Sobering after a „Grim Wedding” – a Realistic Evaluation of Hungary’s Accession to the European Union

Author(s): Krisztina Arató / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The second round of the eastern enlargement of the European Union has been completed. Since 1st of May, 2004, the EU has had 25 member states, after January 1, 2007 we already talk about EU27. Thus, a half-century-dream came true: most Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) joined one of the centres of world economy, and they got closer to chances of political stability, economic development and – simply – a better life.

Historical Euroscepticism Compared: The Case of the French and Italian Communist Parties in the Cold War

Author(s): Giacomo Benedetto / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Euroscepticism has, in recent years, become a focus for research by political scientists interested in the politics of antagonism and position- taking among outlier parties. However, Euroscepticism (applied retrospectively) is a long-term phenomenon, which dates back to the early stages of European integration in the late 1940s. Much of the empirical work has taken the form of single case studies, rather than following a comparative framework. Batory and Sitter (2004), Marks and Wilson (2000), and Marks, Wilson and Ray (2002) are notably different in dealing with party families over the period of more than a decade. They conclude that ideology and cleavages are the main explanatory factors in determining the orientations of political parties and party families towards the European Community (EC).

Geopolitics Undermined

Author(s): Matko Meštrović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Despite the diversity of the approaches, most scholars of political science and international relations still share a common assumption: that the division of the world into sovereign states is a permanent trait of politics, and not historically transitory. But as Lucio Levi argues the state-centric paradigm must not only be viewed as the theory of politics of a given historical epoch – that of the sovereign states – it has also ceased being a guide for political research in our time.

Egypt’s Moment of Reform: a Reality or an Illusion?

Author(s): Emad El-Din Shahin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The movement for democratic reform in Egypt seems to be gathering strength. Some of the factors that would make a good case for democratic transformation are rapidly converging: the formation of a wide spectrum of discontented segments in society; the mushrooming of pro-reform grassroots movements that agree on a clear list of short-term demands; and a sympathetic pro-reform international context. With presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled to take place in September and November respectively, will Egypt finally experience its democratic spring? The answer to this question still seems uncertain. The reform movement faces numerous challenges: the possibility of being sidelined by an agreement between the regime and external actors for the sake of stability and containing change; regime repression of the reform movement; and the radicalisation of the movement itself and the possible eruption of sporadic violence or chaos. For reform to become a reality and not another missed opportunity, certain structural changes and institutional safeguards must be introduced.

Does the EU Promote Democracy in Palestine?

Author(s): Natalie Tocci / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Particularly since the late 1990s, EU actors have become increasingly vocal about the need for democracy and good governance in Palestine. Palestinian democracy is viewed officially both as desirable per se as well as instrumental to the peace process since the eruption of the second intifada. To support Palestinian democracy, the Union has used diplomatic instruments, as well as bilateral aid and trade policies, delivered conditionally upon the fulfilment of political and legal benchmarks. The Palestinian Authority (PA) is also included in the nascent European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Compared to other cases in the southern neighbourhood, the EU can take pride in achieving relative success when it comes to strengthening Palestinian democracy and good governance. Palestine’s economic and political dependence on Europe has translated into a high degree of potential EU influence on the PA. This influence has been exerted by graduating the delivery of EU (principally aid-related) benefits in compliance with specified and monitored obligations. Yet the Union’s potential influence has not been fully realised. At times, reforms passed have been inadequate, superficial or implemented for the primary purpose of acquiescing to foreign demands. The reasons explaining the limits in EU conditionality are manifold. The most critical are those linked to the sui generis context in Palestine. The deteriorating economic and humanitarian situation, the deepening Israeli occupation, the blunt US approach to Palestinian reform during Arafat’s rule and internal Palestinian political dynamics in a non-state context have all hindered the potential impact of EU conditionality.

