![[rec.] Nicholas P. Roberts, Political Islam and the Invention of Tradition, New Academia Publishing, Washington, DC 2015, ss. 245](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2017_43064.jpeg)
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Following the attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on September 11th 2001, three points draw attention. Firstly, these attacks revealed the obligation of evaluating the phenomenon of terrorism with a distinctive method and content when compared with the Cold War period. Secondly, the debates that the essential goal for US was the intervening with Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003 respectively was to control the resources and routes for oil, and these attacks were used as the means of legitimacy are often brought to the agenda. And lastly, during and after the intervention, the issue of nuclear threat came under fire in the Middle East, especially on the Israel–Iran line. Within this general framework, the main goal of this study is to introduce the different perspectives, views, and debates on the Middle East on the axis of three factors about 9/11 and its aftermath.
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Müslümanların Çağdaş Gaflet Tarihi Üzerine Notlar
Ülkesine, coğrafyasına ve değerlerine yabancılaşmış ve yoldan çıkmış bir topluluğun (FETÖ/PDY) ifsat ve kötülük hikâyesinin masaya yatırıldığı bir tartışma platformunda, Müslümanların gaflet tarihi başlığı üzerinden konuyu ele almak, bazılarımıza ‘meseleyi kaçırmak’ gibi görünebilir. Ancak olay tüm yönleriyle yakından incelendiğinde, yaşanan problemlerin tümünü adı geçen bir örgüte yüklemenin de gerçekçi bir yaklaşım olmadığı görülecektir. Bu kötülükler gözümüzün önünde yavaş yavaş kendi mekanizmasını kurarken neden sürece sessiz ve tepkisiz kaldığımız konusu da sorgulamanın bir parçasını oluştur-maktadır. Sürecin kendisine ses çıkarmayanların sonuçlarına aşırı tepki vermeleri tutarlı olmamakla birlikte, toplumsal davranış geleneğimizde sık görülen bir sorundur.
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This paper aims to characterise the relationship between modernity and sociology in the context of secularisation, urbanisation and solidarity. The emergence of sociology as a discipline has been connected with the emergence of modernity. While modernity emphasises a different society and social structure, sociology has become the most critical part of this interpretation and its attempt to understand and explain. The study aims to explain the strong relationship between the basis of modernity and sociology by examining the work of Emile Durkheim and Max Weber which are one of the first studies to understand the new society understanding of modernism. The differences of modernity caused the social actors to be in doubt about themselves, and ontological insecurity emerged in this context. Some of the ideas have developed by sociologists about social change process will be examined in this context. Durkheim and Weber focus on the study of social order, change and social relations, which is a significant concern showing two basic methodological and theoretical ideas in the sociology tradition. Weber and Durkheim's optimistic and pessimistic attitude towards social change will be questioned in the conclusion section.
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The paper defines the rhetoric of ’cultural struggle’ (Kulturkampf) on the basis of an analysis of Hungarian anti-clerical pamphlets published between 1867 and 1895. It shows that in the course of the fight for the separation of church and state, the authors of such texts also mobilized the example of the Protestant confessions, along an idealized conception of Protestantism, in their argumentation against the Roman Catholic Church. The citation of idealized Protestant features became as integral to the argumentation of anti-clerical authors of the Catholic confession as to that of the Protestants.
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On 25 September, 2017, Kurds in Iraq held a referendum on independence, and thus came to the closest so far to achieving independent statehood. However, the Baghdad-based government declared the referendum unconstitutional, and led a military intervention. The paper presents the history of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq, and dedicates special attention to the difficulties of the constitutional process after the Saddam regime’s overthrown and of the fights against the Islamic State. The paper argues that momentarily the independence of the Kurdish territories is not probable.
