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"MALE" MANJINE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Prerastanje nacionalizma u vladajuću ideologiju neizbežno je zaoštrilo problem manjina. Na etnički izmešanim teritorijama primena načela "jedna nacija jedna država" nije bila moguća bez nasilja nad pripadnicima manjina. Doduše, nasilje nije bilo jednako upereno prema svim manjinama – neke manjine su stavljane u "izlog" i služile su, pre svega, u legitimacijske svrhe režima, dok je protiv drugih mobilisana javnost, a primeri nasilja nad njima tolerisani. Smenom Miloševićevog režima nestalo je straha da će manjine biti ponovo podvrgnute represiji. Budući da su i same u velikoj meri doprinele krahu starog režima, manjine su od nove vlasti očekivale da, u skladu sa deklarisanim ciljevima – integracije zemlje u međunarodnu zajednicu i izgradnje društva gde manjine neće biti tretirane kao javni neprijatelji – stvori novi institucionalni poredak u kome bi na lakši i efikasniji način ostvarivale svoja prava i unapređivale svoje interese. Zakon o zaštiti prava i sloboda nacionalnih manjina, usvojen od strane Savezne skupštine krajem februara 2002. godine, tim zahtevima izlazi ususret, pre svega tako što inovira institucionalni poredak. Najvažnija institucija, Nacionalni saveti, pobudili su veliko interesovanje manjina, jer se preko njih ostvaruje manjinska samouprava u oblastima važnim za očuvanje nacionalnog identiteta manjina – obrazovanju, kulturi, informisanju i službenoj upotrebi jezika. Osim ove, Zakon predviđa stvaranje još dve institucije – Saveznog saveta za nacionalne manjine i Saveznog fonda za nacionalne manjine. Cilj osnivanja prve institucije je očuvanje, unapređenje i zaštira posebnosti manjina i njihovih prava, a druge podsticanje kulturnog, društvenog i opšteg razvoja nacionalnih manjina. Spomenuti zakon je, kao što je poznato, naišao na pohvalne ocene predstavnika međunarodne zajednice, kao i predstavnika manjina koji su učestvovali u njegovoj izradi. No, na račun ovoga zakona izrečene su i vrlo oštre kritike. Interesantno je da u kritikama i razgovorima o spomenutom zakonu nije posebno tematiziran položaj "malih" manjina. Po mišljenju Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji, Zakon o manjinama više odgovara Bošnjacima i Mađarima, nego Česima ili Nemcima, dakle uticajnijim i velikim, nego malobrojnim manjinama, iako bi bilo posve logično da on više izlazi ususret manjinama koje su, upravo zbog malobrojnosti i oskudnih kapaciteta, daleko više podložne asimilaciji od manjina koje imaju snažnu elitu, izgrađenu infrastrukturu, organizacije, medije i političke partije. Uveren da od brojnosti neke manjine ne zavise i njena prava, Helsinški odbor je pažnju posvetio upravo "malim" manjinama, podrazumevajući pri tome Jevreje, Čehe, Ukrajince, Nemce, Aškalije i Makedonce. U Vojvodini, kao izrazito etnički i kulturno heterogenoj sredini, postoje i manjine koje su malobrojnije od spomenutih. Prema rezultatima prošlogodišnjeg popisa, u Vojvodini je, na primer, registrovan 101 pripadnik vlaške zajednice. No, za razliku od Vlaha ili, pak, Bošnjaka (na popisu je 417 građana deklarisalo svoju pripadnost bošnjačkoj zajednici), pripadnici manjina kojima se bavilo ovo istraživanje čine napore da očuvaju svoj identitet. Osim toga, većina pripadnika ovih manjina živi skoncentrisana upravo u Vojvodini, što se za Vlahe ili Bošnjake ne može reći, jer prvi u najvećem broju žive u istočnoj Srbiji, a drugi u Sandžaku. Izuzetak su Makedonci. Više pripadnika ove manjine živi u centralnoj Srbiji, nego u Vojvodini. Makedonci su interesantni zbog još jednog razloga. Oni su (11.785) najbrojnija od svih gore pomenutih manjina. Zapravo, makedonska zajednica u Vojvodini broji više pripadnika nego sve spomenute manjine zajedno (10.498). Njih smo uvrstili zato što je proces asmilacije pripadnika ove zajednice najdalje odmakao. Recimo, kada je reč o ostvarivanju nekih kolektivnih prava, kao što je pravo na informisanje, Makedonci se nalaze u najnezavidnijoj situaciji, jer nemaju čak ni interna glasila kakvi su, na primer, bilteni. Tek u poslednjih nekoliko godina oni čine stanovite napore da očuvaju svoju nacionalnu posebnost. Jedan od ciljeva ovog projekta je bio upravo to da skrene pažnju javnosti na položaj i probleme sa kojima su suočene "male" manjine, da o nekima od tih problema organizuje javnu debatu i, napokon, naznači određena rešenja. U tom pogledu razgovori sa pripadnicima "malih" manjina pokazali su se kao veoma dragoceni u identifikovanju problema, a rasprave na Helsinškom forumu kao značajne i korisne u sugerisanju određenih preporuka i rešenja. Projekat "Male manjine" elaboriran je u vidu Monitoring missions, Helsinškog foruma i tribina.

