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"MALE" MANJINE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Prerastanje nacionalizma u vladajuću ideologiju neizbežno je zaoštrilo problem manjina. Na etnički izmešanim teritorijama primena načela "jedna nacija jedna država" nije bila moguća bez nasilja nad pripadnicima manjina. Doduše, nasilje nije bilo jednako upereno prema svim manjinama – neke manjine su stavljane u "izlog" i služile su, pre svega, u legitimacijske svrhe režima, dok je protiv drugih mobilisana javnost, a primeri nasilja nad njima tolerisani. Smenom Miloševićevog režima nestalo je straha da će manjine biti ponovo podvrgnute represiji. Budući da su i same u velikoj meri doprinele krahu starog režima, manjine su od nove vlasti očekivale da, u skladu sa deklarisanim ciljevima – integracije zemlje u međunarodnu zajednicu i izgradnje društva gde manjine neće biti tretirane kao javni neprijatelji – stvori novi institucionalni poredak u kome bi na lakši i efikasniji način ostvarivale svoja prava i unapređivale svoje interese. Zakon o zaštiti prava i sloboda nacionalnih manjina, usvojen od strane Savezne skupštine krajem februara 2002. godine, tim zahtevima izlazi ususret, pre svega tako što inovira institucionalni poredak. Najvažnija institucija, Nacionalni saveti, pobudili su veliko interesovanje manjina, jer se preko njih ostvaruje manjinska samouprava u oblastima važnim za očuvanje nacionalnog identiteta manjina – obrazovanju, kulturi, informisanju i službenoj upotrebi jezika. Osim ove, Zakon predviđa stvaranje još dve institucije – Saveznog saveta za nacionalne manjine i Saveznog fonda za nacionalne manjine. Cilj osnivanja prve institucije je očuvanje, unapređenje i zaštira posebnosti manjina i njihovih prava, a druge podsticanje kulturnog, društvenog i opšteg razvoja nacionalnih manjina. Spomenuti zakon je, kao što je poznato, naišao na pohvalne ocene predstavnika međunarodne zajednice, kao i predstavnika manjina koji su učestvovali u njegovoj izradi. No, na račun ovoga zakona izrečene su i vrlo oštre kritike. Interesantno je da u kritikama i razgovorima o spomenutom zakonu nije posebno tematiziran položaj "malih" manjina. Po mišljenju Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji, Zakon o manjinama više odgovara Bošnjacima i Mađarima, nego Česima ili Nemcima, dakle uticajnijim i velikim, nego malobrojnim manjinama, iako bi bilo posve logično da on više izlazi ususret manjinama koje su, upravo zbog malobrojnosti i oskudnih kapaciteta, daleko više podložne asimilaciji od manjina koje imaju snažnu elitu, izgrađenu infrastrukturu, organizacije, medije i političke partije. Uveren da od brojnosti neke manjine ne zavise i njena prava, Helsinški odbor je pažnju posvetio upravo "malim" manjinama, podrazumevajući pri tome Jevreje, Čehe, Ukrajince, Nemce, Aškalije i Makedonce. U Vojvodini, kao izrazito etnički i kulturno heterogenoj sredini, postoje i manjine koje su malobrojnije od spomenutih. Prema rezultatima prošlogodišnjeg popisa, u Vojvodini je, na primer, registrovan 101 pripadnik vlaške zajednice. No, za razliku od Vlaha ili, pak, Bošnjaka (na popisu je 417 građana deklarisalo svoju pripadnost bošnjačkoj zajednici), pripadnici manjina kojima se bavilo ovo istraživanje čine napore da očuvaju svoj identitet. Osim toga, većina pripadnika ovih manjina živi skoncentrisana upravo u Vojvodini, što se za Vlahe ili Bošnjake ne može reći, jer prvi u najvećem broju žive u istočnoj Srbiji, a drugi u Sandžaku. Izuzetak su Makedonci. Više pripadnika ove manjine živi u centralnoj Srbiji, nego u Vojvodini. Makedonci su interesantni zbog još jednog razloga. Oni su (11.785) najbrojnija od svih gore pomenutih manjina. Zapravo, makedonska zajednica u Vojvodini broji više pripadnika nego sve spomenute manjine zajedno (10.498). Njih smo uvrstili zato što je proces asmilacije pripadnika ove zajednice najdalje odmakao. Recimo, kada je reč o ostvarivanju nekih kolektivnih prava, kao što je pravo na informisanje, Makedonci se nalaze u najnezavidnijoj situaciji, jer nemaju čak ni interna glasila kakvi su, na primer, bilteni. Tek u poslednjih nekoliko godina oni čine stanovite napore da očuvaju svoju nacionalnu posebnost. Jedan od ciljeva ovog projekta je bio upravo to da skrene pažnju javnosti na položaj i probleme sa kojima su suočene "male" manjine, da o nekima od tih problema organizuje javnu debatu i, napokon, naznači određena rešenja. U tom pogledu razgovori sa pripadnicima "malih" manjina pokazali su se kao veoma dragoceni u identifikovanju problema, a rasprave na Helsinškom forumu kao značajne i korisne u sugerisanju određenih preporuka i rešenja. Projekat "Male manjine" elaboriran je u vidu Monitoring missions, Helsinškog foruma i tribina.