UVOD

Author(s): Dragana Rašević,Vuk Vučetić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

PROCESSES

Author(s): Saša Gavrić,Damir Banović,Mariña Barreiro / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Dayton Peace Agreement and the Electoral Law laid the legal ground for elections and the electoral system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many compromises influencing the electoral system have been made. These compromises are based on the combination of two principles: constituent people and national sovereignty. International democratic standards related to electoral systems such as universal suffrage, equal voting rights, direct ballot, secret ballot, and limited right to stand for elections were incorporated into the constitutional system. The Dayton Peace Agreement addresses elections and the electoral system in several instances.

DISKRIMINACIJA OSTALIH – SLUČAJ “SEJDIĆ I FINCI PROTIV BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE“

Author(s): Saša Gavrić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Najkasnije 22. decembra 2009. svima je postalo jasno: Bosni i Hercegovini potrebna je ustavna reforma, uključujući i reformu izbornog sistema. Evropski sud za ljudska prava (ESLjP) u Strazburu presudio je u korist podnosioca predstavke u predmetu “Finci i Sejdić protiv Bosne i Hercegovine”6 . Nemogućnost da manjine aktivno učestvuju na izbornima nema objektivnu opravdanost i time je ta zabrana protivna slovu i duhu Evropske konvencije o ljudskim pravima, koja zabranjuje diskriminaciju, utvrdio je sud (detalje presude vidi u poglavlju 3). Bosnu i Hercegovinu su pred Sudom za ljudska prava tužili predsjednik Jevrejske zajednice BiH i bosanskohercegovački diplomata Jakob Finci i Dervo Sejdić, a nekadašnji član Vijeća Roma Bosne i Hercegovine. Finci i Sejdić su tužili BiH jer su kao pripadnici manjinskih zajednica u BiH diskriminisani. Sjetimo se, po Dejtonskom ustavu samo pripadnici konstitutivnih naroda – Bošnjaci, Srbi i Hrvati, mogu biti birani u Predsjednišvo Bosne i Hercegovine i “gornji dom” – Dom naroda – Parlamentarne skupštine Bosne i Hercegovine. Manjinskim zajednicama (pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina) pristup je onemogućen, jer je postdejtonska, bosanskohercegovačka država izgrađena jasnim etničkim, ali i entiteskim proporcijama (Ibrahimagić i dr. 2010). Ta trojna podjela vlasti ne karakteriše naravno samo Predsjedništvo BiH i Dom naroda PS BiH, nego i mnoge druge institucije i upravna tijela vlasti na državnom, entitetskom i kantonalnom nivou. Pravilo etničko-entitetskog proporcionalnog odnosa trebalo je (o)jačati mir i poštovanje među trima većinskim etničkim grupama. Za manjine i one koji se etnički ne opredjeljuju (npr. tzv. Bosanci) nije bilo mjesta. No, baš taj check-and-balance (Bieber 2009) danas često predstavlja prepreku u daljnem razvoju zemlje, naročito u kontekstu izgradnje funkcionalne države koja teži članstvu u Evropskoj uniji.

DISKRIMINACIJA NA LOKALNOM NIVOU!?

Author(s): Vibor Handžić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Lokalna zajednica uopće, a posebno lokalna samouprava i uprava, predstavlja jedan poseban specifikum u odnosu na sve druge nivoe vlasti. Ona jeste najbitniji nivo organizovanja vlasti, jer joj je osnovni cilj da rješava specifične probleme i zadovoljava specifične potrebe građana na svom teritoriju. Općina ili grad, kao jedinice lokalne samouprave, zaista jesu najvažniji strukturalni dio državnog ustrojstva, jer na tom nivou pojedinac ostvaruje svoja univerzalna i specifična građanska prava. Lokalna samouprava i uprava su najvažniji i u političkom smislu, jer su najbliže izvornom značenju samog pojma demokratije i jer se u najvećem omjeru organizuju posrednom ili neposrednom participacijom članova jedne lokalne zajednice.