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"MJESTO SJEĆANJA" ILI IZBORNA KAMPANJA? ANALIZA SADRŽAJA HRVATSKIH MEDIJA PRIJE PARLAMENTARNIH IZBORA 2015.

Author(s): Marko Mustapić,Ivan Balabanić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 3/2018

After a brief theoretical consideration of the cultural memory and political communication in electoral campaigns, this paper analyses statements of politicians during the 2015 Croatian parliamentary campaign. The main goal of the paper is to establish the manner in which events and happenings from modern Croatian history and the various ‘collective memories' surrounding them were present in the media excerpts analysed. Research of excerpts from the leading Croatian media outlets (daily newspapers, TV stations, web portals) was performed through content analysis. The results show that excerpts including political communication about modern historical themes were present to a significant extent, and that discussions of these topics were most often provoked by the largest political parties, Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). On the level of general conclusion, it can be claimed that the electoral campaign largely became a "site of memory" where further political conflicts surrounding historical issues were generated, while discussions of solutions to numerous social problems were neglected.

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"RUSKA IDEJA" KAO ELEMENT POLITIČKE KULTURE RUSIJE

Author(s): Milan Subotić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1996

Starting from the widespread opinion that the reason and explanation for the failure of a rapid democratic transformation of post-communist Russia should be sought in the characteristics of the Russian political culture, the author interprets current discussions on the concept of the "Russian political culture" as a renewal and extension of the traditional philosophical-political debate about the meaning of the "Russian idea". In the first part of the paper Almond’s classical definition of "political culture" is presented. The fruitfulness of applying this concept in understanding communism is subsequently analyzed, stressing the importance of thematicizing Russian tradition in explaining the emergence and functioning of Bolshevism.

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"ЛЕГАЛИЗОВАНИ" ОБЛИЦИ КОРУПЦИЈЕ У СРБИЈИ – АНОМИЧНА СТАЊА ДРУШТВЕНЕ ЕНТРОПИЈЕ

Author(s): Vladan P. Stanković,Ilija Zindović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2012

The subject of this research will be phenomena of "legalized" form of corruption. The name we gave to all those forms of social behavior that anomical escape incrimination, are not defined precisely by laws, a cause of increasing social anomie, and ultimately lead to destruction, entropy and disintegration of society. The study will include a spatial framework of the Republic of Serbia, during the time interval since 2000. onwards, with a look in the 90's of the last century, and follows a period of transition from socialism, and post-socialism, to this wild and unrestrained form of capitalism. Methods that are used in the study were: a sociological method (observation, comparative method), Legal (dogmatic-normative, method of the target interpretation) and the logical method of generalization and concretization.

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"Лошите кредити": институционални и финансови аспекти, 1994

Author(s): Christina Vutcheva / Language(s): Bulgarian

Since the beginning of 1991 Bulgaria has been living through a period of transition from centralized totalitarian control to free market economy. Year 1990 can be said to mark the political liberation of the people with the adoption of the new Constitution. The economic liberalization, however, is a reality yet to be brought to life since private ownership is not prevalent in the economy. The prime aim of the transition is to substitute an absurd and inefficient economic system for a new one to rely on the free initiative, private ownership and competition.

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"Простите, я никак не могу понять": способы реагирования на непонимание во взаимодействии человека и робота

Author(s): Andrei Korbut / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2018

The article discusses how the non-understanding that arises during human-robot interaction is managed. The focus is on the ways humans respond to the open expression of non-understanding by robots, as well as of non-understanding that the robot itself does not “realize.” The methodological framework of the research is an ethnomethodological conversation analysis that presupposes the identification of the ways of producing local social order in the sequences of actions. By analyzing the conversations between callers and robot (it is actually a chatbot, but official term for it is “robot”) in a Russian telephone information service, I show that, instead of non-understanding being a negative phenomenon consisting in lack of understanding, non-understanding is a situational and coordinated achievement of the participants in the interaction. The article identifies two types of conditions of non-understanding between human and robot: institutional (related to the specific organizational context in which the interaction takes place and which is produced in it) and interactional (related to the organization of interaction). Based on a detailed analysis of transcripts of human-robot telephone conversations, five ways of responding to non-understandings are distinguished: changes in the acoustic characteristics of utterances (raising the voice level, slowing down, expanding pauses, etc.); expanding the initial statement (for example, by introducing explanatory words); reducing utterances to “key” words; ignoring non-understanding; and adding explanations. At the same time, people not only react to the non-understanding by the robot after its occurrence but also actively anticipate it, building their turns in a way understandable to the robot.