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"MJESTO SJEĆANJA" ILI IZBORNA KAMPANJA? ANALIZA SADRŽAJA HRVATSKIH MEDIJA PRIJE PARLAMENTARNIH IZBORA 2015.

Author(s): Marko Mustapić,Ivan Balabanić / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 3/2018

After a brief theoretical consideration of the cultural memory and political communication in electoral campaigns, this paper analyses statements of politicians during the 2015 Croatian parliamentary campaign. The main goal of the paper is to establish the manner in which events and happenings from modern Croatian history and the various ‘collective memories' surrounding them were present in the media excerpts analysed. Research of excerpts from the leading Croatian media outlets (daily newspapers, TV stations, web portals) was performed through content analysis. The results show that excerpts including political communication about modern historical themes were present to a significant extent, and that discussions of these topics were most often provoked by the largest political parties, Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). On the level of general conclusion, it can be claimed that the electoral campaign largely became a "site of memory" where further political conflicts surrounding historical issues were generated, while discussions of solutions to numerous social problems were neglected.

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"RUSKA IDEJA" KAO ELEMENT POLITIČKE KULTURE RUSIJE

Author(s): Milan Subotić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/1996

Starting from the widespread opinion that the reason and explanation for the failure of a rapid democratic transformation of post-communist Russia should be sought in the characteristics of the Russian political culture, the author interprets current discussions on the concept of the "Russian political culture" as a renewal and extension of the traditional philosophical-political debate about the meaning of the "Russian idea". In the first part of the paper Almond’s classical definition of "political culture" is presented. The fruitfulness of applying this concept in understanding communism is subsequently analyzed, stressing the importance of thematicizing Russian tradition in explaining the emergence and functioning of Bolshevism.

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"ЛЕГАЛИЗОВАНИ" ОБЛИЦИ КОРУПЦИЈЕ У СРБИЈИ – АНОМИЧНА СТАЊА ДРУШТВЕНЕ ЕНТРОПИЈЕ

Author(s): Vladan Stanković,Ilija Zindović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2012

The subject of this research will be phenomena of "legalized" form of corruption. The name we gave to all those forms of social behavior that anomical escape incrimination, are not defined precisely by laws, a cause of increasing social anomie, and ultimately lead to destruction, entropy and disintegration of society. The study will include a spatial framework of the Republic of Serbia, during the time interval since 2000. onwards, with a look in the 90's of the last century, and follows a period of transition from socialism, and post-socialism, to this wild and unrestrained form of capitalism. Methods that are used in the study were: a sociological method (observation, comparative method), Legal (dogmatic-normative, method of the target interpretation) and the logical method of generalization and concretization.

