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In the paper the author analyses and presents through practical examples the use of storytelling as the bearer of the persuasion and change ideology. The course of usage is presented through its inception in film industry, mass media to virtual reality. The author has explained how storytelling became part of the panoptic view and participation in the hegemony of power in such way that it assures the rules for behaviour as well as the pedagogy of change. In this paper storytelling is presented as the memory keeper and bearer of strategic project because it possesses the power which cannot be manifested in the control and discipline but in the collective story and memory.
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The article examines the concept of the political, and it’s relationship to the Late Soviet Socialism, adressed in the Sovietology oeuvre of Proffesor Alexei Yurchak. The question is raised whether the claim about inner paradoxes of the late Soviet system as a single discursive formation can be substantiated without addressing the probability of more fundamental discursive divisions, splits and multiplicities structuring life of the post-Stalinist epoch. The critical analysis of such concepts as „authoritative discourse“ and discursive „performative shift“ reveals contradictions of author‘s conceptual attempt to explain the legitimacy of the late Soviet system, as well as elucidates why the issue of the Soviet as the political remains suspended in the analytical shema of Yurchak.
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A number of recent international studies have reported the growing electoral success of populist parties among younger age groups. In this study, authors analysed the “breeding ground” for populism among the youth in Zagreb using the results of the Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement (MYPLACE) project in Croatia. A mixed methods approach was employed with thematic analysis of 61 semi-structured interviews and regression analysis on a survey sample data of 1,216 young people aged 16–25. Qualitative analysis indicated analogies to Cas Mudde’s three core concepts of populism (the “good people”, the “bad elite” and the “general will”) among interviewees’ opinions.In addition, common ideological features of populism (nationalism and radical egalitarianism) were to a degree present among the interviewees’ attitudes. In the quantitative part of this paper, the authors narrowed the analysis of populism to the radical right variant of populism, and – given the lack of prominent populist actors in Croatia – to support of ideas rather than political parties. The attitude towards a political system with a strong leader not constrained by parliament was chosen as the outcome since it holds significant populist potential in contemporary democracies. Analyses showed the connection of the anti-elite, anti-systemic attitudes – as well as authoritarianism and a few right-wing political attitudes –with the strong leader preference. Both qualitative and quantitative results of this study indicated that the “breeding ground” for populism exists among the youth in Zagreb. Additional research is required to further examine that complex and previously unexplored topic.
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The paper presents results of the qualitative–to–quantitative narrative analysis of the transitional remembrance policy in South Africa during Nelson R. Mandela’s presidency. It refers to findings on the structure of political applications of historical interpretations to the issue of national identity reconstruction during democratisation. Therefore, the paper considers a degree in which remembrance story–telling was used to legitimise, justify, explain and promote the Rainbow Nation, the inclusive and non–racial vision of South Africa’s ’ideal self’ based on Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s theology of Ubuntu hoping. It investigated these relationships on eight levels – legitimisation of new elites, presence of former elites, transitional justice, social costs of transformations, promotion of new standards, the symbolic roles of democratisation, need for national unity and the new state’s identity in international politics. Moreover, the paper introduces a draft comparison with other cases of transitional remembrance policy – Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland and Spain – and it offers the structural model of the use of historical interpretations in South African transition, as well as discussing it with reference to the general model of the transitional remembrance policy.
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Peace is non–violence and there is only one way to achieve it: peace as structural and interpersonal non–violence. The daily non–violence is as instructive as the spectacular actions of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Peace education is better based on demonstration what we “can” than to postulate of what we should do. The Peace Studies prefer a resource–oriented approach to education instead of a deficit–oriented. Our central thesis is that the youth is living in a kind of transculturality, the best conditions for peacebuilding. Considering the increasing sensitivity we expected that latest in 2075 we will make the war a taboo. The central key to solve conflicts nonviolently is conflict transformation in trusting a spiritual third power in between the opponents, even secularized people. The peace education has to help us to discover the third in nonviolent activities. There is a lot of difficult issues that the non–violence has to reflect in future, including elimination of the extreme violence, reconciliation, an impact of economy, the peacebuilding’s relevance of structural measures.
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The article studies two works belonging to political cinema «Ordinary Fascism» by Mikhail Romm and «Die Welle» by Dennis Gansel) as examples of superficial criticism of the Nazi ideology. Yet, a true analysis of the fascist propaganda mechanisms needs shifting the point of view to the nature of ideology. The idea of strictly external and forcible methods of ideological influence should be contrasted with the idea of ideology as a form of everyday life. It is platitude, ordinariness, natural character of ideological structures and even the ugliest aspects of ideology that need understanding.
