CEEOL - Browse Subjects Result

We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.

20.00 €

Preview

1968 Is Not What It Used to Be

Author(s): Irena Grudzińska-Gross / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2019

The article presents the chronology of the events of 1968 in Poland and reviews their past and present interpretations. The perspective is that of a participant in the events and an engaged scholar. Eight versions of what happened are discussed, including those of conspiracy and provocation. The change in focus of the 1968 anniversary celebrations from exclusively Polish to predominantly Jewish is also analyzed.

More...

1980 ASKERİ DARBESİ SONRASINDA İKTİDARA GELEN ANAVATAN PARTİSİ İCRAATLARI HAKKINDA BİR DEĞERLENDİRME

Author(s): Şeyda BELHAN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2021

In this study, it is aimed to examine the Motherland Party (ANAP) civil government that came to power after the September 12, 1980 coup and the contributions of this government to democracy . It has been observed that Özal, the founder of the ANAP government, displayed a moderate and harmonious attitude with the members of the National Security Council during the first years of active politics. In the early years of the ANAP government, it was observed that the Government Decrees were changed in the Çankay a Mansion without asking the Prime Ministry , and Özal did not speak up and behave patiently with these interventions. Towards the end of 1984, "the government's discretion" was clearly declared to Çankay a, first on economic and then on political issues, and the government began to be ruled. The Economic Precautionary Decisions of January 24, 1980 failed to reduce inflation, on the contrary, they caused inflation to become chronic. It has been observed that ANAP, led by Turgut Özal, has continued the change, different politics and management approach it has defended since before the election. According to the surveys of this period, it was determined that after September 12, the image of the politician changed, rather than the "case man", "practicality" and "executionism" came to the fore. In this period, it was observed that individualistic and self-interested behaviors were dominated. The share of social expenditures in the budget has decreased, while the share of external debt payments has increased continuously.

More...

1980 SONRASI SIRP MİLLİYETÇİLİĞİ : MİLOŞEVİÇ ve İRREDENTİZM

Author(s): Caner Sancaktar / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 47/2020

The Socialist Yugoslavia was founded as a result of liberation war under the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia against nationalism and fascisim. However, nationalism in Yugoslavia could not be completley destroyed and continued to be a destructive problem for Yugoslavia. Serbian nationalism, the most powerful nationalist movement in Yugoslavia, recoverde rapidly after 1980 like other nationalist movements in Yugoslavia. The ultimate aim of Serbian nationalism re-empowered under the leadership of Slobodan Milosevic was to establish “Geater Serbia”. Consequently, the Serbian Irredentism rose under the leadership of Milosevic and played a destructive role in the bloody collapse of the Socialist Yugoslavia in the 1990s.

More...

20.00 €

Preview

1989 in European Vernacular Memory

Author(s): Lars Breuer,Anna Delius / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2017

In our contribution, we examine the vernacular memory of the end of Communism and the year 1989 in Europe. Analyzing sixteen focus groups conducted in Germany, Poland, Spain, and the United Kingdom, we concentrate on the question whether the events related to 1989 might have the disposition to become a transnational European lieu de mémoire. We show that 1989 is not a salient historical event for British and Spanish participants, while Polish and German respondents do connect it with patterns of national identity building. Differences between vernacular and official memories could be revealed as respondents hardly mentioned the democratic achievements made in the course of the transitions. A transnational dimension was only found in Poland, where respondents articulate a feeling of neglect toward their own national history. The Solidarity movement is being interpreted as a motor of liberation and Europeanization of Poland and as a pioneer of democratization on a European scale. German respondents remain in their national frame, focusing on flashbulb memories of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the issue of social integration of East and West Germany after 1990, which they evaluate as imperfect. The strong national bias of Polish and German focus groups raises doubts as to whether 1989 can become a transnational basis for a shared European memory.

More...

20.00 €

Preview

1989: Ten Years On

Author(s): Melvin Croan / Language(s): English Issue: 02/1999

What is a decade in thy sight, O Clio? The muse aside, time has acquired novel urgency in our meta-postmodern age of instantaneous communication and sound-byte stutterings. This, in turn, quickens the natural intellectual impulse to take account, to render judgment, to extract meaning, to look for lessons. Surely a full decade constitutes a decent interval. After all, this very journal carried "A Survey of Opinion on the East European Revolution" only a few months after the event, a survey of opinion that even today strikes one as generally sound and occasionally insightful. [...]

