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ULOGA FRANJEVACA U OBLIKOVANJU IDENTITETA ZAPADNOHERCEGOVAČKIH HRVATA

ULOGA FRANJEVACA U OBLIKOVANJU IDENTITETA ZAPADNOHERCEGOVAČKIH HRVATA

Author(s): Ivica Šarac / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2015

Western parts of Herzegovina represent in some aspects an atypical place in the BH collective identity whirlpool. The national identity formation processes in West Herzegovina encompass religious, regional and wider national and integrational frames. In all phases it was Franciscans who were the main bearers of these processes. In the second part of the 19th ct. among Herzegovinian Franciscans we have the very first signs of the cultural and political activities, that will in the Ottoman and later in the Austro-Hungarian context have the form of religious, cultural and political organizing on the Croatian national level. The national identity discourse will with time go deeper (through pastoral activities, better traffic connections, organized teaching activities in the villages, through the press, erecting schools etc.). It will grasp Westherzegovinian Catholic villagers already in the time of Austro-Hungarian rule. The changes brought by World War I, especially the advent of the political, party life to the world of villagers as well as more and more intensive political national animosities in the monarchic Yugoslavia, will finish the processes of national defining of all social layers in Western Herzegovina.

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“FİLİSTİN” BAHARI: YÜKSELEN UMUTLAR VE KAYBEDİLEN BARIŞ

“FİLİSTİN” BAHARI: YÜKSELEN UMUTLAR VE KAYBEDİLEN BARIŞ

Author(s): Ayşe Ömür Atmaca / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2017

Palestinian-Israeli conflict is accepted as one of the most important and complicated problems of the Middle East. No doubt, Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli conflict was not immune to the wave of Arab Spring that began with the popular demands for justice and freedom in Tunisia in the late 2010. In this framework this study will examine the reflections of the Arab Spring on Palestine, UN recognition of Palestine as an “non-member observer state” as a result of Palestinian administration’s internationalization strategy, and the impact of all these developments on Palestinian Israeli conflict.

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Wierni jako zasób kontrhegemoniczny. Spór o krzyż w kontekście teorii hegemonii

Wierni jako zasób kontrhegemoniczny. Spór o krzyż w kontekście teorii hegemonii

Author(s): Michał Wróblewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 01/2014

The first part of the text reconstructs the key elements of Birmingham school theory of culture in the context of Gramsci’s conception of hegemonic power. the second part of the text focuses on applying the above mentioned interpretative tools to the selected case study – events which took place in Krakowskie Przedmieście after the Smolensk plane crash. The main purpose is to show how “the cross conflict” can be understood as a routine hegemonic practice. I will focus on: the role of the Polish Catholic Church in constructing hegemonic power; defenders of the cross as a counter‐hegemonic resource; “the cross conflict” in the context of other “culture wars” which took place in Poland; the role of religion as a way of constructing resistance in symbolic realm.

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Политическата антропология на Николай Бердяев
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Политическата антропология на Николай Бердяев

Author(s): Stoyanka Georgieva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2016

The article analyzes the contribution of Nikolai Berdyaev to the disclose human dimension of politics. Special attention is given to the justification of the antinomy between the individual and society, as well as the analysis of the fundamental contradictions that characterize the historical existence of man. Originality of political and philosophical ideas of Berdyaev is derived from its particular attention to the human content of social phenomena to their religious and moral evaluation.

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THE MASS MEDIA AND VIOLENT CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

THE MASS MEDIA AND VIOLENT CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

Author(s): Collins G. Adeyanju / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

Mass media have been a critical weapon of warfare since the cold war, and even more recently, the powerful intrusion of the new media: transformed the landscape in terms of reach and influence. Its role can be both constructive and deconstructive. The Rwanda genocide, armed violence in Nigeria and Kenya, and Balkan wars has questioned its roles, powers and ethical responsibilities in violent conflict circumstances. In these cases the mass media played a poisonous role. Although establishing a causal relationship between mass media and framing of opinion, emotion and beliefs that steams violent conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa is neither linear nor clear. However, this paper underscores mass media’s compelling influence on how perception in fragile armed conflict environment of Africa is developed. It is not only used as an effective propaganda machine for promoting regime defense, building resistant movement, but also transforming the political actor’s parochial interest into people’s interest.