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"СРБИЈА И СВЕТ" - "СРБИЈА У СВЕТУ". ПРЕТПОСТАВКЕ ЗА РАЗГОВОР

Author(s): Anđelka Milić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3-4/2000

The paper has a character of discussion about the thematic definition of the meeting and its conceptual development. Refering to this the author emphasiye three questions: from which epistemological perspective we are approaching to the world and its definition; sociological questioning of different social interest from which we are observing the world around us and defining it and the third, practical-political question of locating ourselves in the world between the West and East.

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(Ne)uspjeh učenika Roma i Hrvata u mješovitim razrednim odjelima

Author(s): Goran Lapat,Jelena Gornik / Language(s): English,Croatian Issue: 11/2017

Marking is a very complex process and a tool for assessing a student’s knowledge. In order for the marks to be genuine indicators of student knowledge, teachers ought to take into consideration all the factors exercising an impact on students during the teaching process. Marks are objective and real when reached on the basis of knowledge evaluation and checking by using various methods. The data have shown that the number of Romany students enrolled in primary schools has increased. Nevertheless, the trend of their leaving primary school at the age of 15 is still significant. Deprived life environment, lack of elementary learning conditions, lack of support from parents and the wider community, low level of acknowledgement of education, and lack of knowledge of the teaching language are the reasons for the achievement of Romany students in primary education not equalling the results achieved by other students. The authors have researched whether Romany students and Croatian students achieve the same results on a sample of eighth-grade students in seven primary schools in the County of Međimurje. The research has shown that Romany students achieve considerably worse results than Croatian students in a mixed class. The reason lies not in the quality of teaching or the teachers, but rather in the environment these students originate from; it is therefore necessary to elevate the level of education of their parents, as well as their awareness of the importance of education as a prerequisite for achieving a higher level of life quality.

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(Re)konstruowanie własnej (nie)pełnosprawności – przemiany w sposobie percypowania siebie osoby z dysfunkcjami ciała uprawiającej sport

Author(s): Jakub Niedbalski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2018

The article is intended to analyze reconstruction of an image related to two categories of disabled persons: those physically active and passive. On the one hand, I focus on the way, which the disable individuals perceive their own situation in, considering their status as persons who practice or do not practice sport. On the other, I attempt to determine how the said individuals reconstruct their image subject to assessment by others, depending on whether they are physically active or passive. For that purpose, I make references to the disabled individuals’ opinions on their own (subjective self), and their evaluation of how they are seen by the fully capable persons (reflected self). In other words, it is confrontation of an image of physically active and passive persons with opinions and feelings experienced directly by the respondents, with their image arising from other people’s opinions.

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(НЕ)НАУЧНА КРИТИКА ЈЕДНОГ НЕСОЦИОЛОГА

Author(s): Slobodan Vukičević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2009

Своју „научну“ критику насловљену „Поводом једног амбициозног али неуспелог покушаја унапређивања методологије друштвених наука“, мог чланка „Социолошко установљење ‚нормативне чињенице’“ (Социологија 2002, 4), а коју објављује Социолошки преглед 2009. у бр.1, на дупло већем броју страница него што је критиковани рад, Д. Јаковљевић започиње критиком Војина Милића и Михаила Марковића због недовољног залагања „на плану стварања стручног подмлатка, тј. благовремене смене генерација“.

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(ПОСТ)МОДЕРНИЗАЦИЈА НА МАКЕДОНСКИОТ ТАНЦОВ КОНТЕКСТ

Author(s): Sonja Zdravkova-Džeparoska / Language(s): Macedonian Issue: 2/2014

At the beginning of the 21st century, what does “postmodern art” mean? Where can it be positioned in Macedonian cultural space? In what condition is dance in Macedonia as an art form? What are the new trends? Through these questions, this essay will explore certain procedures which are integrated into artistic products. The mixing of various stylistic forms or layers of culture is no longer a novelty, but rather one of the postulates of postmodern art. Dance, with its certain strictly defined rules, appears to be a hermetically sealed system that does not change (which is true to some extent in terms of classical productions), but it inevitably, especially with new choreography, is unable to avoid influence from general developments in the arts and society. One of the notable changes in dance is a blend of elements from popular culture with artistic dance. This essay will attempt to define some processes that gain relevance through new dance settings. Specific trends will be elaborated upon not only through an analysis of specific examples, but also through seeking to provide a theoretical answer to this new type of artistic creation.