UVOD

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Zbornik koji je pred Vama rezultat je jednogodišnjeg istraživačkog projekta Komparativna analiza demokratskih performansi parlamenata Srbije, Bosne i Hercegovine i Crne Gore. Istraživački tim projekta čine istraživači i saradnici Fakulteta političkih nauka Univerziteta u Beogradu, Fakulteta političkih nauka Univerziteta u Podgorici i Sarajevskog otvorenog centra, koji su i autori ovog zbornika. Projekat je finansiran u okviru šireg regionalnog projekta Političke, društvene i ekonomske promene na Zapadnom Balkanu, u okviru Programa za promociju regionalnog istraživanja Zapadnog Balkana (RRPP) (http://www.rrppwesternbalkans.net/). RRPP ima za cilj unapređenje i razvoj istraživanja u oblasti društvenih nauka u Albaniji, Bosni i Hercegovini, Kosovu, Makedoniji, Crnoj Gori i Srbiji. Program pruža podršku istraživačima kroz istraživačke grantove, metodološke treninge i mogućnosti regionalne i međunarodne razmene i umrežavanja istraživača. Program finansira Švajcarska agencija za razvoj i saradnju, a operativno ga sprovodi Univerzitet u Friburgu iz Švajcarske (http://www.rrppwesternbalkans.net/en/about.html). Zbog toga je jedan od ciljeva našeg projekta bilo i osnaživanje institucionalnih veza između istraživačkih organizacija u regionu, ali i uspostavljanje kontakata između mladih istraživača i stvaranje regionalne akademske mreže koja će služiti kao baza budućih zajedničkih projekata.

LOKALNA SAMOUPRAVA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Miroslav Živanović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Sasvim je logično i neophodno omogućiti da svaki obrazovni program posvećen političkom liderstvu sadrži i osvrt koji će predstaviti i objasniti ulogu i značaj lokalne samouprave u društvu, a naročito u društvu koje se smatra demokratskom zajednicom slobodnih građana i građanki. Također, svaki pojedinac i pojedinka koji shvataju i prepoznaju značaj aktivnog građanstva za razvoj društva u kojem žive, imaju obavezu da se upoznaju i uzmu aktivno učešće u životu svoje lokalne zajednice kroz postojeće organizacije i organe koji čine jedinicu lokalne samouprave.

IZBORNE KVOTE KAO MEHANIZAM BORBE ZA RAVNOPRAVNOST

Author(s): Vesna Pirija / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Učešće žena u politici do danas predstavlja otvoreno pitanje u borbi za ravnopravnost spolova. Čini se da je tradicionalno poimanje podjele privatne i javne sfere i, u skladu s tim, uloga žene i muškarca u društvu, još uvijek prisutno, uprkos formalno-pravnim garancijama ravnopravnosti žena i mogućnosti njihovog učestvovanja u političkom životu. Međutim, formalna jednakost šansi za učešće u politici pripadnika oba spola nužno ne podrazumijeva uspostavljanje ravnopravnosti. Razlog ovome su skrivene barijere koje još uvijek onemogućavaju žene da sebi priskrbe dovoljno političkog utjecaja kako bi bile zastupljenije na kandidatskim listama političkih partija, a kasnije i u organima zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti.

Capitalism After Communism

Author(s): Iván Szelényi / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

It would be plausible to construct a ‘variety of communisms’ theory, categorizing the state-socialist economies not only by region but by historical epoch. China, for example, imitated the Stalinist model in the first years after the Revolution, but by the 1960s the PRC had developed its own unique social and economic institutions. The goulash communism of János Kádár’s Hungary, which took shape after 1956, differed drastically from the classical Soviet model. Nevertheless, during the last decades of state socialism, the communist societies were broadly on a convergence trajectory: the gap between Czechoslovakia or Hungary and the USSR, for instance, narrowed. State ownership of the means of production, the redistributive nature of economic integration and the political monopoly of the Communist Party created a homologous institutional environment. The system largely suppressed the legacies of pre-communist times.

