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(Ana)lfabeta u ružnoj akciji

Author(s): Rodoljub Šabić / Language(s): Serbian

„Gledao sam ovo sa Anom. Stvarno idu predaleko. Naručeno pitanje, neka leva TV, pa odgovor – nizak napad na vas.“Ovo je jedna od više sličnih poruka kojima su me juče obavestili da sam bio predmet kritike premijerke Ane Brnabić na njenoj konferenciji za medije. I da je uz kritiku moje stručnosti (i to, zamislite, baš povodom mog nedavnog teksta na Peščaniku, koji je stavljen u isti rang sa pitanjem državne televizije Kine!) kažu, doduše tiše, u pola glasa, dozvolila sebi i nekakve insinuacije na račun mog, zna se, lošeg karaktera i zlih namera.

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(DE)PARLAMENTARIZACIJA JEDNOG POLITIČKOG SISTEMA

Author(s): Milan Blagojević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2019

This year a 30 year has been reached when the Berlin Wall had fallen. It was a lot of expectations from that important event. One of expectations was a restoration of parliamentarism, and it is a subject of this paper. In the paper the author explains that as far as the restoration of parliamentarism is concerned, this expectation is not fulfilled in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author explains why do we have such situation, and why do we, instead of parliamentarism, have a deparlamentarisation of one political system.

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(DIS)ADVANTAGES OF TOURISM IN THE CONDITIONS OF SELF-GOVERNMENT AND WAYS OF ITS EFFECTIVE PROMOTION

Author(s): Kristína Hoghová / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The creation of Slovak Republic as an independent state, globalization, and internationalization of society has brought an increase in competition between cities, not only at the national level, but beyond national borders also. This is also related to the city image and its communication after the year 1989, when the self-governments acquired a significant position thanks to the implementation of the law on municipal establishment. If cities want to keep their position in the urban market and be successful at the same time, it is necessary to remember the importance of marketing activities, as well as maintain a positive city image. Thus, paper focuses on the characteristics of internal marketing communication of the selected city. Based on the results of the survey conducted, we will proceed to our own proposals and recommendations for the city’s marketing communication in order to maintain its image and competitiveness.

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(Ne)istorinis istorinio Atgimimo laikotarpio tyrimas

Author(s): Tomas Vaitelė / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 46/2020

Review of: Tomas Vaitelė - Rec.: Anna Mikonis-Railienė, Renata Šukaitytė, Mantas Martišius, Renata Stonytė, Politinis lūžis ekrane: (po)komunistinė transformacija Lietuvos dokumentiniame kine, videokronikoje ir televizijoje, Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla, 2020.

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(NE)MOĆ PARLAMENTA U DRŽAVAMA U TRANZICIJI

Author(s): Goran Marković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2019

The aim of the work is to analyze constitutional and political position of the parliament in the states in transition. The basic hypothesis is that the parliament has become the second-class political institution despite the fact that it is the nominal represent of the sovereign’s will and that it exercises the most important state functions. The work includes the analysis constitutionally regulated relations between political institutions, in order to find confirmation of this hypothesis. The author has in mind the fact that the constitutions prescribe the rights of the government and the head of state in relation to the parliament, which they extensively use, which considerably increase their power. Although the analysis is in the first place constitutional one, it can not be limited to the field of constitutional law but it has to include the political aspect as well. This approach is necessary for more reasons. First, the real relations between political institutions have to be included in the analysis, which are not necessarily based on the constitutional provisions. Secondly, the role of the parliaments depends among other things on the subjects which only conditionally could be called the constitutional ones, such as the case with the political parties. The conclusion is that the power of the parliament is lesser that the one of the government and the president of the republic, for the fact that fragmented parliament usually is not able to secure stable parliamentary majority, and the fact that the party government and the president of the republic extensively use their constitutional authorities.

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(Nie)doskona ła równowaga? Problem y relacji między unią, stanami a ludem w amerykańskiej debacie politycznej w latach 1798-1861

Author(s): Rafał Lis / Language(s): Polish Issue: 67/2020

The aim of the article is to present the controversy related to maintaining the ideal of balance between the two levels of power in the American political system (Union and state), indicated by James Madison in his essay. This balance was strongly justified by the reference to the principle of people’s sovereignty, which was to be threatened by both centrifugal and separatist, as well as centralist and unification tendencies. The review of positions from the years 1798–1861 presented in the article allows us to state that the controversy resulted from Madison’s failure to precisely define the people – especially where exactly they should be placed in the conflict between the two jurisdictions

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(No) Exit from liberalism?