More...

1991 წლის მოსკოვის აგვისტოს პუტჩი და საქართველოს კომუნისტური პარტიის პოზიცია

Author(s): Aleksandre Mosiashvili / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 7/2022

In the early 1990s, the Kremlin continued to try to stop the inevitable collapse of the Soviet Union. The so-called Some of the Soviet republics had already declared the restoration of state independence and were patiently waiting for the de-jure recognition process to begin. In such a situation, in August 1991, certain forces in Moscow staged a coup. The aim of the putschists was to remove from the ranks of the Soviet government those people who, in their view, were contributing to the disintegration of the USSR and trying to replace them with individuals who would halt the disintegration process by demonstrating and / or using force. The mentioned event was followed by mixed reactions, both outside the Republic of Georgia and in Georgian political circles. A relevant statement was made by the Georgian national government, including its president, about the position of the Georgian government. The statement was cautious, measured and called on the Georgian people to remain vigilant and not to resort to provocations. Different positions were observed by the representatives of the opposition forces. Among them, the position taken by the Communist Party of Georgia, which was a direct support of the coup in Moscow, is noteworthy. The newspaper "Life" of the Georgian Communist Party reported about the open expression of this position. The previous article is a kind of analysis of the political assessments and results of the time around this issue. Interestingly, the newspaper is dated August 21, which makes us think of the following: Members of the Georgian Communist Party were hoping for a victory in the current coup. But they still did not know that August 21, the date of the newspaper's publication, would coincide with the end of the coup. It must be said that the position taken by the Communists posed a great threat to the de facto independence of Georgia, and the response of the authorities was quite logical.

More...

0.00 €

1995-2015 - Women and Political Life in Post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): / Language(s): English

(English edition) While working on improving our program and portfolio on women’s human rights we quickly realized the absence of a detailed and visible account of “women’s” history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although there are a significant number of publications and several activist initiatives that address certain fragments of history and explore events, periods of time, and regions, there is currently no exhaustive institutional account of women in Bosnia, nor are attempts being made to create one. The academic community has unfortunately failed in this area. The history of women and their contribution to public life remains at the margins of academic inquiry. The Sarajevo Open Centre published the book Women Documented: Women and Public Life in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 20th Century. The book was edited by Jasmina Čaušević, a program coordinator at the Sarajevo Open Centre, in cooperation with ten authors. Through publishing this book, the Sarajevo Open Centre and our partner organizations wanted to celebrate the centenary of the First World War in a different way. It was precisely the work on Women Documented that revealed to us the need for further work exploring women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that our (virtual) museum of women’s history in Bosnia will eventually be institutionalized in Bosnian society. In November and December 2015, we will commemorate the 20-year anniversary of the Dayton Peace Accords – the international agreement that brought peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina and laid the foundations for the long and grueling process of peace-making and trust-building. The Dayton Peace Process was, as this book will demonstrate, a classic example of male politics. The commemoration will, again, be dominated by men – Bosnian and Herzegovinian and world leaders. We decided to conduct this research and publish this book to challenge the male-dominated approach to memory. This publication aims to offer systematic insight into the role played by women in political life. Our goal is to offer a better understanding and a concise overview of political life over the past 20 years, based on the stories of a number of women - activists, politicians and institutional leaders - with the hope that it will inspire other authors to explore BiH political history during this period of time. Since this aspect of history is particularly under-researched, the very process of gathering information was challenging and so we welcome constructive criticism, comments, and suggestions for improvement and enrichment of this text. I would like to thank Marina, Arijana and Edita, who accepted to work with the Sarajevo Open Centre on this project. I would also like to thank my colleague Maida Zagorac, who has helped me immensely with her excellent oversight of both the technical and the substantive aspects of this text. I also owe thanks to the Embassy of Swiss Confederation in Bosnia and Herzegovina for supporting our work and the research of women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovinian.

More...