Happenings against totalitarianism - The Society for a Merrier Present in 1989

Author(s): Petr Blažek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The American historian Padraic Kenney dubbed events in Central Europe in 1989 a “carnival of revolution”. In his absorbing book he explores the activities of the new opposition groupings that gradually took shape in the second half of the 1980s. The ideological battles of the previous generations were either alien or not a matter of concern to their founders, who for the most part were members of the young generation. They had no illusions about the chances of reforming the political regime into which they had been born. They were focused on public events, organising various demonstrations, hunger strikes, petitions and happenings. Some of these became legendary. Among them were the street events of the Society for a Merrier Present (Společnost za veselejší současnost), which emerged several months before the fall of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia.

I undertake voluntarily… - Residents, agents, informers and others. The State Security’s secret collaborators, 1945–1989

Author(s): Libor Bílek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

All of the world’s intelligence or security services have no doubt used and continue to use secret collaborators. The reason is simple: Frequently it is the only way to acquire necessary information from particular suspicious milieus and closed groups of people believed to be engaged in unlawful activities. The State Security (Státní bezpečnost, StB) – Communist Czechoslovakia’s secret political police – always regarded its network of covert collaborators (which on the Soviet model it dubbed an “agency”) as a very important tool in its work.

November 89. Medzník vo vývoji slovenskej spoločnosti a jeho medzinárodný kontext

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

November 17th 1989 is one of the most important milestones in the Slovak and Czech history in the 20th century. It initiated deep social changes and it led to global changes of the political system, and in consequence it opened the way for a Slovak and Czech society’s way towards democracy – political and economic plurality, civic and political freedom. It was put an end to the monopole of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, that continuously held the political power in country since the coup d’état in February 1948 and forced the Slovak and Czech society to accept its will through directives, and often frequently, by using the force. Both societies as well as national minorities living in Czechoslovakia expected from the November ’89 not only some partial corrections of socialism, what was the case more than twenty years before during the crucial events of the Czechoslovak Spring in 1968. In November 1989, the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia wanted something more – their allegations were going behind the frames of the existing socio-political system. They had enough experience with the practices and the policy of the communist regime, more than years before they were able to compare the existing political situation and the economic conditions with the situation in the democratic Europe in order to formulate more concrete expectations concerning the future. The distance between the people and the policy of the communist regime was more and more evident, as they confronted their own conditions with the situation in the democratic countries of Western Europe. On the other hand, there was a part of society that was relatively satisfied by some social conveniences offered by the socialist system, although these conveniences were often insufficient and strictly limited by the stagnating and unproductive economic system. The leaders of communist party were aware of the fact that their normalization-policy and incapability to introduce essential corrections of the political mechanism felt into the contradiction with changing inner political and social atmosphere in Czechoslovakia. It was in the first half of 1980’s, when it came to an outstanding differentiation of both Slovak and Czech society. A new generation grew up, which by its background determined by education and ideas completely exasperated the existing social-political and cultural-economic reality and was far beyond the normalization-policy of the communist regime. In its distance or even antipathy to the political regime, this new “wave” found common interest with the disappointed generation of 1968. Its another “ally” was a respectable part of Slovak and Czech intelligence in its effort to accentuate the adherence to human rights and civil liberties and the observance of religious freedom, cultural freedom, the freedom of education and scientific research. Main part of this publication, which contains also an introduction and selected bibliography, is focused on chronological overview of historical events concerning in particular Slovakia, although in a whole-Czechoslovak context. It is divided in two main parts. The first one starts with the silent manifestation of March 25, 1988, the so-called “candlelight demonstration”, that become one of the most significant manifestations of resistance against the communist regime. The end of this part is marked by November 16, 1989, that means by the eve of the events that had enormous importance for the whole development of Slovak and Czech society. The second part begins with November 17, 1989, and goes on till parliamentary elections that took place on June 8 – 9, 1990, e.g. elections of constitutional functionaries and the creation of federal and national governments in both parts of republic. The authors of both chronologically divided parts were taking into account the social-political, constitutional, economical, cultural, social and other context. Also reflected are international affairs of that time, first of all the social movement in the neighbor states Soviet Union, German Democratic Republic, Poland, Hungary and other states. At the same time the authors consider corrections in bilateral relations between the USSR and the USA as well as the Soviet Perestroika, which brought new impetus to the Slovak and Czech society and which in many aspects gave them an “eye opening” look. The impact of the Helsinkiprocess aimed at the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the cooperation between the East and the West was similar. At the end of 1980’s, the Perestroika and the Helsinki-process had crucial influence on the inner political and social development in Czechoslovakia. The bipolar world was slowly falling into pieces and the iron curtain between the East and the West was about to became history. Chronological records listed in both parts of this publication indicate, that the main protagonists of social/political development right after November ’89 – the VPN (Public against Violence) in Slovakia and the OF (Citizens Forum) in the Czech lands – laid down the condition of radical social transformation including a new order, pluralistic political system and parliamentary democracy and the reconstruction of local selfgovernment, as well as the consistent modification of state-political relations between the Slovak and Czech nation and the beginning of a economic and social reform. Further, they demanded freedom for culture, educational system and science and the revaluation of the foreign policy of Czecho-Slovak federation. Until the parliamentary elections in June 1990, the Slovak and Czech society overrun a fundamental transformation process in all spheres. Compared to similar development taking place in the neighbor states, this transformation process had some specific elements. Nevertheless, besides all specifics, all Central European post-communist states were about to participate in the process of European integration.