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"Лошите кредити": институционални и финансови аспекти, 1994

Author(s): Christina Vutcheva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 1994

Since the beginning of 1991 Bulgaria has been living through a period of transition from centralized totalitarian control to free market economy. Year 1990 can be said to mark the political liberation of the people with the adoption of the new Constitution. The economic liberalization, however, is a reality yet to be brought to life since private ownership is not prevalent in the economy. The prime aim of the transition is to substitute an absurd and inefficient economic system for a new one to rely on the free initiative, private ownership and competition.

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"Простите, я никак не могу понять": способы реагирования на непонимание во взаимодействии человека и робота

Author(s): Andrei Korbut / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 3/2018

The article discusses how the non-understanding that arises during human-robot interaction is managed. The focus is on the ways humans respond to the open expression of non-understanding by robots, as well as of non-understanding that the robot itself does not “realize.” The methodological framework of the research is an ethnomethodological conversation analysis that presupposes the identification of the ways of producing local social order in the sequences of actions. By analyzing the conversations between callers and robot (it is actually a chatbot, but official term for it is “robot”) in a Russian telephone information service, I show that, instead of non-understanding being a negative phenomenon consisting in lack of understanding, non-understanding is a situational and coordinated achievement of the participants in the interaction. The article identifies two types of conditions of non-understanding between human and robot: institutional (related to the specific organizational context in which the interaction takes place and which is produced in it) and interactional (related to the organization of interaction). Based on a detailed analysis of transcripts of human-robot telephone conversations, five ways of responding to non-understandings are distinguished: changes in the acoustic characteristics of utterances (raising the voice level, slowing down, expanding pauses, etc.); expanding the initial statement (for example, by introducing explanatory words); reducing utterances to “key” words; ignoring non-understanding; and adding explanations. At the same time, people not only react to the non-understanding by the robot after its occurrence but also actively anticipate it, building their turns in a way understandable to the robot.

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"СРБИЈА И СВЕТ" - "СРБИЈА У СВЕТУ". ПРЕТПОСТАВКЕ ЗА РАЗГОВОР

Author(s): Anđelka Milić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3-4/2000

The paper has a character of discussion about the thematic definition of the meeting and its conceptual development. Refering to this the author emphasiye three questions: from which epistemological perspective we are approaching to the world and its definition; sociological questioning of different social interest from which we are observing the world around us and defining it and the third, practical-political question of locating ourselves in the world between the West and East.

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#09 Corruption and Trafficking: Monitoring and Prevention. Assessment Methodologies and Models of Counteracting Transborder Crime (Second revisited and amended edition)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2000

This is the second updated edition under the same title, published by the Center for the Study of Democracy of its Reports/ Analyses series to be distributed among participants in Regional Coordination Meeting of Subtable "Justice and Home Affairs" of Stability Pact Working Table III, held in Sofia on October 3rd, 2000. This latest analytical report is the outcome of the efforts of non-government organizations and state institutions, and of independent experts and journalists as well within the framework of the Coalition 2000 process. Launched in 1997, Coalition 2000 strives to support the restriction and curbing of corrupt practices in Bulgarian society, including regular monitoring of public perceptions and attitudes towards corruption. The illicit trafficking growth, as one of the most important sources of local "gray economy" throughout the 90ies, was caused by a number of international and internal factors, the most crucial of which being the weakening of the post-communist state and the spread of corruption practices among state officials. The threat on society posed by the interlacing of the interests both of crossborder crime perpetrators and the associated corrupt public officials (customs officials being the most alarming example according to public opinion), became a serious public concern. This initiated the necessity to analyze the phenomenon and to identify adequate monitoring and counteraction measures, moreover this type of crime finds further confirmation in experts' estimate that a large portion of the local gray economy is related to smuggling of goods and the proceeds of the respective unlawful activities.