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Violent conflicts continue to force many migrants to seek protection outside their own country. Some of these migrants have come to Europe, leading to states relying on assistance from civil society organisations, some of which are Faith-based Organisations (FBOs), to meet the migrants’ complex needs. Whereas the important roles religious actors can play in integration processes have been increasingly addressed and acknowledged in the literature, multireligious cooperation on integration has yet to attract the same attention and recognition. Hence, in the first phase of the research project, A Multireligious Approach to Integration, a range of possible advantages of multireligious cooperation, from an organisational point of view, were identified. These included four benefits for the integration of migrants: 1) Understand and meet the religious/cultural needs of migrants; 2) Help migrants understand the roles of religion in their host community; 3) Counter the narrative that it is more important to help migrants from a particular religion and 4) Opportunity to meet the “other” and build relationships. Acknowledging that further research was needed, phase two has focused on migrants’ opinions on, and experiences of, multireligious cooperation on integration. Data was collected via a survey and semi-structured interviews with migrants that have participated in multireligious projects in Germany, Sweden and the UK. In this article, the data is used to interrogate the organisational perspectives. The article concludes that in certain contexts multireligious cooperation has some distinctive benefits for the integration of migrants and calls for the further development of a multireligious approach to integration.
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One of the greatest Romanian ‘organization’ that has the highest roots in history than any others, Romanian Orthodox Church, provided many actions for the political and economic lives, but also improved and developed different and new strategies for a better management to a high level. During the past twenty years, the decisions taken in the religious area had a huge impact over the political arena, even if it was wide open or out of see actions. The European Union and the enlargement were seen also like political and economic strategies, but in fact it was just another objective that the Church had to accomplish.
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In the interwar period, there was a certain proximity between the Romanian Orthodox Church and the Anglican Church, materialized at that time through bilateral visits at the highest level, such as that of Patriarch Miron Cristea in 1936, and discussions on theological themes that emphasized the elements of doctrine and worship similar for the two churches.However, the fracture produced by the Second World War, then the establishment of a regime of Soviet inspiration in Romania, have tempered, almost canceled these links. Moreover, in the years of consolidation of the new regime, its antioccidental phobia and gross interference in the affairs of various denominations and ecclesiastical institutions contributed further to the alienation of the two Churches.All these drawbacks had to be recovered through a mutual effort, which happened after 1960 and especially at the middle of the decade, taking full advantage of a certain conjuncture of Romania's political relations with the West and a certain course of his foreign policy intentions. As such, the mutual visits of theologians have resumed, the doctrinal discussions on remote scenarios of union have become constant, the activity of the Romanian Orthodox parish in London has intensified, and the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury in Bucharest in 1965, and of the Patriarch Justinian in London in 1966, marked an apogee of this evolution.
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This paper examines the intersection of religion and politics and its consequences on religious minorities in Indonesia. This paper is based on a case study of the current position of the Ahmadiyya minority group in the Indonesian Islamic majority. The tension arises from a specific circumstance: This large Muslim country uses democracy as a political system, but the involvement of religious politics is evident. This situation directly endangers the presence of the Ahmadi-yya group.
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This articlepresents some of the current dilemmas around religious freedom as a fundamental right in the European Union, and contributes to its appreciation as one of the main values of European cultural heritage. 2018 was a good year for this research, as it offered the 450th anniversary of the oldest European declaration to promote religious tolerance and diversity: the Edict of Torda. In the religious context of the churches, the terms religious freedom, religious tolerance, and freedom of conscience and thought are often joined together, or even mixed up sometimes; their legal meaning is, however, distinct or even incompatible. Today, the social and political relevance of these terms is nevertheless consistent and consonant, and gives a chance to consider their inquiry as timely and even necessary. In the 21st century, religious freedom is, in theory, not only acknowledged as part of the European culture, but also recognized by the European Union as a fundamental right. At the same time, the social and political impacts on Europe challenge the unconditional expressions of religious freedom. In European communities we are witnesses to new forms of violation of this right. The religious map of the continent is more diverse than ever, and the coexistence of many nations and religions is growing. Therefore, the terms and conditions of this symbiosis ask for new forms of regulation as well. As a foundation of everyday life, religious freedom needs to be included in new initiatives in education, promotion, and protection.
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This publication deals with the current legal and social situation of women in Afghanistan. The author analyzes the process of formation of the legal position of Afghan women from the moment of the country’s liberation from under the Taliban occupation in 2001. She concentrates on indicating relevant legal regulations and guarantees, as well as – primarily – analyzes the degree of respecting them. Consequently, she discusses selected forms of violence against women which is persistently present on the territory of Afghanistan. The author elaborates on specific cultural phenomena and acts against fundamental women’s rights, such as baad, baadal, the so-called “honor” killings, and punishing women for running away. These points lead to the conclusion that the enacted laws are merely an empty shell and women’s situation is far from stable.