Overcoming the Old Borders. Beyond the Paradigm of Slovak National History

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The Slovak community of historians is presently experiencing a relatively rapid change of generations. The professional development of historiography is more and more influenced by the generation of 30 – 40-year-old historians. This is the result of a specific development related to the changes in the society after 1989. At the beginning of the 1990s a considerable portion of scientists left the academic environment. Many of them moved to the private sector or got employed in lucrative positions within the civil service (e.g. diplomatic corps). Researchers compromised by excessive ideological commitment in the previous regime had to leave scientific teams, while others became the victims of radical cuts in employee numbers particularly in the Slovak Academy of Sciences (SAS). However, the situation changed in the second half of the 1990s. New universities were established and required human resources. A better financial situation in the SAS led to the opening of new job positions. At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries (not only) historical research institutions took on an unusually great number of young scientists. This process was also well reflected in the largest research institution dealing with the history – the Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences. It is natural that all members of the new-generation researchers seek to somehow define themselves in opposition to their predecessors, for example, by going beyond what they consider as established stereotypes in research, terminology and interpretation. In their work, many young historians bring new methodological approaches into the Slovak historiography, and re-analyse the traditional historical constructs, or focus on phenomena of historical development which have yet to be explored. When compared with their older colleagues, they have got the undeniable advantage of working in a free society with almost no limitations in choosing research topics and with international cooperation opportunities. The main goal of creating and publishing this collective monograph is to provide an example of profile texts of the new generation of Slovak historians who work in the Institute of History. The twelve chapters of this work cover the period of the 19th and the 20th centuries. The chapters are devoted to the area of Central Europe with emphasis on the territory of Slovakia. The authors have based their work on different theories and apply a variety of methodological approaches. Their common goal is to overcome the negative conceptual models typical for Central European historiographies after 1989 such as the nation-centred paradigm of history and the neo-positivist emphasis on political history. Comprehension of Central and Eastern European history is barely possible without a thorough analysis of the concept of nation, its creation, its use, and its specific formation in different national communities. This is the main reason why the monograph starts with a methodological study (by László Vörös) which deals with the question of defining and using the concept of “nation“ and the problem with reification and objectification of the nation. The political development in Central Europe in the last two centuries was largely turbulent, marked by conflicts arising from cultural, ethnic and social heterogeneity of the area. Central Europe is a region generally characterised by a complex, delicate, and constantly changing intersection of political, ethnic, national, linguistic, religious, cultural borders, and contexts, producing various competing collective identities. The process of nationalisation had an impact on the society in the Kingdom of Hungary, and initially, it led to questioning the concept of multi-ethnic Hungary in the environment of aristocratic elites. Peter Šoltés points to another trend which was particularly strong in Hungarian intellectual discourse before March 1848, to present Hungary as “Europe in miniature”, where in addition to the four major nations (Hungarians, Germans, Slavs and Wallachians), there were more than a dozen other nations. The issues of the (often tragic) developments of the multi-ethnic and multi-religious regions have been analysed by Petra Rybářová using the example of emancipation and assimilation of Jews during the boom of political anti-Semitism in Hungary. Michal Schvarc has focused on the destiny of the German minority in Bratislava (in German, Pressburg) since the establishment of Czechoslovakia to the actual end of the German community in the city after 1948. In the 20th century the territory of Slovakia and its people were exposed to frequent