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THE UNITED NATIONS LEADERSHIP ROLE IN SOLVING THE WESTERN SAHARA CONFLICT: PROGRESS OR DELAYS FOR PEACE?

THE UNITED NATIONS LEADERSHIP ROLE IN SOLVING THE WESTERN SAHARA CONFLICT: PROGRESS OR DELAYS FOR PEACE?

Author(s): Yasmine Hasnaoui / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

This paper evaluates the United Nations’ (UN) involvement and efforts in Western Sahara, and assesses its perceived effectiveness in settling this conflict in the post-Cold War international order. The dispute in Western Sahara is the most protracted conflict in the history of the UN. Its settlement would provide a crucial platform for the progress of other unresolved conflicts under UN auspices. As a mediator and an intervening party, the UN has played a major role in the dispute, especially since the establishment of the UN Mission for Western Sahara, MINURSO. After outlining the history of the Western Sahara conflict, this paper elucidates the stages the UN has managed therein, and clarifies the reasons and motives behind the deadlock in the Sahara. The UN’s efforts are evaluated, and the negotiating perspectives of the concerned parties in the conflict and role of Algeria, which considers itself not formally part of the conflict despite its role in preserving the current impasse, analyzed.

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Transitions Online_News-Around the Bloc - 30 May
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Transitions Online_News-Around the Bloc - 30 May

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 06/04/2019

The important, interesting, or just downright quirky news from TOL’s coverage region. Today: protests in Mongolia; Orthodox squabbles in Eastern Europe; Russian nuclear threats; an uncertain future for Hungarian science; and weed-killing in the UK.

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Recenzija: Mladina med nacionalizmom in katolicizmom. Pregled razvoja in dejavnosti mladinskih organizacij, društev in gibanj v liberalno-unitarnem in katoliškem taboru v letih 1929-1941 v jugoslovanskem delu Slovenije

Recenzija: Mladina med nacionalizmom in katolicizmom. Pregled razvoja in dejavnosti mladinskih organizacij, društev in gibanj v liberalno-unitarnem in katoliškem taboru v letih 1929-1941 v jugoslovanskem delu Slovenije

Author(s): Slavko Kremenšek / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 2/1994

The review of: Anka Vidovič - Miklavčič: Mladina med nacionalizmom in katolicizmom. Pregled razvoja in dejavnosti mladinskih organizacij, društev in gibanj v liberalno-unitarnem in katoliškem taboru v letih 1929-1941 v jugoslovanskem delu Slovenije. Knjižna zbirka KRT 89, Ljubljana 1994, 265 strani.

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Debates Concerning the Postwar War-Crimes Trials
in Present-Day Romania
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Debates Concerning the Postwar War-Crimes Trials in Present-Day Romania

Author(s): Alin Constantin / Language(s): English Issue: 12/2019

This paper addresses the debates concerning Mircea Vulcănescu’s legacy in present-dayRomanian public life. An important intellectual from the interwar period who wrote on avariety of topics ranging from theology to philosophy, Vulcănescu became a member ofIon Antonescu’s Cabinet and was directly involved in the economic spoliation of theRomanian Jewry during the Holocaust. Condemned for his actions in the postwar period,Vulcănescu was sentenced to prison and died before carrying out his sentence, as a resultof improper living conditions. After 1989, Vulcănescu’s supporters have portrayed him asa martyr whose death was symbolic of the destruction of Romanian culture by communism.Notwithstanding his tragic death, the article argues that his conviction was in line with thosepronounced by the international war-crimes tribunals. Looking at the attempts to obfuscatethe true cause of the trial and Vulcănescu’s involvement in the Antonescu regime, the studyshows that they impede the coming to terms with the past. Resistance to engaging with thememory of the Holocaust in Romania is shown to come from nationalistic and conservativepublic figures, intellectuals and officials in the Romanian Orthodox Church.