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0 MOGUĆNOSTIMA MERENJA DRUŠTVENOG RAZVOJA

Author(s): Novak Janković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/1981

The author considers the conception of the indicators of social welfare and the procedure of getting to the linear scale for measuring it. The author concludes that practical and principal advantages of this method cannot be achived without same sacrifice- These sacrifice are reffered on the objectivity and universality of the analyse. Important decisions for the analyse, that are concerning the choice, evaluations and aggregations of diffemet partial indicators, depend mostly on the ubjective estimation of the investigator.

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100th Anniversary of the Republic: Strategies and Language Tools for Constructing Austrian National Identity in Socio- Political and Mass-Media Discourse

Author(s): Elena SHIRLINA / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2018

This paper is devoted to the comparison of two medially different “texts“– panel discussion and the premium newspaper “Der Standard” – united by a common topic: the 100th anniversary of the Austrian Republic, in terms of strategies and specific language tools used to construct a national identity. The author assumes that the set of strategies, in general, will coincide, since both texts are inscribed in the context of a broad public discussion about the fate of the country in the conditions of a postnational society. However, there may be differences in their implementation with the help of specific linguistic means, due to the medial and conceptual differences, different contexts in which communication takes place, etc.

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11 Eylül ve Sonrası Terörizm, Petrol ve Nükleer Tehdit Ekseninde Ortadoğu

Author(s): Ramazan İzol,Samet Zengınoğlu / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2014

Following the attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on September 11th 2001, three points draw attention. Firstly, these attacks revealed the obligation of evaluating the phenomenon of terrorism with a distinctive method and content when compared with the Cold War period. Secondly, the debates that the essential goal for US was the intervening with Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003 respectively was to control the resources and routes for oil, and these attacks were used as the means of legitimacy are often brought to the agenda. And lastly, during and after the intervention, the issue of nuclear threat came under fire in the Middle East, especially on the Israel–Iran line. Within this general framework, the main goal of this study is to introduce the different perspectives, views, and debates on the Middle East on the axis of three factors about 9/11 and its aftermath.

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15 TEMMUZ OLAYI ÇERÇEVESİNDE KOLEKTİF EYLEM ALGISI

Author(s): Elif SÜMER,Rukiye KAYA / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 12/2017

The purpose of this study is to compare the collective protest perception of people who took the streets protest after 15th July 2016 and the ones who did not and therefore to reveal the meaning built by participation to the protests. Data for this study is gathered from interviews with 11 participants (6 of whom protested and 5 of whom did not after the coup attempt). In this study, interview technique was used as a data collection method and content analysis technique was used for data analysis. During analyses, perceptions of collective action between the participating and non-participating groups in the actions after 15 July were processed within the different frameworks in theoretical approaches which are concept of political trust, social identity and resource mobilization theories. Variations between groups was revealed regarding feelings and thoughts about collective action and the relationship between participating collective action and perceptions of collective action. These variations seemed to influence the emergence of different patterns of motivations for participation.

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1834/1250 TARİHLİ NÜFUS DEFTERLERİNE GÖRE KÜTAHYA SANCAĞINDA REAYA NÜFUS

Author(s): Lokman Aydin / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 19/2019

In 1826, upon the abolition of the Janissaries, the census was carried out in order to meet the military needs of the state and to determine its financial status and started to be recorded in the population books of Muslim and non-Muslim men. The first general population census was completed in 1831 in the Ottoman territory in this sense, and later the records were updated in the form of population surveys. When the population books kept together with the counts started to be sent to the center, organizational structures related to the subject started to be formed in Istanbul and in the provinces. Kütahya was the center of the Anatolian Beylerbeylik since the second half of the 15th century and the center of Hüdavendigar province since 1841. In the Prime Ministry's Ottoman Archives, Hüdavendigar State, Kütahya Sanjak, Kütahya Kazası Reaya Population Book and the book registered with NFS.d./1622 are the most important sources for the determination of non-Muslim population living in various parts of Kütahya accident in 1834. Based on this book, an examination and evaluation of the non-Muslim population living in Kütahya was carried out in this study.