changes that affected their lives fundamentally. State formations, boundaries and the ruling regimes changed in quick succession. The collapse of Austria-Hungary, the creation of Czechoslovakia in 1918, the Munich crisis of 1938, and, a year later, the creation of the Slovak State as a German “vassal”, the restoration of Czechoslovakia in 1945 and its incorporation into the Communist camp in 1948. The development continued with 40 years of the communist regime, its crises, failed efforts to reform, various forms of constitutional organisation of the state, all culminating in the 1989 “Velvet Revolution” and the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993. The Slovak Republic then went through a difficult process of consolidating liberal democracy. It also entails the complex process of “coming to terms with the past”. Naturally, a significant part of this book will therefore, in a way, reflect on the major breaking points in the historical development. Juraj Benko discusses the political socialisation of the Slovak population after the creation of Czechoslovakia in 1918. Matej Hanula deals with the issues of shaping the political culture of people in the new state’s developing party system in his text on the so-called Peasant Cavalry set up by the Agrarian Party: the most influential political party of the Republic. Miroslav Sabol analyses the economic impact of the Vienna Award of 1938 which resulted in the loss of one quarter of Slovakia’s territory annexed to Hungary. The topic addressed by Dušan Segeš is Slovakia as the subject of political contacts between Poland and Hungary in the neutral European countries during World War II. The political socialisation of the population was also important for representatives of the communist dictatorship, especially in the initial period. As Marína Zavacká notes in the chapter on local communist activists in the period 1949 – 1956, the regime was to a great extent participatory and required massive involvement of citizens’ participation in its activities. The analysis of this issue is also a part of the answer to the question of why communism in Slovakia has established itself relatively easily and why its implications are still noticeable today. Three chapters are devoted to the formation of the picture of the past as well as development of dominant narratives or counter-narratives. The text by Karol Hollý introduces the research of ideological discourse and nationalist historical thinking in the 19th century. The main focus of the study is to analyse the two main documents presenting political programmes which were an essential element of the ideology of Slovak nationalism in the second half of the 19th century. Miroslav Michela writes about the cult of the king Saint Stephen, patron of Hungary, in Slovakia in the interwar period. He draws attention to the political implications of his remembrance and hence the importance of stories about the history in the public discourse. This hypothesis is confirmed in the chapter by Adam Hudek on the formation of the picture of the fall of communism in Slovakia as a part of the problem coming to terms with the “totalitarian past”. Twenty years after the fall of communism, it appears also among the political and intellectual elites that there exists a number of parallel planes of discourse and several competing or overlapping “memories”. The question is how the historical science is able to reflect on this fact. The effort to maintain value neutrality is an important factor distinguishing the work of historians from interpretations coming for instance from the political environment. However, it is necessary to realise that a historian is neither completely independent nor completely objective. Historical judgments will always be inextricably linked to the specific social reality from which they take rise.1 The picture of value-independent research and the opportunities to discover a “definitive truth” is only a part of simplified notions of de-ideologisation of science which have emerged after 1989. The authors of this work are aware of this fact too. This book aspires to present an account of the generation of significant representatives coming from a diverse group of young Slovak historians. It deals with the specific problems of the historical development in Slovakia and Central Europe over the past two centuries. The thematic, chronological or territorial scope of this publication is in no way exhaustive. Rather, it is just an example, though largely representative, of the topics of historical research addressed currently in the key historical research institution in Slovakia. The authors will be happy if they start a discussion, exchange of ideas and further inquiry on the history of Central Europe.