0.00 €

1995-2015: Žene i politički život u postdejtonskoj Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Gradeći i razvijajući program i organizacijski portfelj za ženska ljudska prava, brzo smo uvidjeli_e nedostatak intenzivnijeg i vidljivog tematizovanja ”ženske” istorije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Iako postoji veliki broj publikacija i nekoliko aktivističkih inicijativa koje obrađuju određene fragmente, pojave, periode ili regije, ne postoji institucionalizirano pamćenje niti se ono podstiče. Akademska zajednica je, nažalost, zakazala kada govorimo o ovoj temi. Istorija žena i njihov doprinos i dalje ostaju na marginama akademskog života.

More...

20 years of NATO’s flagship Multinational Corps Northeast

3.90 €

Preview

20 years of NATO’s flagship Multinational Corps Northeast

Author(s): Jakub Bornio,Sławomir Wojciechowski / Language(s): English Issue: 03 (41)/2020

An interview with Lieutenant General Sławomir Wojciechowski from NATO’s Multinational Corps Northeast. Interviewer: Jakub Bornio

More...

2000’LERDE FİLİSTİN’DE MEŞRU TEMSİLCİLİK TARTIŞMALARI: HAMAS İLE EL-FETİH ARASINDAKİ REKABET

Author(s): Pınar Özden Cankara,Yavuz Cankara / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 21/2020

Palestine is not only a struggle for land but it’s also Palestinian people’s fight for a vital being. Every land that has been losing means that thousands of families become homeless. But Western states view it as a political problem rather than a humanitarian drama. Even though there are decisions taken by the United Nations Israel ignores them all. In addition to physical division and a difficult life standard the Palestinians are divided between two different organizations politically; Hamas and Fatah. Fatah has been criticized by some Palestinians because of its relations with Western states. Hamas is experiencing a crisis of legitimacy because of not abandoning the armed struggle. Hamas has been seen as a terrorist organization in the eyes of Western states and Israel. The aim of this study is to reveal the effect of the split between the two actors on the Palestinian resistance by mentioning the differences and competition between these two organizations. The study will also include official statements of the leaders of the organization and Palestinian bureaucrats.

More...

2000-2020 Yılları Arasında İsrail-Latin Amerika İlişkileri

Author(s): Eldar Hasanoğlu,Oğuzhan Çağlıyan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 11/2022

In the 2000s, the rise of left-wing governments in Latin America gave way to important changes in the Middle East policies of the regional countries. Leftist leaders who rose to power during this period called Pink Tide overwhelmingly sought to diversify their countries’ foreign relations to pursue policies more independent of the United States and forge new south-south economic partnerships. In this context, alongside historic advancements in ties between Latin American and Arab states, unprecedented Latin American-Iranian and Latin American-Palestinian rapprochements took place. Even though the radical changes in Latin American countries’ Middle East policies initially did not adversely affect Israel-Latin America relations, the Mavi Marmara incident and Israel’s military operations against the Gaza Strip drew severe criticism from many Latin American countries and led to significant tensions in bilateral relations. In July 2014, Israel-Latin American relations plunged to the lowest levels following IDF’s Operation Protective Edge. However, from the year 2015, economic and political changes at global and regional levels brought the end of the Pink Tide and the resurgence of right and centre-right governments in Latin America opened a new chapter in Israel-Latin America relations.

More...

2005-2015 Perspektifinden Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin Sahraaltı Afrika Politikası ve Afrika Komutanlığı (AFRICOM)*

Author(s): Yücel Özel,Güngör Şahin / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 35/2020

The continent of Africa, which has long been neglected in the international stage for many years, and which has not received the attention it deserves from neither centres of power poles, especially Sub-Saharan Africa has become a centre of interest after the collapse of the bipolar system. The global financial crisis of 2008 intensified the competition the Powers across the world, and enhanced Africa’s attractiveness as a resource-rich continent. After the 2008 crisis, Africa has become one of the geopolitical competition grounds for the United States (US) and rising powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and Turkey). After the year 2005, the US began to show real interest in the continent, and with the establishment of US Africa Command (AFRICOM) in 2007, African policy of the USA was identified with AFRICOM. The policies that the United States followed for sub-Saharan Africa between 2005 and 2015, when current theories and analyses of international relations were yet to be fully implemented, have influenced Africa’s transformation and regional balances of power. In the adoption of US foreign policy decisions, domestic and international public opinion is critical; however, the external threat perception based on identity and background in African countries have also been important in determining these policies. After the 2008 Crisis, the US engagements in Africa were carefully selected and governed in such a way to achieve national interests.