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Etyka cnót w polityce

Etyka cnót w polityce

Author(s): Grzegorz Chojnacki / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 19/2019

Na drodze dialogu ekumenicznego powstają różnorodne inicjatywy – na poziomie hierarchicznym, naukowym, lokalnym etc., które z jednej strony są wynikiem mozolnego dyskursu, modlitwy, spotkań, z drugiej zaś świadczą o chęci uczestnictwa w toczącej się debacie publicznej i przemianach społeczno-kulturowych. Ze względu na fakt, że ten głos jest zabieramy regularnie i przez wielu partnerów dialogu, tym bardziej można zauważyć jego rezonans w przestrzeni międzynarodowej, krajowej czy lokalnej. Przykładem tego ekumenicznego zrozumienia jest wspólny dokument Konferencji Episkopatu Niemiec i Rady Ewangelickiego Kościoła w Niemczech pod znamiennym tytułem: Demokratie braucht Tugenden („Demokracja potrzebuje cnót”). „Rehabilitacja” cnót w przestrzeni społeczno-politycznej wypływa z wizji antropologicznej człowieka, opartej przede wszystkim na jego istocie, a nie funkcjonalności. Metafizyczno-deontologiczne spojrzenie na człowieka i jego relacyjne odniesienia pozwala ugruntować pogląd, że cnota sprawiedliwości i solidarności wyznaczają kierunek zrównoważonego rozwoju społeczeństwa.

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Kobylin-Borzymy: mechanizmy dziedziczenia postaw politycznych w społeczności lokalnej

Kobylin-Borzymy: mechanizmy dziedziczenia postaw politycznych w społeczności lokalnej

Author(s): Antonina Baczyńska,Daniel Jakubowski,Michał Wilkowiecki,Piotr Kopyta,Witold Chyło,Mateusz Wojda,Nikodem Grzegdala,Krystian Pakuła,Łukasz Luczek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2019

The article presents some results of a field study of intergenerational mechanisms of transmission of political attitudes in a rural community of Kobylin-Borzymy located inthe Podlasie region in northeastern Poland. Using quantitative and qualitative methods researchers analyse factors underlying the extremely high and stable electoral results ofthe right-wing parties in this community. The data collected during extensive qualitative interviews have been analysed in the broad context of socio-economical preconditions characteristic for this community. The authors come to the conclusion that the influence of Roman Catholicism and regional traditions are the key factors explaining attitudes and behaviour of members of the community. Values and practices related to both elements serve as an intermediate factor in sustaining the political climate in a long term and determine the decisions of the electorate.

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A Dangerous Nexus? History, Ideology and the Structure of the Contemporary Chetnik Movement

A Dangerous Nexus? History, Ideology and the Structure of the Contemporary Chetnik Movement

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Maida Ćehajić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

During the Yugoslav era (1945–1992), the Serb ethno-nationalist Chetnik movement and its motivating ideology were unambiguously condemned in public discourse. This followed the defeat of foreign occupiers, including Italian fascists and German Nazis, who had been aided by collaborationists within Ustasha (Croat ethno-nationalist and fascist) and Chetnik ranks. Thus, in the period after World War Two, public accusations of Chetnik membership were levelled pejoratively in Yugoslavia, and it was clear: to be a Chetnik was to be a traitor. Many former members of Chetnik detachments tried to conceal or minimize their participation in the movement, but some continued fostering Chetnik ideals in the privacy of their homes, even as a shared Partisan/Yugoslav identity was publicly nourished.

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The Burden of International Obligation and Responsibility in Granting Amnesty to Boko Haram by the Nigerian State

The Burden of International Obligation and Responsibility in Granting Amnesty to Boko Haram by the Nigerian State

Author(s): Regis Chima Anyaeze / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

In 2013, the Nigerian government declared Boko Haram a terrorist organization, prompting some other states to do the same. The United Nations (UN) has also declared Boko Haram a terrorist organization and regards it as the third deadliest terrorist group in the world thereby convincing others in the international community to treat the sect as a dangerous terrorist group. The prolonged presence of Boko Haram and its brazen and ruthless attacks on innocent citizens has given rise to suggestions to negotiate with, and grant amnesty to Boko Haram as a means to end the human and material casualties arising from the activities of Boko Haram in Nigeria. The paper aims to screen the international implications of granting amnesty to Boko Haram by the Nigerian state. For these reasons, aspects of the current global war on terror are highlighted, especially the in¬ternational regimes enacted by the UN to combat international terrorism and their implications for amnesty to Boko Haram in Nigeria.

