Migracijska kriza u Europi i Hrvatskoj: politike integracije migranata

Author(s): Siniša Tatalović,Ružica Jakešević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Recent discussions on diversity management in the European context have been more and more directed towards the integration of migrants, or so called new minorities. While some European countries, such as Germany, France, United Kingdom and the Netherlands have a very rich experience as migrant receiving countries, countries like Croatia, which are new EU members do not have such experience or have very limited one. Issues of asylum and migration are discussed and agreed on at the EU level in order to create common policies, while the models of integration are within the competences of member states. This is also evident in the past and current policies and practices of the EU member states, which put different emphasis on the political, socio-economic and cultural dimension of integration in their integration policies. Croatian position is specific in this regard – it is a new member of the European Union; it is not a member of the Schengen system; traditionally it hasn’t been a destination but a transit country for migrants; and it has a very developed system and rich experience in the integration of traditional national minorities. Due to contemporary migration flows and the experiences of some Eastern and Central European countries that have become EU members before the Croatian, it is certain that in the coming period Croatia will be faced with the higher rate of immigration. In addition, according to the quota system of the EU, Croatia has committed itself to receive and provide for 1,600 people in the period between 2016 and 2018. As part of a (future) migration policy, it is necessary to define and create sustainable migrant integration policy. Hence, the question is whether the experience in the integration of national minorities into Croatian society in whole or in part can be applied the new communities that will be shaped by migrants permanently residing in Croatia.

A European Balkans?

Author(s): François Heisbourg ,Jacques Rupnik,Daniel P. Serwer,Boris Shmelev / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Introduction (by François Heisbourg) | Europe’s Challenges in the Balkans. A European Perspective (by Jacques Rupnik) | Kosovo Won’t Wait. An American Perspective (by Daniel Serwer) | The Balkans: Powder Keg of Europe or Zone of Peace and Stability. A Russian Perspective (by Boris Shmelev)

Between Suicide Bombings and the Burning Banlieues: The Multiple Crises of Europe’s Parallel Societies

Author(s): François Heisbourg ,Amel Boubekeur,Samir Amghar,Rob de Wijk,Alexei Malashenko / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Chairman’s Summing-up (by François Heisbourg) | The Role of Islam in Europe: Multiple crises? (by Amel Boubekeur and Samir Amghar) | The Multiple Crises in Dutch Parallel Societies (by Rob de Wijk) | Islam in Russia in 2020 (by Alexey Malashenko)

The Headscarf Question: What is Really the Issue?

Author(s): Valérie Amiraux / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Dangerous, scary, intriguing, threatening, intimidating, oppressive, irritating, aggressive, traditional, conservative, reactionary … These are a few of the adjectives one hears in discussions of what is confusingly called in European contexts not only the headscarf, but also the veil, hijab, nikab, tchador, jilbab, burqa or khimar. All these terms designate a scarf that Muslim women wear when outside the home to cover their hair, shoulders and breasts and, in some cases, their entire body including face and hands. The headscarf has become a sensitive issue, giving rise to legal disputes and political controversies in several EU member states, notably France, Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK. Headscarves, and by definition the Muslim women wearing them, nowadays stand for “everything that is thought to be wrong with Islam”. In addition to being obliged to be bare-headed on ID documents as in France, women wearing the headscarf have also been excluded in courts, universities, work places, hospitals and city halls. While the terrain of exclusion is widening, the groups of people affected are also widening to include young girls (adolescents) as well as adults.

Canadian multiculturalism: Bulgarians in Canada

Author(s): Galina Avramova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The present paper, which is part of a larger study of Bulgarian immigration to Canada, looks at some of the most important characteristics of this immigration and discusses them against the dynamics of the overall immigration processes in Canada over the past 100 years. It examines whether and how Bulgarian immigrants have managed to become an integral part of Canada’s unique cultural, ethnic and linguistic fabric.