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The share of national and ethnic minorities in political elections is one of the indicators of integration and a sense of equality in the society. The fundamental issue is therefore the answer to the question whether and to what extent ethnicity is manifested by representatives of minorities in the local elections in 2014.
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Representatives of the Vietnamese minority for the first time in its history in Poland took part in the local elections in 2014. This event is another element in the process of integration and equality of minorities in the country of residence. In the present text, I take issues related to the functioning of minority candidates Vietnam’s image in the media, along with the characteristics of the factors affecting its shape during the election campaign.
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The aim of this text was to compare policy of Central European towards national and ethnic minorities over the period of fifteen years (1989–2004). Besides Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary are countries of quite different ethnic and national structure. Poland is a unique country due to its’ almost mono-ethnic population when comparing to Czech, Slovakia and Hungary, countries with a large Romani and in case of Slovakia also Hungarian minority. The period of communism 1945–1989 in all fields of political, social and economic life was under the dictate of Soviet Union. This applied to minorities issues as well. The changes which started in 1989 was a freely chosen way of political elites and societies of Czech, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Although the membership criteria of the EU (so-called Copenhagen Criteria) consisted inter alia of a criterion in favour of respecting the rights of national, ethnic and language minorities. It was a kind of “double standards” by the EU. The text analyses the impact of EU and other international actors on policies of Prague, Bratislava, Budapest and Warsaw in the field of national minorities rights during the accession preparations. It was significantly reduced after the full membership of Czech, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia after the 1st of May 2004.
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The article contains a synthetic look at the issue of film censorship, taking into account its various forms. The author combines the perspective of a contemporary synchronous with the diachronic perspective, dating back to the distant origins of cinema and film making, in conjunction with politics and ideology.
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Goli otok (Barren Island) served as a site of a political prison and labour camp which was founded in 1949, at the peak of the Tito- Stalin political dispute. It was in function until 1956, when its operation as a political prison for Yugoslav pro- Cominformist dissidents was discontinued. During this period, at least 13 000 political prisoners were incarcerated on the island. Due to the covert nature of its workings between 1949 and 1956, it had been covered up and ignored as a topic during most of the Yugoslav period by the public and the historians alike. In 1980s, however, the narratives about Goli otok began to gradually reach the public. After the break up of the SFR Yugoslavia, a handful of historians who dealt with the topic of Goli otok mainly focused on the socio- political aspects of this political prison and labour camp’s past, drawing on a large body of former inmates’ testimonies about the harsh everyday life in the camp and the peculiar methods of its orchestration. However, the impact of Goli otok political prison and labour camp was not, of course, only limited to the Yugoslav socio- political climate and the individuals living in these times. Its influence is also noticeable on the very site of the labour camp- the island. Hard forced labour undertaken by thousands of political prisoners which included the construction of several workshops and small factories orientated towards the production and the distribution of various stone and wood products is but one of the factors which dramatically influenced the island’s environment. Human dwellings and accompanying industrial constructions erected on the island’s desert- like stone terrain, as well as the now afforested portions of once (literally) barren island are just some of the examples. In other words, the forced labour of the incarcerated thousands is inextricable from the impact on island’s environment, albeit the nominal purpose of this labour was ‘corrective’. This paper therefore aims to contribute to the study of Goli otok from the viewpoint of environmental history. The paper speaks to the works of the authors dealing with the environmental, carceral and labour history aspects in the study of USSR Gulag as one of the examples relatable to the Goli otok story. In so doing, the paper aims to contextualise Goli otok within a wider scholarly space, considering the geographical, ideological implications, as well as those of environmental and socio- political history.
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This statue will pose the question for the truth beyond language constituents in its defining and achieving and from this point toward its modeling grounded above all on cognitive parameters. The concrete solution will be searched concerning Wittgenstein’s conception, offered in Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, for the “truth-conditions” of a proposition in logical space as its “representing relation” and for the way through which the proposition structures logical space. We will search whether this will be a legitimate version of a “logic of truth” in the sense of Kant, and which elements of Kantian logical project can be applied for the division of logical space for the cognition of an object and its cognitive dislocation in logical universum, exactly from the point of view of the whole cognitively and objectively formed universum. How we can outline the approaches, the algorithm of a “real-objective” calculation of the object value in the logical space.