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ЖІНОЧЕ ПИТАННЯ В НАЦІОНАЛЬНО-ВИЗВОЛЬНОМУ РУСІ МУСУЛЬМАНСЬКИХ КРАЇН (НА ПРИКЛАДІ ТУНІСУ)

ЖІНОЧЕ ПИТАННЯ В НАЦІОНАЛЬНО-ВИЗВОЛЬНОМУ РУСІ МУСУЛЬМАНСЬКИХ КРАЇН (НА ПРИКЛАДІ ТУНІСУ)

Author(s): Svitlana Gladchenko / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 30/2019

The main idea of the article is the specificity of the modernization of the Tunisian society, as well as its gender aspect, is largely due to the fact that this process, thanks to the efforts of the ruling elite, began before the establishment of the colonial regime. In the context of the existing Islamic tradition, the degree of engagement of women in the social or productive spheres was conditioned by social differentiation. After establishing the French protectorate, actively using the administrative apparatus, encouraging the growth of the non-Muslim population, the French pursued a policy of cultural colonialism, which led to the design of the ideological and political realities of Tunisia in two directions. Representatives of the first direction continued the traditions of pre-colonial reformism, substantiating the idea of self-sufficiency of Islam. Representatives of the second, not denying the cultural significance of Islam, considered the prospects of modernization with the absorption of European experience. Representatives of Islamic modernism argued that, reformed and adapted to the spirit of time, Islam became the ideological basis of social development, in particular the release of women, whose primary role was to play education. The most radical of them questioned the use of hijab, as a purely Islamic tradition. Without denying the traditions of Islam, they advocated assimilation of the achievements of European culture, science and public opinion. The ideal of a new Tunisian woman appeared in the context of the synthesis of Islamic and Western cultures. He called for the emancipation of women and the reform of family-marital relations, taking into account the socio-cultural traditions of the Tunisian society.

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Secularism, Religion, and Identification beyond Binaries: The Transnational Alliances, Rapprochements, and Dissent of German Turks in Germany

Secularism, Religion, and Identification beyond Binaries: The Transnational Alliances, Rapprochements, and Dissent of German Turks in Germany

Author(s): Nil Mutluer / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This article discusses the ways in which power-based socio-political shifts in Turkey during the AKP (Justice and Development Party) era transnationally influence the relations between and within the Muslim German Turkish communities and their organizations in Germany. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, archival research and reflexive discourse analysis, this article takes DITIB (The Turkish Islamic Union of Religious Affairs) in Germany, which is the affiliate organization of Diyanet (The Presidency of Religious Organization) in Turkey, and analyses its relations with other German Turkish organizations such as Milli Görüş (The Islamic Community of National Vision) and the Gülen Movement in Germany. Such analysis reveals the dynamics of competition between secular and religious, as well as intra-religious, actors and how their members claim their religious and socio-political rights beyond binaries.

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Krótka historia niemieckiej chadecji
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Krótka historia niemieckiej chadecji

Author(s): Tomasz Kycia / Language(s): Polish Issue: 682/2020

Niemiecka CDU – niegdyś partia środka – musi dziś zabiegać o masowo odchodzących wyborców. Alternatywa dla Niemiec podbiera chadekom wyborców konserwatywnych i prawicowych. Dorosłe już dzieci typowych wyborców CDU odnajdują zaś swoją polityczną reprezentację w rosnących w siłę Zielonych.

