Loccum, 14.-16. Mai 2018

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Przywództwo polityczne w Unii Europejskiej w dobie kryzysu

Author(s): Sebastian Paczos / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 01/2018

The author shows that the weakness of the EU economic units results not only from treaty provisions, but also from the staffing of the most important EU positions. According to the author, there are twocenters which compete for the title of the European leadership. One is the political leaders who stand atthe forefront of the EU (the leadership of the European Council and the High Representative of the Unionfor Foreign Affairs and Security Policy as well as European Commission Leadership). The other center isassociated with financial leadership in Europe, headed by the political leaders of Germany and France.When looking for the causes of difficulty in creating European leadership, the author first of all points tothe lack of the EU’s own identity.

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Relacje europejskich państw b. ZSRR z Unią Europejską – stan i perspektywy

Author(s): Wojciech Bąba / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 01/2018

The main goal of the article was to perform an analysis of relations between the European countriesof the former USSR and the European Union, and – in accordance with the outcomes of this analysis – to formulate an opinion about the future developments of these relations.The deliberations conducted in the article are focused on identifying the main factors, both legal(contractual relations and their implications) and empirical (state of economic relations, measured withvalues of selected indicators), specific to relations between each analyzed country of former USSR andthe EU.In the article, two main hypotheses have been formulated:• Relations between each analyzed ex-USSR country and the EU are specific.• Russia is a dominant entity on the former USSR territory, still having relevant, if not crucial influenceon relations between all the other ex-USSR countries and the EU.The main scientific methods, used in the article include the analysis of legal agreements and values ofempirical indicators, as well as a synthesis of the results and conclusions. These methods were antecededby research of scientific literature and usage of statistical techniques.

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THE EUROPEAN UNION BATTLE GROUPS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENSE POLICY

Author(s): Dariusz Górniak / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 8/2017

The Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) enables European Union to take a leading role in peace – keeping operations, conflict prevention and the strengthening of the international security. It is an integral part of EU’s comprehensive approach towards crisis management, drawing on civilian and military assets. EU Battle Groups remain important for CSDP as the only military capabilities on standby for possible EU operations and as they are helping to reinforce the effectiveness Member States’ of military forces. EU Battle Groups are multinational, military units and form an integral part of the EU’s military rapid reaction capacity to respond to emerging crises and conflicts around the world. Therefore, Polish diplomacy actively acts in various forums (the Visegrad Group, the Weimar Triangle) to bolster the CSDP. Poland actively involved in the implementation of the CSDP through participation in EU Battle Groups.

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IMPACT OF SPAIN’S DEMOCRATISATION ON ITS MULTILATERAL RELATIONS

Author(s): Małgorzata Mizerska-Wrotkowska / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 8/2017

The objective of this article is to analyse the impact of the Spanish democratic transformation on its multilateral relations. It analyses the strategies of Spanish governments in the transformation era and the process of accession to NATO, the Council of Europe and theEuropean Communities. Source analysis and criticism methods (applied mostly to Spanish--language texts), as well as comparative analysis were employed for the needs of this article.Based on her research, the author concludes that changes to Spanish foreign policy were evolutionary in nature. Therefore, it took Spain several years to regain the full confidence of its partners. Before any breakthrough changes could occur in the multilateral dimension, Spain needed to normalise its bilateral relations.The democratic elections conducted on the 15th of June 1977 in Spain was the breakthrough without which no accession to any important international organisation could ever happen. As the event clinched the state’s democratisation, it paved the way for Spain to join soon the Council of Europe. The accession process for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was more complex.The Spanish political scene was divided in that matter. Spain’s accession to the EuropeanCommunities was the longest process. It was subject not only to the state’s democratisation progress but also to economic issues.

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POLES IN GREAT BRITAIN AFTER 2004

Author(s): Jarosław J. Piątek / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2017

The multitude of defining the concept of security is related to the fact that representativesof various fields of science describe and perceive this phenomenon from the point ofview of terminology, own knowledge, as well as from the scope of their discipline. For manysecurity is a belief that you are out of the reach of any threat. Based on the Copenhagen schooltheory, the essence of the objective and subjective understanding of security was emphasized.Against this background, the movement of people was analyzed as a security issue. Poles livingin Great Britain are more often in contact with this issue than in their country of origin. Thescale of threats is extremely different. For Poles migrating to the UK, the most dangerous threatsappear to be in the social sphere. The aim of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of Polishmigration to Great Britain after 2004. Additionally, the process of describing security and itstransition from the sphere of theory to practice was attempted. Although in the open publicspace, on city streets, parks and squares, there are personal threats related to crimes, as well asto social threats – attacks and assaults caused by frustrated and aggressive groups or individuals,Poles feel safe. Despite knowing about terrorism or manifestations of social or cultural phobias,Poles migrate to Great Britain. In addition, the article attempts to prove that the technologicalextension of public space leads to a sense of greater security.

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RESOLVING THREATS AND CHALLENGES IN THE SECURITY POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND

Author(s): Jarosław J. Piątek / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2017

The political transformation in Poland resulted in the reorientation of Polish policy in the field of understanding security. It found its reflection in newly defined policy directions, which were manifested in the search for new guarantees of security, development opportunities and giving a new character to Polish politics. The problem of ensuring state security in new geopolitical conditions is expressed in the adopted hierarchy of priorities for the implementation of the Polish raison d’etat. The implementation of the policy priorities means thatPoland has a solid foundation for security. The Polish Army carries out many key tasks in it. The armed forces of the Republic of Poland became an element of the broad NATO security system.Building faith in defensive self-sufficiency, Poland distances itself more and more from Europe.Both threats and challenges require decision-making in matters of security and go beyond the traditionally understood security. As a consequence, Poland responds to both threats and challenges in the security policy of the Republic of Poland to a small extent

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MIGRATION CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS

Author(s): Renata Podgórzańska / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2017

Nowadays, migration of people on the territory of the European Union has become one of the factors determining Poland’s foreign policy and determining its bilateral relations due to the scale and dynamics of this phenomenon. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland, unlike other EU Member States directly bearing the costs of mass influx of migrants, is not a target country for migrants, the migration crisis associated with mass influx of people also indirectly affects the Polish reality. Emphasizing the implications of the migration crisis from the point of view of state security consistently strengthens critical opinions in Poland and at the same time determines the reluctance of the Polish society to accept immigrants (mainly from the MiddleEast and North Africa). The article focuses on the repercussions of the migration crisis from the perspective of Polish-German relations. The basis for this research area is, on the one hand, the role of Germany in the context of the migration crisis and, on the other, the presentation of different positions by Poland and Germany regarding the methods of stopping the inflow of migrants into the EU.

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