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Despite its rank as the second-largest religion in several European countries, Islam is facing severe resistance at both state and societal level. Certain conservative political and media discourses associate Islam with violence and fanaticism. For most Muslims, however, their religion is associated with notions of justice and democracy. The conflict between these two conceptualisations of Islam has reinforced defensive attitudes on both sides. While Muslim stereotypes have increased since 9/11, so have the voices in favour of civil liberties for Muslims in Europe. As is argued here, ethnic media (i.e. Muslim media) are playing a major role on both sides of the debate. These questions are of common concern to many EU member states and associated states and European institutions. They are based on three assumptions. Firstly, new information and communication technology (ICT) has reshaped the media scene, which is now accessible to increasing numbers of people, including exchanges between European countries and third countries. Secondly, the transnational mobilisations are increasingly influenced by ICT, which makes it possible for individuals to travel – both virtually and in reality – between several countries. Thirdly, the representation of the minority or marginalised groups, particularly in the case of Muslims, has become one of the key questions of European sociopolitical debate, and at the same time can be seen as a test for European democracy. I would like to propose a historical reading of the representation of Muslims and Islam in the media. It is a question of understanding how media discourse evolved as it did and how and when Muslims are portrayed in the media. Several questions can be raised: How do media technologies influence conditions within both the Muslim community and the mainstream? What are the consequences of national and EU policies for Muslim citizens and their media regarding their social and political inclusion? How do European Muslims aggregate interests in a more effective and efficient way via their own media? Do Muslim media advocate social inclusion or pursue narrow interests?
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In the years 1944–1948, the authorities of communist Poland, for tactical reasons abstained from direct attacks on the Catholic Church. After the establishment of the authorities’ structures and once the political opposition and armed forces underground were defeated, systematic restriction on the influence of the Church begun. Back then, the Catholic Church was the only independent social institution in the country. What was attacked then was, among others, religious education in schools (religious education, crosses and catechists were removed from schools, Catholic education was limited), catholic organisations, charitable and care activities of the Church (at the beginning of 1950, the state took over “Caritas” and kindergartens, children’s homes, hospitals were taken from the Church) as well as publishing activities (Catholic press releases were being restricted). The repressions were hindered by the signature of the Church-State Agreement in April 1950. When in 1952, the activities aimed at the removal of religious education from schools were intensified, several dozens of theological seminaries were dissolved and some of the boarding-schools run by the Church were taken over, then Primate Stefan Wyszyński defined the relations between the Church and the State as a “state of emergency”.
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Der Artikel versucht, die deutsche Besatzung im Kongresspolen in den Jahren 1914–18 zu bewerten, wobei sich das Augenmerk auf den agilen Verterter des Kaisers in Warschau, General Hans H. von Beseler, richtet. Eine Vorgehensweise, die ihre Berechtigung aus Beselers Schlüsselrolle in der Gestaltung der Polenpolitik bezieht. Im Fokus steht die Vorgehensweise der deutschen Besatzungsmacht gegenüber einer etablierten Kraft auf den polnischen Gebieten – der katholischen Kirche, allen voran ihrem prominentesten Vertreter, dem Warschauer Erzbischof Aleksander Kakowski, nachdem man in Berlin den Einfluss der katholischen Kirche in Polen als den „wichtigsten Faktor im Lande” eingestuft hat. Daher wird auch die Interdependenz erläutert, welche sich zwischen der katholischen Hierarchie und den Besatzungsbehörden herauskristallisiert hat. Der Schmusekurs der deutschen Besatzer mit der Kirche hingegen wird als Einsetzung von sanften und verkleideten Mitteln der Macht, um die Herrschaft über ein fremdes Land zu gewährleisten, verstanden.