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Russian Policy toward Islamic “Sacred Lineages” of Samarkand Province of the Turkestan Governor-Generalship in 1868–1917

Russian Policy toward Islamic “Sacred Lineages” of Samarkand Province of the Turkestan Governor-Generalship in 1868–1917

Author(s): Azim Malikov / Language(s): English Issue: 40/2020

Historians have pondered the methods and means for the inclusion of a territory with various systems of social organization into the structure of the Russian Empire. In this regard, a special interest is represented by the study of the Russian Empire’s policy in relation to the Muslim religious elites of Central Asia. In the past, Muslim religious elites played a significant role in the public life of the people of Central Asia. The leading role in economic and religious life of the region was played by the ulama, whose highest layer was represented by “holy groups” or sacred lineages as descendants of the Prophet Muhammad or the first four Caliphs. Some “sacred lineages” fulfilled important religious and social duties in pre-Soviet Central Asian society (before 1917) and were held in very high esteem by everyone. Members of these lineages performed religious services at ritual celebrations, acted as healers, and helped settle disputes. Some were also the caretakers of Sufi shrines. The sacred lineages formed part of the Central Asian aristocracy called oq suyak (white bone) in contrast to the qoracha (black, common people). To understand the place of the religious elite, it is necessary to take into account that the ulama, most of whom were from “sacred lineages,” monopolized the possession of knowledge of Muslim laws, and of the resolution of legal and religious issues.

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“Showered with Privileges by Our Government:” Russian Self-Presentation to Muslim Communities in Ottoman Syria

“Showered with Privileges by Our Government:” Russian Self-Presentation to Muslim Communities in Ottoman Syria

Author(s): Paul du Quenoy / Language(s): English Issue: 40/2020

Traditional scholarship of Russia’s involvement in the Middle East has focused on confessional politics, usually arguing that Russian policies were designed to support the region’s minority Orthodox Christian populations to build pro-Russian constituencies among them. Important as this work is, it has devoted relatively little attention to Russian interaction with the region’s other confessional communities, including, oddly, its Muslims. Following the work of Edward Said and other theorists of “Orientalism,” some work on that relationship has argued that Russians looked down upon Middle Eastern Muslims, finding them in some contexts inferior and primitive, in others similar enough to provoke unsettling challenges to the assumption by Russians of a “Western” identity, and in still others simply uninteresting. More recent studies, however, have argued that this interpretation is neither consistent with the Russian Empire’s treatment of its own large domestic Muslim population nor uniformly accurate in its interactions with Muslims beyond its borders.

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Pamięć splątana. Refleksje na temat pamięci o masowych mordach z 1965 roku w Indonezji

Pamięć splątana. Refleksje na temat pamięci o masowych mordach z 1965 roku w Indonezji

Author(s): Katarzyna Marta Głąb / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2020

The article aims to present the problems of conflicted memories about mass murders of communists and suspected communist sympathisers in Indonesia in 1965 in the context of unsettled traumatical past and social denial. The author outlines some questions of difficulties in settling the past crimes of the Suharto regime, such as the tangled practices of remembering and forgetting, nationalism and history gaps in history school books, and the inability to shame and to take a responsibility for past crimes. In Indonesia, still the grand national narration is visible, in which the army headed by General Suharto protected the state from the communist treachery. This narration persistently obscures the approximately one million deaths, torture and imprisonment of thousands of people. The tangled memory, social denial and actively generated silence which are maintained by both state and society do not let the Indonesian nation to move forward.

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Радмила Радић, Војислав Јанић (1890–1944). Свештеник и политичар. Поглед кроз аналитички прозор

Радмила Радић, Војислав Јанић (1890–1944). Свештеник и политичар. Поглед кроз аналитички прозор

Author(s): Mirko Mlakar / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2021

Review of: Mirko Mlakar - Радмила Радић, Војислав Јанић (1890–1944). Свештеник и политичар. Поглед кроз аналитички прозор (Београд: Институт за новију историју Србије, 2018), 482 str. Mirko Mlakar - Радмила Радић, Мисија британске Хришћанске заједнице младих људи у Краљевини Југославији (Београд: Институт за новију историју Србије, 2019), 375 str.

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