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Vladimir Solovyov has his own unique presence in the philosophical discourse of beauty and love. His endeavor to achieve integrity and completeness in the reincarnation of nature and man is reflected in the presented article.
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The presented paper focuses on the issue of voting behaviour. It aims to determine the importance of selected cognitive factors, decision-making styles and emotional factors in electoral decision-making and behaviour in voters with different political preferences and voters of specific Slovak political parties. The cognitive style was evaluated using the Cognitive Reflection Test - Version 2. Decision-making styles were explored using the General Decision Making Styles Questionnaire and emotion preferences in information processing were evaluated using the following affective states test. Within the research sample (N = 308, average age 36.2 years), distinct groups of Slovak voters were created: 1. based on parties with different ideological orientations, and 2. based on specific Slovak political parties. The predictive significance of the observed characteristics for the choice of a political subject with a particular ideology and the choice of a specific Slovak political party was explored. All the variables monitored – cognitive style, decision-making style, and emotion preferences in information processing – proved to be significant.
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The totalitarian discourse, as an instrument of terror, had the purpose of excluding otherness. Alterity, never innocent, was conceived as an adversary, an enemy, who had to be identified, unmasked and eliminated. Excitatory, the totalitarian discourse appeals through its rhetoric to a certain kind of pathos, which by its negativity, induces in public the installation of emotions of a destructive character. The totalitarian communist propaganda, both in Romania and in other countries of the former bloc of "popular democracies", built its rhetorical discourse of domination on this pathos, having as double purpose the induction of contempt and hatred towards adversaries, and then the emotional support, from the public, of the illegitimate acts that the regime wanted to impose.
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2022 was a year very rich in important security events, given the international security situation, deeply marked by the events taking place in Ukraine. During the NATO Summit in Madrid, held on 28th June 2022 – 30th June 2022, it was approved NATO's new strategic concept. In this concept, it is evaluated the current strategic environment, are redefined the important tasks of the Alliance and are highlighted the elements that ensure its continued success. In this context, the elements regarding national defense occupy a priority place in the national strategy of our country. Romania, an important actor in the international security architecture, is positioned on the eastern flank of NATO, an extremely sensitive geostrategic position, which involves both multiple responsibilities and series of advantages.
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The aim of the present research is to establish the relations between a small or medium-sized country and a great power, especially with a remote one from a geographical point of view. As a rule, since the two actors in the international relations scene do not interact directly, there are enough reasons for the political, economic or even cultural bilateral relations to evolve. The topic that we chose to develop in the present paper is one that captivated us due to the fact that the last quarter of a century in the history of communist Romania is a dense one and full of notable events. Moreover, it gives the historian the chance to research numerous archive fonds containing lots of new documents. Therefore, it is the historian’s privilege to write a paper in which to introduce new or lesser known documents to the academic environment.
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In a world where choosing the development model of the communities we live in is at the heart of many debates, it is increasingly difficult to establish predefined development models for all communities. Whether we are referring to centralized development models (top down), whether we refer to regional or local ones (bottom-up) they must be addressed in a context and meet both local and national and European needs. Debates around the most effective development models are in the attention of the European Union (EU) whose „heart” is cohesion policy. Where and how we act, who we are considering when setting development priorities are the most complex issues we need to look at in order to maximize the results of EU cohesion policy aimed at „reducing development gaps between European countries and regions”. How the new regional development paradigm is approached, what development models are effective at EU level, what are the new approaches and how their choice is justified in the context of the last programming exercises are the questions that this presentation seeks to answer.
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The present work aims to analyze the main events of the Algerian war of independence and Romania's position in relation to it. In the first part, a retrospective of the Franco-Algerian conflict will be made, from its beginning on November 1, 1954 until the conclusion of the Evian Peace Agreement on March 20, 1962. In the second part of the paper, we will present how Romania positioned itself to this conflict. Like almost all states in the communist camp, the RPR helped the Algerian people by sending aid consisting of medicine and clothes to the Algerian Red Crescent in 1958 and 1962. Although there were several contacts, Romania was reluctant to recognize the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic, established in 1958 in exile because there was a possibility that diplomatic relations with France could deteriorate. Thus, the Romanian government waited for the right moment to recognize the Algerian leadership, and this happened on March 20, 1962, after the conclusion of peace, despite the protests of the French Legation in Bucharest. Later, Romania and Algeria established diplomatic relations, and on November 1, 1962, the first official Romanian delegation visited the North African state.
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