Rok 1968 na Slovensku a v Československu. Chronológia udalostí

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Rok 1968 predstavoval v slovenských a v československých dejinách jedinečný pokus nenásilným spôsobom reformovať totalitný spôsob vládnutia uplatňovaný v rámci vtedajšej socialistickej spoločnosti. Pražská – a či presnejšie československá alebo česká a slovenská – jar bola súčasťou politickej konfrontácie, ku ktorej v rozličnej forme opakovane prichádzalo v štátoch sovietskeho bloku takmer od jeho vzniku. Československá jar najpregnantnejšie vyjadrila nesúhlas a odpor verejnosti proti direktívnym metódam vládnutia s ich negatívnymi dôsledkami na život slovenskej a českej spoločnosti, na ich modernizáciu, kultúrno-spoločenské napredovanie i morálny status. Je symptomatické, že k pokusom zmeniť politický systém za existencie sovietskeho bloku prišlo v Poľsku, v Maďarsku, v Nemeckej demokratickej republike a v Československu, ale nič podobné sa neobjavilo v ďalších krajinách socialistického tábora. To malo okrem dobových politických, ekonomických, spoločenských a ďalších príčin špecifický historický dôvod v tom, že menované národy a štáty ležali v stredoeurópskom priestore a v minulosti sa v mnohých smeroch navzájom ovplyvňovali. V Československu bol reformný proces aj prejavom toho, že veľká časť slovenskej i českej verejnosti sa zbavila ilúzií, ktorým podľahla po februári 1948 a ktoré spočiatku chápala azda ako snahu o nastolenie sociálne spravodlivých pomerov. Bolo však charakteristické, že spoločnosť si vytýčila za cieľ reformovať existujúci systém, no narážala na vážne medzinárodné a vnútropolitické prekážky. Snaha o radikálnu zmenu spoločenského života ohrozovala nielen totalitný systém vo vtedajšom Československu, ale bola hrozbou aj pre samotnú existenciu socialistického tábora, t. j. fakticky pre veľmocenské postavenie Sovietskeho zväzu v Európe a vo svete. Pokus Čechov a Slovákov o demokratizáciu spoločnosti a odstránenie totalitného režimu mal svoje korene nielen v nedávnej minulosti oboch národov, ale koreš- pondoval aj s dobovými demokratickými hnutiami vo svete a vyvieral zo snahy posunúť vývin českej a slovenskej spoločnosti na úroveň demokratickej časti sveta. Preto bol tento proces mnohorozmerný, mal svoju osobitú politickú tvár, svoje vlastné ekonomické koncepty a plány, svoje pohľady na verejný život a miestnu správu, kultúrne a národné požiadavky vrátane tých, ktoré sa týkali ľudských práv, náboženskej slobody a rehabilitácie nespravodlivo odsúdených. Vzhľadom na to, že v slovenskom prostredí už od vzniku spoločného štátu Čechov a Slovákov roku 1918 mimoriadne rezonovala často pertraktovaná požiadavka riešenia „slovenskej otázky“, jej nastolenie muselo byť organickou súčasťou reformného procesu. K demokratizácii spoločnosti totiž nemohlo prísť bez zásadnej úpravy postavenia Slovenska v štáte, ale aj česko-slovenských vzťahov a s tým súvisiacich problémov. Rozmach národného povedomia a nárast národ ného sebavedomia, ktorý sa v živote slovenskej spoločnosti razantne a jednoznačne prejavil po roku 1918, sa musel materializovať vo všetkých sférach života a riadenia spoločnosti, musel sa stať organickou súčasťou prebiehajúcich spoločenských zmien. Je príznačné, že z mnohých reforiem, ktoré sa pripravovali a uskutočnili roku 1968, pretrvala – aj keď v značne deformovanej podobe – práve zmena republiky na federatívny štátny útvar. Predkladaná publikácia je jedným z výstupov riešenia projektu APVV Chronológia dejín Slovenska a Slovákov. Vznikla v rámci práce na aktuálnych výskumných projektoch vrátane významu „osmičiek“ v slovenských národných dejinách, resp. v dejinách bývalej Československej republiky a jej ambíciou je poskytnúť čitateľom ucelenú sumu faktov o roku 1968. Autori publikácie zvolili pri jej príprave chronologický prístup, aby takýmto spôsobom upozornili v primeranom rozsahu na všetky základné stránky udalostí roku 1968 – na ich vnútropolitickú československú (českú a slovenskú) dimenziu vrátane štátoprávnej prestavby republiky, ale aj na medzinárodné súvislosti, reakcie veľmocí, jednotlivých štátov i verejnej mienky vo svete na konkrétne udalosti roku 1968 v Československu, resp. na československý reformný proces ako taký. Z toho je zrejmé, že primárnym cieľom autorov bolo ukázať vývoj na Slovensku v prirodzenej komparácii s dianím v celej Československej socialistickej republike a dianie v Československu v korelácii s jeho odrazom na medzinárodnej scéne, predovšetkým v krajinách vtedajšej Varšavskej zmluvy ovládanej Moskvou. To si vyžadovalo venovať zvýšenú pozornosť aj medzinárodnopolitickým súvislostiam augusta 1968, lebo práve vonkajšie faktory aj vtedy osudovo zasiahli do dejín Československa. Autori veria, že čitateľ nájde v práci informácie o všetkých relevantných udalostiach „československého“ roku 1968 i o faktoroch, ktoré spolurozhodovali o jeho osude. Chronológia udalostí spolu s úvodnou štúdiou, ktorá hovorí o tom, čo predchá- dzalo roku 1968 v Československu, umožňuje vytvoriť si v nadväznosti na iné historické práce plnší obraz o nedávnej minulosti slovenského a českého národa, o roku, ktorý akoby potvrdzoval, že tradičné „osmičky“ mali v našej spoločnej minulosti nielen nádejeplný, ale neraz i tragický rozmer.