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After the failure and fall of the Lemko Republic (1918-1921) the focus of Lemko community life shifted to the confessional level. The politicisation of the religious sphere, the equation of the Greek Catholic faith with Ukrainian nationalism, and of Orthodoxy with the Russophile orientation, allowed the Polish authorities to use the churches for their own nationality policy. The government saw the Greek Catholic Church, which operated under Vatican protection, as a greater threat than the Orthodox Church, which had come under state control after the First World War. Therefore the Polish government also remained neutral regarding the increasing conversions to Orthodoxy in the Lemko region from 1926 onwards, and treated these as a counterweight to the Greek Catholic Church, which was seen as a repository of Ukrainian nationalism. At the same time however, the Polish authorities had no interest in the Orthodox Church gaining too much ground in the region and thus in the early 1930s they supported a Uniate jurisdiction independent of the Przemysł Diocese in the Lemkivshchyna. The sphere of jurisdiction of the new Lemko Apostolic Administration (LAA), founded in 1934, largely embraced a population without a clear sense of identity, and the later authorities relocated its administrative centre further east (from Rymanów to Sanok) in an attempt to neutralise Ukrainian influences in the eastern part of the region. The LAA proved useful as an instrument of Polish national policy in the inter-war period, allowing the Polish authorities to put pressure on Lemko church leaders. By Józef Piłsudki’s death in 1935 or even before, the previous policy of “state assimilation” was replaced with one of “national assimilation”, aiming to incorporate the Lemko people fully into Polish culture. The internal political course adopted by the new and increasingly strong military was directed at both the Greek Catholic and the Orthodox Churches’ spheres of influence, leading to the grave disappointment of members of both structures. Among the Ukrainian Lemko population this Polonisation policy aroused an indifferent and even hostile attitude to the Polish state, thus contributing to its weakening both before and during the Second World War.
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With the French intellectuals of the XVIII century expressing that religion is merely the result of the ignorance of the masses and that religion will disappear completely with the development of education and technological advancement, since the 1970s, with the rise of the Islamic movement and the Islamic revolution in Iran political scientists have begun to talk about ‘religious renaissance’ in many parts of the World. In the light of these debates, terms such as the “politicization of religion” and the “religious character of politics” emerged. Religion continues to have a decisive influence on political life and political culture in many countries of the World, including countries where the majority of the population is irreligious. Religious symbolism exists as an integral part of the symbolism of states, political parties and public institutions. Taking into consideration that religious holidays are public holidays in many countries of the World; religious figures are part of the political elite of many countries; and general religious elements are observed in the oath of the senior officials after taking office the importance of this phenomenon remains controversial.
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The Kızılbaş, especially by the sixteenth century, played a central role in the Ottoman-Safavid struggle due to its close alliance with the Safavid. By using period archival records of the Ottoman administration along with historical and religious documents composed by the Ottoman elite scholars, this article aims to reflect the Kızılbaş’s religious orientation as perceived by the Ottoman policy makers. The documents examined include the fermans of the Muhimme registers, Selim Şah-name of İdrîs-i Bitlisî, Tevarih-i Al-i Osman of Ibn Kemal and the fatwas issued on the persecution of the Kızılbaş by Ibn Kemal and as afterwards reutilized by Ebussuud. In doing so, this article intends to uncover the Ottoman perspective of the Kızılbaş religiosity as if it had ever been linked to Shi`ism. Further the notion rafidi to define Kızılbaş belief will be explored in detail to reveal if it is used as equivalent to the term shi`a.
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This study focuses on the discussion of ‘conservatism’. Important theoretical discussions have been made within the framework of what it means as a concept and how it should be defined. The concept of conservatism is reconstructed from different perspectives and is interpreted in different contexts based on different theoretical viewpoints and gains functionality. These different perspectives naturally may lead to separate consequences at the social and political levels. At this point, we come across different concepts used to define conservatism: Darwinian/Evolutionary conservatism, metaphysical conservatism, historical/peculiar conservatism, conservatism as a doctrine of tradition(alism), universal conservatism, situational conservatism, etc. In this study, previously mentioned different conceptualizations of conservatism will be examined with a critical perspective and especially analyze/criticism of ‘situational conservatism’ will be made. According to our main argument of this study, in order to accept conservatism as an ideology separate and detached from liberalism or socialism, we need a perspective that goes beyond the concept of ‘situational conservatism’. If we stay within the boundaries of situational understanding, conservatism will be very pragmatic notion without any essence or fixed principles and will be able to integrate with any kind of ideological position.
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