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1835 NÜFUS SAYIMINA GÖRE ARDANUÇ SANCAĞININ DEMOGRAFİK YAPISI

Author(s): Ali İrfan KAYA,Faruk TAŞKIN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 42/2019

Since its foundation, Ottoman State classified and recorded in the Tahrir Defterleri (Tax Registers) the territories it conquered according to their revenues. Based on these records, researchers endeavour to have estimated demographic data on the Ottoman State. Similar practices continued as part of other practices in the later periods of the Empire such as Avârız Defterleri, Temettü’ât Defterleri, etc. In the Ottoman State, the first census in modern sense was conducted in Anatolia and Rumelia provinces during the reign of Mahmut II in 1831 (H. 1251). This census included only male population. It appears that the census starting in 1831 continued for 3-5 years. At the time, the census in Ardanuc sanjak of Cıldır province was carried out in 1251 in the Islamic calendar (A.D. 1835). This census recorded Muslim and non-Muslim populations in central Ardanuc and its villages. Ardanuc register of 1835 including Muslim, non-Muslim and Copt registers provides information about the male population in a total of 48 settlements with Ardanuç Kal’ası as the centre in Ardanuc sanjak. Some of the villages mentioned in the study may not be within the borders of Ardanuc municipality today.

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19. YÜZYIL OSMANLI DIŞ POLİTİKASI ÜZERİNDE İNGİLİZ TESİRİ

Author(s): Zekeriya Işık / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2011

In 19th century, the Ottoman Empire was under a heavy Western influence in all respect which also includes the foreign policy. In this century, the political, militaristic and economic campaigns of the major European Powers, in particular, were influential on the Ottomans to adopt the European organizational and ceremonial patterns, and thus the Ottomans were influenced by the Europeans, primarily by the Great Britain. In this study, it is aimed to explain the foundations of the Classical Ottoman foreign policies, the changes in the traditional Ottoman foreign policies in relation to the developing and expanding New World and finally the policies of the Empire which had to move toward international expansion to survive in the If century. On the other hand, we emphasize the effects on Empire's domestic and foreign policies particularly when Germany built its union, the current political and economical balance started to change in late century. In this most difficult period of state If century British political colonialism activities firstly commenced with India but then involved the Balkans, the Caucasus and Middle East and this long-running British policy kept on affecting on Ottoman State and its foreign policy.

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1930’LU YILLARDA AZERBAYCAN BAĞIMSIZLIK MÜCADELESİNDE BİR KESİT: KAFKASYA KONFEDERASYON ŞURASI

Author(s): Ali Haydar Soysüren / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 41/2019

When following the Bolshevik movement in 1920 Azerbaijan lost its independence, which was achieved after the October Revolution of 1917, she restarted its struggle for independence. Leaders of Azerbaijani nationalism in pursuit of independence continued to work towards their targets in different countries through different ways and methods. In this struggle, Azerbaijani nationalists occasionally came together with representatives of other nations that share similar fate, and the struggle against Soviet government created a natural ground for moving different elements of various nations together. The Shura of the Caucasus Confederation is an experience of this context in the 1930s. The experience of the Shura of the Caucasus Confederation, against the common enemy on the axis of the Caucasian common identity, of the "National Liberation Movement of Azerbaijan" under the leadership of Mehmet Emin Rasulzade together with Northern Caucasus Turkish nationalists and the Georgian Mensheviks is a remarkable example in terms of understanding the process of Azerbaijan's independence struggle in the 1930s.

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1988 年セルビアにおける大衆運動とナショナリズム ―― ヴォイヴォディナの諸集会についての一考察 ――

Author(s): Kenta Suzuki / Language(s): Japanese Issue: 65/2018

The year of 1988 is often regarded as a period of mass political actions in the politics of Socialist Serbia and Yugoslavia. From summer to autumn of that year, a series of meetings and demonstrations erupted and spread from one place to another with mutual connections. These events first took place in Vojvodina, followed by Serbia including Kosovo and Montenegro. As a whole, they are frequently called the “anti- bureaucratic revolution,” and it is generally said that they created large popular support for the Serbian party leadership headed by Slobodan Milošević and led the escalation of nationalism in the political stages and discourse in Serbia in particular and in Yugoslavia in general. This article explores the relationship of such mass movements with nationalism, particularly focusing on the development of meetings in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina in Serbia from July to October 1988. It attempts to gauge the extent to which nationalism, or national/nationalist values and factors, shaped various aspects of these mass movements in Vojvodina, taking two steps for this purpose: the first is to grasp national(ist) factors in the overall structure of meetings, and the second is to analyze the ways in which nationalism was being articulated, understood, and discussed in the process of meetings, addressing their individual scenes and issues.

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