DILEME DEMOKRATSKE NACIJE I AUTONOMIJE - ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji

Author(s): Jovan Komšić / Language(s): Serbian

This book comprises essays on political transition in Serbia, written in the 1997 – 2006 period. Twenty-four works are devoted to sociological and politicological-legal aspects of the great changes in the now already considerably differentiated world of post-communism. Particular attention is focused on the problems of an overdue and deformed transition in Serbia, meaning that in the centre of the analysis there are complex interactions of culture and institutional structure in a society that has not yet emerged from the grip of a deep crisis of the change and has not resolved still numerous dilemmas in the confrontation with the many “shocks of the reality”. This relationship may actually be taken as the “red thread” of the topically various reflections of political controversies and theoretic-ideological dilemmas concerning the aims, contents, pace and means of building a modern state and nation, as well as of consolidation of democracy in a heterogeneous (multicultural, pluralist) social setting of Vojvodina and Serbia as a whole. All this has, therefore, caused the essays, the majority of which have so far been published in thematic anthologies and periodicals, to be grouped in this book in five topical wholes.

New Deal SRBIJA

Author(s): Dušan Janjić / Language(s): Serbian

This study is an attempt to identify, describe and explain the basic determinants of the state of modern Serbian society and the modern Serbian state, as well as the basic trends of the development of Serbia, to point out the need for the public, the profession and the political leadership of Serbia to engage in strategic planning for the sustainable development of Serbia. Therefore, this study does not offer closed answers or impose positions that justify and argue.