Psihološka moć i uloga nacionalnih mitova u međuetničkim konfliktima

Author(s): Mirjana Vasović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Etnički stereotipi u albanskim i srpskim udžbenicima

Author(s): Vujo Ilić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Analiza medija - "martovski neredi" i "kosovska nezavisnost"

Author(s): Nevena Kostadinović,Goran Tepšić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Protivrečnosti srpsko-albanskog sukoba narativa i mogućnosti pomirenja

Author(s): Radmila Nakarada,Goran Tepšić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Da li je "Rambuje" bio bolji od "Kumanova"? Uporedna sektorska analiza bezbednosnih rizika po Republiku Srbiju i srpski narod na Kosovu i Metohiji

Author(s): Milan Krstić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper compares security consequences of the solutions for Kosovo crisis from June 1999 (Military-Technical Agreement signed in Kumanovo and United Nations Security council Resolution 1244) with potential consequences of the draft agreement proposed in Rambouillet and Paris in February and March 1999, which Serbian (FRY) delegation refused to sign. The paper conducts comparative analysis of security risks to two referent objects: 1) the Republic of Serbia; 2) Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. Analytical framework used for this paper derives from the copenhagen School of security studies and it measures security dynamics in five different sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal security). The main thesis of this article is that solutions from Rambouillet contained significantly less risk to security of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in almost all of the sectors, while in the terms of security of the Republic of Serbia, both solutions had approximately equal degree of risks. The only exception was the societal sector, where solutions from June 1999 were less risky and therefore more acceptable for Serbia.

Ohridski sporazum - Instrument za kreireanje binacionalne države umesto integrisanog demokratskog društva

Author(s): Mitko Arnaudov / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

After the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, croatia and Kosovo, nor Republic of Macedonia has failed to keep his inner provisional peace that was constantly brought into question during the nineties. At the beginning of XXI century in this country woke up the old spirit of hostility between Macedonians and Albanians which has escalated into armed conflict. Thanks to the strong political and diplomatic intervention by the international representatives, war activities were stopped and thus prevented the expansion of hostilities throughout the whole territory of Macedonian state and commencement of a new civil war in the Western Balkans. Signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement was the condition for establishment a final peace. With this agreement Republic of Macedonia became a state whose statehood, according to the letter of the constitution, is in the hands of its citizens. content of the Ohrid Agreement is a basis for creation multinational, multicultural and integrated macedonian state. Unfortunately, actual situation in this country does not at all reflect multiethnicity and integration of the Macedonian society. After the conflict with ethnic Albanian rebels and after signing of Ohrid Framework Agreement, Republic of Macedonia has started its future way through adoption of binational characteristics and creation an atmosphere of parallel societies within it. Macedonian and Albanian communities live in common state, but in contrary to the provisions of the Ohrid Agreement and constitution, do not tend for creation mutual integration and adoption of common values and interests.

JEDNAKOST KAO PREDUVJET OPSTANKA DRŽAVE I DRUŠTVA

Author(s): Tvrtko Milović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Rat na etničkoj osnovi u BiH završen je etničkom podjelom zemlje u Daytonu. Kako bi se sistem etničke podjele zemlje održao, odnosno kako bi se spriječila integracija zemlje, političke elite primorane su nakon rata podržati etničku diskriminaciju. Etnička diskriminacija ostala je najsnažniji i najdominantniji način održanja etničke podijeljenosti zemlje, odnosno separacije njenih javnosti. Rascjepkane javnosti impotentne su za bilo kakvu socijalnu reakciju na stanje u društvu. Odatle interes politike za upravo ovakvom javnošću.

DA LI SU ,,OSTALI’’ ZAJEDNICA?