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#10 Smuggling in Southeast Europe. The Yugoslav Wars and the Development of Regional Criminal Networks in the Balkans

Author(s): Marko Hajdinjak / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2002

Smuggling in Southeast Europe analyzes and reviews the connection between the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and the growth of the trans-border crime in the region, and also looks at the related issue of corruption. The paper highlights the decisive impact the Yugoslav wars had on the development of the regional criminal networks, which were often set up and maintained not only with the knowledge, but even with active participation of the highest state officials. The research also represents a contribution to the study of conflicts in the Western Balkans. The majority of existing interpretations of causes, course and consequences of the Yugoslav wars try to provide the answers through ethno-political explanations. They unjustly ignore the importance that interweaving of interests of political elites, the organized crime groups, which appeared in this period, and the "mediating class" of corrupt state officials had in this process. The paper is divided in three parts: • An analysis of the causes and course of emergence of Balkan smuggling channels in the context of Yugoslav wars and international sanctions; • A review of the recent developments in trans-border crime in Southeast Europe; • An overview of prevention efforts, undertaken both by the regional governments and the international community’ The first part analyzes the emergence of officially sanctioned "state-building" smuggling in those parts of the former Yugoslavia, which were involved in the war. The intermediary role of Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Romania is also discussed. In these four countries, smuggling networks were not developed under open patronage of the governments, but the role of high-positioned politicians was nevertheless extremely important. The second part traces the evolution of the initial semi-official smuggling channels and their transformation into "classical" criminal networks. The so-called "suitcase trade," cigarette smuggling, smuggling of narcotics, and the trafficking in human beings are discussed in more detail.

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#13 Partners in Crime: The Risk of Symbiosis between the Security Sector and Organized Crime in Southeast Europe

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2004

The penetration of the organized crime into the security sectors of the countries in transition is one of the darkest aspects of the post-communist transformations of states. During the past 15 years the growing impact and influence of organized criminal groups was felt not only in the countries in transition but also in the European Union. This process was facilitated by the increasingly free movement of people, goods and finances around Europe. The report is a necessary contribution to heightening public awareness of the considerable risks arising from criminal partnership within the security sector in Bulgaria and the Western Balkans and the need for measures to counteract and prevent it.

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#14 Weapons under Scrutiny: Implementing Arms Export Controls and Combating Small Arms Proliferation in Bulgaria

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Emil Tsenkov,Bernardo Mariani,Larry Attree / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2004

The report concludes that despite the evolution of Bulgaria’s arms export controls and its relatively clean record, compared to most of the 1990s, there is still room for improvement. The best approach to tackling all the issues raised in this report is through stricter implementation of the new export control mechanism adopted in 2002. The report is divided into five parts. Part one provides an analysis of the social and economic reasons that have contributed to the reluctance among Bulgarian politicians to strengthen arms controls. It describes the transformation of the defense industry in the post-Communist transition period, as well as its current state. Part two provides an analytical description of Bulgaria’s arms control mechanism. Part three examines the factors contributing to illegal arms exports from Bulgaria and offers some data from recent cases. Part four focuses on the potential social, economic, and political effects of stronger arms controls. The last section offers a number of recommendations for the improvement of the export-control system.

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#14bg Българският износ на оръжие: оценка на контролния механизъм върху експорта на малки оръжия и леко въоръжение

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Emil Tsenkov,Bernardo Mariani,Larry Attree / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2004

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#15 Transportation, Smuggling and Organized Crime

Author(s): Tihomir Bezlov,Philip Gounev,Emil Tzenkov,Petkan Iliev / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2004

The report analyses the participation of transportation companies in smuggling practices, more specifically: • it examines and describes a range of companies and individuals involved in organized crime groups whose main business is the trafficking of consumer goods. • it also gives and overview of the criminal and semi-legal networks involved in smuggling Chinese and Turkish goods. • it presents new data on oil and oil products smuggling. • it examines the role of duty-free shops and their involvement in illicit cigarettes imports.