More...

2017 Katalan Bağımsızlık Referandumu ve Katalonya Parlamentosu’nun Bağımsızlık İlanına Yönelik Uluslararası Tepkiler

Author(s): Sinem ÇELİK / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 01/2021

The Catalan independence referendum on October 1st, 2017 is one of the most important developments in recent times for both the Spanish central government and Catalonia. As the unilateral declaration of independence of Catalonia after the referendum on October 27, 2017, threatened the territorial integrity and unity of Spain, the Spanish central government was concerned. This important problem between the Spanish central government and the autonomous government of Catalonia has been followed closely by other states as it could mobilize other separatist regions of the world. In this regard, many reactions at the international level have been shared with the public in turn. This study dealt with the Catalan independence referendum held in 2017 in general and it is examined the international reactions to the unilateral declaration of independence by the Catalan parliament after the referendum. The study aims to explain the conditions and context of the 2017 Catalan referendum, as well as to analyze the world's first reactions to the independence decision made after the referendum.

More...

2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia: Results and geographical peculiarities

Author(s): Revaz Gachechiladze,Giorgi Gogsadze / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2021

The article aims to show the main political-geographic trends of the 2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia. The political systems of the post-Soviet counties are still imperfect and fragile. Although international observers recognised the vote results in Georgia as legitimate, many opposition parties boycotted the parliament for almost six months. It took several western officials to engage in regulating the post-election crisis. The work focuses on analysing turnout and voting patterns pointing to the changes that occurred in the last decade. A geographical study of elections enables one to identify the merits and drawbacks of the electoral process from the regional standpoint. The findings of the work underline the complexity of the election outcomes. While certain legal and political changes bring Georgia closer to European democracies, the country still lags in terms of several electoral/geographical features.

More...

2020’s electoral lessons - Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine

4.90 €

Preview

2020’s electoral lessons - Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine

Author(s): Denis Cenusa / Language(s): English Issue: 01+02 (45)/2021

The political transformations that occurred in Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine in the second half of 2020 will have long-lasting consequences on the democratic development of these critical countries in the region. Each of them has made qualitative steps forward, leaving behind more oligarchic-centric rules of the game. In Ukraine, amid the territorial-administrative decentralisation efforts and electoral reform, the local elections brought to the frontline a new generation of locally grown politicians. They obtained more tools to counter-balance the big political parties in charge in Kyiv. Local democracy got a chance to shine, but long-term success depends on how the political newcomers can be protected from being subordinated by the oligarchs.

More...

2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of the Opposition?

Author(s): Vujo Ilić,Gazela Pudar Draško / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

The 2022 elections in Serbia have not produced surprising results, nor led to changes of government at any level, with the ruling Serbian Progressive Party maintaining its dominance of Serbian politics. The elections were, however, important, as a point in which the opposition parties ended the boycott of democratic institutions and returned to the parliament. In this election analysis, we describe the political context of the elections, marked by the long-term democratic backsliding, the Covid-19 pandemic measures, the constitutional referendum, mass environmental protest mobilization, and finally the invasion of Ukraine. We explain the ways in which the institutional framework for holding elections has changed and also what has remained unchanged, and how these circumstances affected the candidates and their campaigns. We provide an overview of opinion polls before election day, as well as results of parliamentary, presidential, and Belgrade city elections, and then discuss the election outcomes. The analysis concludes with an overview of post-election political dynamics and discusses possibilities for the opposition parties after their return to the aforementioned representative bodies.

More...