Author(s): Nedim Jahić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Pozicija Ostalih danas se primarno posmatra sa aspekta presude Sejdić-Finci protiv BiH, te se u tom smislu s posebnom pažnjom razmatraju prava Ostalih kao skupine u odnosu na kolektivna prava koja ostvaruju konstitutivni narodi. Često se pri tome zaboravljaju dvije činjenice: Ostali nisu homogena grupa okupljenih pojedinca i pojedinki koja dijeli nacionalno, etničko ili vjersko porijeklo, a drugo, brojni građani i građanke koji se izjašnjavaju kao pripadnici i pripadnice Ostalih zapravo ne traže kolektivna prava, već podizanje stepena uvažavanja individualnih prava u ustavnopravnom poretku BiH.

NERAVNOPRAVNOST KONSTITUTIVNIH

Author(s): Franjo Šarčević / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Današnje stanje u BiH možemo razumjeti samo u kontekstu nekih historijskih procesa koji su im predhodili. BiH u pravom smislu je prvi put konstituisana kao država na Prvom i Drugom zasjedanju Zemaljskog antifašističkog vijeća narodnog oslobođenja BiH (ZAVNOBiH) 1943-1944. godine. Tu državnost unijela je u Jugoslaviju, te u tim istim granicama danas postoji kao formalno nezavisna i suverena država. Ali i prije ZAVNOBiH-a i AVNOJ-a, možemo, naravno, govoriti o jednoj kulturnohistorijskoj i narodnosnoj cjelini i imenovati istu Bosnom i Hercegovinom – uostalom, ZAVNOBiH-ska BiH i nastala je na tim temeljima.

Az izraeli–palesztin viszony az Egyesült Államok jelenlegi (az ezredforduló körüli) geostratégiai törekvései fényében

Author(s): Béla Borsi-Kálmán / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Европейска програма за сигурност 2016 г.: проблеми пред законодателството за подготвяне на условията за Съюз на сигурност

Author(s): Ekaterina Mihaylova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This report focuses on the European security program "Preparing conditions for Union of security," announced by the European Commission on April 20, 2016. The measures described in this document are discussed, by which the EU should counter the terrorist threat. The priority areas in the fight against terrorism are presented in the context of the laws of the Republic of Bulgaria.

Европейският съюз и кризата на мултикултурализма

Author(s): Vihren Buzov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Main Western leaders (Merkel, Sarkozy) recognized the crisis of multiculturalism several years before the current situation of rising tension within the EU caused by increasing migration pressure. The report focuses on the economization and securitization of forced migration to Southeast Europe and the European Union as a whole. Migrants are innocent victims of conflicts arising from unjust social and political order, military interventions, civil wars, oppressive regimes and ethnic tension caused by rich countries and their elites. Finding an adequate solution to the problem of forced migration and overcoming the violence that lies at its base should be a shared responsibility of the whole humanity. Political and economic elites cannot solve this problem – by their actions they contribute to its deterioration. The agreement between the EU and Turkey is a great success only to Erdogan.

INTRODUCTION

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

October 2000 political changeover did not produce the fundamental break with Milosevic's policy. There are numerous examples thereof, notably as regards Republika Srpska, Kosovo and Montenegro. Insistence on that orientation in the face of factual defeat had a negative impact on status of inter-ethnic relations in Serbia proper. National policy aiming at creating an ethnically pure Serb state ended with a catastrophic balance: hundreds of thousands of dead, several million displaced persons and refugees. In the past decade minorities, notably Croats (during the war in Croatia), Bosniaks (during the war in B&H) and Albanians (during the whole decade) bore the brunt of "ethnic-cleansing" policy. By extension, relations between the majority people and some minorities were exacerbated. In the meantime minorities have radicalised their stands and are waiting for resolution of their problems by dint of international community brokerage. Most conspicuous example of the aforementioned was South Serbia, in which the danger of conflict spill-over was great for a while. But thanks to NATO and other international organisations actions and efforts tension has eased and cooperation and revival of economy have been initiated owing to enormous political and financial support of the West.