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#32bg Радикализация в България: заплахи и тенденции

Author(s): Rositsa Dzhekova,Mila Mancheva,Maria Doichinova,Lyubomira Derelieva,Tihomir Bezlov,Maria Karayotova,Yavor Tomov,Dimitar Markov,Miryana Ilcheva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2016

The phenomena of radicalisation today develop and change at high speed, with their extreme forms manifested globally. The destructive dimensions of (violent) Islamist or right-wing radicalisation have become dramatically visible in Europe posing serious challenges to European societies at large. This report aims to address a knowledge gap with regard to how and to what extent internationally observed radicalisation processes are manifested in Bulgaria. Four different forms of radicalisation are investigated, including Islamist radicalisation, right-wing and left-wing radicalisation, as well as football hooliganism. The report provides policy makers and the expert community with a systematic overview of the main risks to which the Bulgarian society is exposed, as well as of the main actors and ideas, the repertoire of actions and the groups at risk associated with radicalisation. The report outlines recommendations for improvement of the policy and institutional response with regard to radicalisation by way of monitoring and prevention measures as well as multi agency collaboration and community engagement.

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(EGALITARINĖ) SOCIALIZACIJA VAIKYSTĖJE KAIP SĖKMINGOS MOTERS KARJEROS BIRŽINĖSE BENDROVĖSE PRIELAIDA

Author(s): Virginija Šidlauskienė,Rasa Pocevičienė / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 81/2018

Globally, gender equality in the boards continues on an upward trajectory with slow but positive progress – in 2016, nearly 19% of seats on the boards of the largest companies globally were held by women, up from about 14% in 2012, with 3 percent of this growth coming in just the last two years (Zehnder 2017). A leading country in this matter, Norway, has introduced its quota law in 2007 requiring boards of listed companies to have a gender balance of at least 40/60. The ten years result of this quota happens to be an increase in female board members from 6 percent in 2002 to 42 percent in 2016 (CORE 2017). The EU also tries to push for a quota for women on company boards so as to address the slow progress toward gender equality in the senior ranks of publicly listed businesses. Although 62.7% of new university graduates are women (graduating with Master’s degrees – 66.5%, and 58.9% graduating with doctorates) in 2014, they are outnumbered by men in leadership positions in the corporate sector in the Lithuania. When looking at the top executive positions, there are no women CEOs (Chief Executive Officers) in the listed companies in Lithuania. From December 2013 to September 2014, the share of women on boards (executives) in Lithuania increased by 2.8% (Šidlauskienė, Pocevičienė 2015). Thus, the current moment offers a strategic opportunity to proactively enhance gender equality and prevent any more widening of the gender and skills gaps.

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(NE)MANDAGUMO RAIŠKA NUSIKALTIMŲ DISKURSE: ĮVARDIJIMO ASPEKTAS

Author(s): Sigita Jakimovienė / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 11/2017

By focusing on the study of naming of an offender in the media in one particular case when father killed his two children in Saviečiai, this paper provides a perspective on the discourse on crime as the discourse governed by the strategies of impoliteness. The face management theory (Brown and Levinson 1978, 1987) and the insight of face attacking acts (Austin 1987) is considered here to be generally useful for the analyses of the discourse on crime which is, as a rule, about negatively evaluated persons and their actions. Having analysed 46 crime reports in the Lithuanian media published in the period of one month on January 2016, 36 different nominal references of the offender have been found. The results reveal that the level of politeness in the discourse on crime can be assessed considering the naming of an offender. In this discourse the naming of the offender is performed mainly as face attacking acts: 1) a naming word has a negative emotional evaluation or is an obvious insult or nickname which might be considered as a dysphemism (vaikžudys, smurtautojas, skriaudikas, žudikas, siaubūnas, antžmogis, monstras, budelis, išgama, degradas, navikas, alkoholikas, girtuoklis, chuliganas); 2) neutral naming words (vyras, tėvas, A. Beras, etc.) are modified by means of extended attributes that indicate the crime and the victims, the location of the crime. In fact, it often expresses a straightforward negative assessment. This type of naming of the offender with an additional indication of the time of the offense, the date of birth of the offender, the age and sex of the victims, is voluminous (up to 25 words) in this discourse. Such a naming becomes like a brief statement or a story in itself.