0.00 €

21 priča o demokratiji

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian,Serbian,Montenegrine

Fondacija „Fridrih Ebert“ je njemačka politička fondacija koja baštini ideje bliske socijaldemokratiji, djeluje u međunarodnim okvirima, a cilj joj je doprinos međunarodnom razumijevanju, razvoju demokratije, društvene pravde i ekonomskog prosperiteta. Fondacija je devedesetih godina započela s aktivnostima na području jugoistočne Evrope, koje su u posljednjih nekoliko godina uključivale i Crnu Goru. Jedna od naših glavnih projektnih linija realizovana je u saradnji sa Centrom za građansko obrazovanje. Riječ je o Školi demokratije, koju smo podržavali tokom protekle dvije godine. Ponosni smo što za ovaj projekat postoji sve veće interesovanje, tako da su u ovoj godini uspješno realizovana dva kursa Škole. Smatramo da je to odlična inicijativa, koja pomaže mladim ljudima pripremajući ih za aktivnije učešće u razvoju države i društva. Upravo ovaj vid saradnje sa demokratskim institucijama doprinosi jačanju i proširivanju demokratskih sistema, a u cilju veće društvene pravde i ekonomskog prosperiteta. Materijali koji su napravljeni i korišćeni za vrijeme kurseva Škole demokratije odlično su pripremljeni i korisni, zbog čega želimo da omogućimo njihovu publikaciju i širu distribuciju. Ovo je drugi dio priručnika za Školu demokratije; nadamo se da će ga trajno koristiti polaznici ove škole, studenti, eksperti, političari i zapošljeni u državnom sektoru. Na ovaj način, Fondacija „Fridrih Ebert fondacija“ učestvuje u političkom razvoju Crne Gore. Želio bih da izrazim posebnu zahvalnost Centru za građansko obrazovanje i gospođici Daliborki Uljarević, koja je osmislila ovu ideju i preuzela težak zadatak koordinacije izrade i publikovanja priručnika.

More...

21. YÜZYILDA RUSYA FEDERASYONU’NUN GÜVENLİK BELGELERİ: NEO REALİST TEORİ ÇERÇEVESİNDE BİR ANALİZ

Author(s): Alperen Kürşad ZENGİN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 55/2020

This study was conducted to analyze the National Security Concepts and Military Doctrines published by the Russian Federation in the 21st century. The main problem of the study is: "Which of the theories of international relations can explain the security documents of the Russian Federation?". The study was tested on the hypothesis that "the security documents of the Russian Federation are shaped by the neo-realist theory". In the study, the findings of the Russian Federation; ıt considers that the international system is seen as anarchic-unstable, that the main threats to national security stem from the structure of the international system, and that security policies are established within the framework of “nuclear deterrence and military capacity” and balancing through alliances ”strategies.

More...

25 godina Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma

Author(s): Josip Mlakić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 115/2020

Postoje prijelomni događaji u našim životima, ili su nam se takvima učinili u trenutku kad su se dogodili, i koje stoga pamtimo cijeloga života, i to s takvom živošću da nerijetko pamtimo i neke banalne detalje vezane za trenutak kad smo doznali za njih. Svatko onaj tko je odrastao u bivšoj državi, vjerujem, sjeća se trenutka kad je čuo vijest da je umro Josip Broz Tito, kao i toga gdje se nalazio u tom trenutku, što je radio, kao i osjećaja zbunjenosti i straha pred nečim novim, jer smo intuitivno bili svjesni da ništa više neće biti kao što je bilo. Ili nam se tako činilo u tom trenutku?

More...

25 godina Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Odgovornost međunarodne zajednice za stanje u BiH

Author(s): Mladen Bevanda / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 115/2020

Svi oni koji su privrženi, vjerni svojoj domovini imaju pravo, ali i obvezu, slobodno izreći i kritički govoriti kako vide stanje u BiH nakon četvrt stoljeća od donošenja, usvajanja Daytonskog sporazuma. Pritom ne treba osjećati strah da će se odgovarati za svaki prigovor, za izraženo mišljenje. Svojedobno su, naime, mnogi hrvatski dužnosnici, i ne samo oni, oštro kažnjavani samo zato što su bona fide – u najboljoj namjeri – otvoreno iznosili svoje objekcije, zamjerke na samovoljno mijenjanje i nametanje rješenja koja su bila protivna slovu i duhu Daytona. Nekad neupitan, danas je ovaj Sporazum toliko izobličen, izmijenjen da ne sliči svom izvorniku. Hrvatski narod, međutim, trpi teške posljedice samovoljnog, bezobzirnog prekrajanja, ionako nepravednog Daytonskog sporazuma.

More...