ANALYSIS OF LEGAL REGULATIONS

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

A large number of countries are becoming increasingly concerned over the issue of the national minorities rights and so is the international community. However, before the WWII human rights and freedoms and their protection were a province under an exclusive jurisdiction of states. Citizens enjoyed only those rights and freedoms bestowed on them by a ruler through the internal legal order and state laws. But such a system was faulty and insufficient, for it was amply manifest that some states in that way legitimised the racial, national, religious and ideological discrimination. Rights of national minorities are today a regular part of the catalogue of fundamental human rights and freedoms enshrined in the most important international charters and acts. Considering a large number of international laws dealing with the rights of national minorities, that issue is no longer within an exclusive competence of states. It has in fact become the subject of international-legal and political obligations of state and the one of universal and regional organisations. Basic preconditions for the exercise of fundamental human rights and freedoms and accordingly of national minorities rights are the existence of the legal state-the rule of love and ethnic tolerance. Without those preconditions one could hardly talk about the genuine existence, exercise and protection of human rights. The gist of protection of national minorities is the principle of banned discrimination on any grounds, the principle of equality of all before the law and existence of special measures ensuring the preservation of national, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of ethnic minorities. On the other hand the following issue is raised: how to ensure every citizen's right to preservation of his/her identity, culture, language and religion without reducing the stability of a community as a whole, and its sovereignty and territorial integrity, how to find a magical formula, a universal model applicable to all states. But the history has shown that such a magical formula did not exist. Each state facing the issue of relations between the majority and minority people had to build a specific model of their cohabitation, the one conditioned by historical legacy and current international circumstances. National legislation plays an important role in guaranteeing cultural, religious, ethnic, linguistic, national and other rights to national minorities through determination of those rights and providing guarantees for their exercise and protection. Regardless of a breadth and richness of a spectrum of national minorities' rights in a state, its existence does not imply its genuine implementation. What follows is an analysis of legal provisions (federal and republican) in place, in the light of guaranteeing the rights of national minorities, existence or absence of discriminating norms, internal harmonisation of those rights, and their harmonisation with constitutions and relevant international acts.

ANALIZA PRAVNE REGULATIVE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

A large number of countries are becoming increasingly concerned over the issue of the national minorities rights and so is the international community. However, before the WWII human rights and freedoms and their protection were a province under an exclusive jurisdiction of states. Citizens enjoyed only those rights and freedoms bestowed on them by a ruler through the internal legal order and state laws. But such a system was faulty and insufficient, for it was amply manifest that some states in that way legitimised the racial, national, religious and ideological discrimination. Rights of national minorities are today a regular part of the catalogue of fundamental human rights and freedoms enshrined in the most important international charters and acts. Considering a large number of international laws dealing with the rights of national minorities, that issue is no longer within an exclusive competence of states. It has in fact become the subject of international-legal and political obligations of state and the one of universal and regional organisations. Basic preconditions for the exercise of fundamental human rights and freedoms and accordingly of national minorities rights are the existence of the legal state-the rule of love and ethnic tolerance. Without those preconditions one could hardly talk about the genuine existence, exercise and protection of human rights. The gist of protection of national minorities is the principle of banned discrimination on any grounds, the principle of equality of all before the law and existence of special measures ensuring the preservation of national, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of ethnic minorities. On the other hand the following issue is raised: how to ensure every citizen's right to preservation of his/her identity, culture, language and religion without reducing the stability of a community as a whole, and its sovereignty and territorial integrity, how to find a magical formula, a universal model applicable to all states. But the history has shown that such a magical formula did not exist. Each state facing the issue of relations between the majority and minority people had to build a specific model of their cohabitation, the one conditioned by historical legacy and current international circumstances. National legislation plays an important role in guaranteeing cultural, religious, ethnic, linguistic, national and other rights to national minorities through determination of those rights and providing guarantees for their exercise and protection. Regardless of a breadth and richness of a spectrum of national minorities' rights in a state, its existence does not imply its genuine implementation. What follows is an analysis of legal provisions (federal and republican) in place, in the light of guaranteeing the rights of national minorities, existence or absence of discriminating norms, internal harmonisation of those rights, and their harmonisation with constitutions and relevant international acts.