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(Ne)uspjeh učenika Roma i Hrvata u mješovitim razrednim odjelima

Author(s): Goran Lapat,Jelena Gornik / Language(s): English,Croatian / Issue: 11/2017

Marking is a very complex process and a tool for assessing a student’s knowledge. In order for the marks to be genuine indicators of student knowledge, teachers ought to take into consideration all the factors exercising an impact on students during the teaching process. Marks are objective and real when reached on the basis of knowledge evaluation and checking by using various methods. The data have shown that the number of Romany students enrolled in primary schools has increased. Nevertheless, the trend of their leaving primary school at the age of 15 is still significant. Deprived life environment, lack of elementary learning conditions, lack of support from parents and the wider community, low level of acknowledgement of education, and lack of knowledge of the teaching language are the reasons for the achievement of Romany students in primary education not equalling the results achieved by other students. The authors have researched whether Romany students and Croatian students achieve the same results on a sample of eighth-grade students in seven primary schools in the County of Međimurje. The research has shown that Romany students achieve considerably worse results than Croatian students in a mixed class. The reason lies not in the quality of teaching or the teachers, but rather in the environment these students originate from; it is therefore necessary to elevate the level of education of their parents, as well as their awareness of the importance of education as a prerequisite for achieving a higher level of life quality.

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(Ne)zakonitost imenovanja upravnih odbora javnih ustanova u Tuzlanskom kantonu

Author(s): Ervin Mujkić / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

The focus of this article is the appointment of board members of public institutions in the Tuzla Canton, with emphasis on certain controversial issues that arise in this process, for which could be said, quite reasonably, that they result in a violation of the law. First of them is the appointing of “temporary boards” or “temporary board members”, and the second is the issue of appointing candidates who do not meet the general criteria for appointment to the boards. The author of this analysis points out the illegal practice, indicates its negative effects, and draws attention to the attempt to establish a political and even party control over the resources of public institutions.

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(Re)konstruowanie własnej (nie)pełnosprawności – przemiany w sposobie percypowania siebie osoby z dysfunkcjami ciała uprawiającej sport

Author(s): Jakub Niedbalski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2018

The article is intended to analyze reconstruction of an image related to two categories of disabled persons: those physically active and passive. On the one hand, I focus on the way, which the disable individuals perceive their own situation in, considering their status as persons who practice or do not practice sport. On the other, I attempt to determine how the said individuals reconstruct their image subject to assessment by others, depending on whether they are physically active or passive. For that purpose, I make references to the disabled individuals’ opinions on their own (subjective self), and their evaluation of how they are seen by the fully capable persons (reflected self). In other words, it is confrontation of an image of physically active and passive persons with opinions and feelings experienced directly by the respondents, with their image arising from other people’s opinions.

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(НЕ)НАУЧНА КРИТИКА ЈЕДНОГ НЕСОЦИОЛОГА

Author(s): Slobodan Vukičević / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2009

Своју „научну“ критику насловљену „Поводом једног амбициозног али неуспелог покушаја унапређивања методологије друштвених наука“, мог чланка „Социолошко установљење ‚нормативне чињенице’“ (Социологија 2002, 4), а коју објављује Социолошки преглед 2009. у бр.1, на дупло већем броју страница него што је критиковани рад, Д. Јаковљевић започиње критиком Војина Милића и Михаила Марковића због недовољног залагања „на плану стварања стручног подмлатка, тј. благовремене смене генерација“.

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