Author(s): Alexander Cooley,Daniel H. Nexon / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2020

Post-Cold War expansion of liberal order rested on three legs: the implosion of major alternative ordering projects, the enjoyment by liberal democracies of a ‘‘patronage monopoly,’’ and the dominance of liberalizing transitional activist networks and movements. By 2019, all three of those legs have been turned upside down. China and Russia, among others, offer new ordering projects, countries enjoy ‘‘exit options’’ in the form of alternative patronage, and illiberal activist networks are in the ascendant. A closer look at the ‘‘why’’ and ‘‘how’’ makes clear that illiberal forces have appropriated and repurposed the toolkit used to expand liberal order, which suggests an apparent paradox. While some forms of liberal order—primarily on the political side—are in retreat, other forms of liberal order—especially in terms of institutional and multilateral arrangements—are being reinforced. We are, therefore, looking not at the end of liberal order, but at a third great transformation in it.

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(Trajna) nedovršenost države?

Author(s): Aleksandar R. Miletić / Language(s): Serbian

Nedovršenost države, koju je Đinđić video kao uzrok unutrašnjih protivrečnosti u jugoslovenskoj federaciji i kasnije u Srbiji njegovog vremena, do danas se već u značajnoj meri normalizovala kao stanje stvari i svesti. Politički akteri i društvo u Srbiji sa njom ozbiljno računaju; ona je postala značajan deo identitetske legitimacije društva koje kao da ne bi umelo da funkcioniše izvan kategorija fiktivnog suvereniteta i zamrznutog konflikta na Kosovu. Uzimajući Đinđićevu postavljenu dijagnozu i hronologiju pojave izlazi da ova nedovršenost institucija i neizvesnost državnog statusa na različite načine traju neprekidno od druge polovine 60-ih godina prošlog veka, dakle već pola stoleća. Godišnjica atentata na prvog demokratski izabranog premijera Srbije čini se kao dobar povod da se razmotri istorijski kontekst ovih prvih 50 godina naše nedovršenosti. Nije zgoreg, naime, biti pripravan za nastupajuće godišnjice. Počećemo od socijalističke Jugoslavije.

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(Un)doing Polishness: Negotiation of Ethnic Belonging in Personal Narratives about Karta Polaka

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(Un)doing Polishness: Negotiation of Ethnic Belonging in Personal Narratives about Karta Polaka

Author(s): Olga Sasunkevich / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2021

The article is based on a qualitative study of how Polishness is constructed in personal narratives about Karta Polaka (the Polish Card, Polish Charter). The interviews with possessors of the Polish Card, a document issued by the Polish state to the citizens of the former USSR identifying themselves as Poles, was conducted in 2015 in the city of Hrodna in western Belarus. The article uses the example of Karta Polaka to show how people who apply for the Polish Card perceive, negotiate, and reconstruct the idea of Polishness that this document implies. The author suggests that the demand for Karta Polaka among citizens of Belarus cannot be explained by ethnic opportunism entirely. Pragmatic and symbolic reasoning to apply for the document often overlap. Moreover, as the author argues, Karta Polaka evokes the process of negotiating ethnic belonging among participants of the study. The article departs from the theoretical standpoint that ethnic belonging is neither merely a matter of individual choice nor a passive absorption of ethnic discourses produced by states, laws, or ethnic entrepreneurs. Combining the premises of performative and dialogical approaches to identity construction, the author shows empirically which discourses influence people’s sense of ethnic belonging and how these discourses are negotiated in their personal stories.

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100 evra za šoping u Milanu

Author(s): Slobodan Prvanović / Language(s): Serbian

I ranije smo bili svedoci podmićivanja glasača, ali ovako nešto, ipak, još nismo videli. Davali su sirotinji brašno, ulje i šećer, davali su najuticajnijima u selu traktore, nudili su zapošljavanje bliže i dalje familije… Ko zna kome i ko zna šta su davali kako bi kupili glasove. Bilo je i otvorenih plaćanja „glasačkih usluga“ – jedna crvena i sendvič za dekorisanje trgova ili solidna plata za botove. Ali, nikada nismo bili svedoci ovakve banalizacije podmićivanja glasača i prinudnog izjednačavanja baš svih građana u toj banalizaciji. Do sada je ono bilo makar prividno na dobrovoljnoj osnovi. Međutim, ova mera nas praktično sve primorava na primanje takve velikodušnosti – davanja novca svih građana svim građanima.

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12 TEMMUZ BEYANNAMESİ’NİN CUMHURİYET HALK PARTİSİ’NDE (CHP) YARATTIĞI SİYASİ ETKİLER

Author(s): Dilşad Türkmenoğlu KÖSE / Language(s): Turkish Issue: Suppl. 1/2020

This study was prepared to reveal the political effects created by the July 12 Declaration on CHP, which is alleged to have redesigned the relations between power and opposition that were blocked after Turkey’s multiparty political life in the post-1945 period. The study, which used descriptive analysis method, primarily discusses Turkey's transition to multiparty political life. It is then planned to reveal the place and democratic value of the declaration in this process. Finally, the transformation of the CHP's politics after the Declaration was published is being tried to be analyzed. When the literature review was conducted, it is seen that the previous studies included the 12 July declaration, but the process wasn’t evaluated specifically from the perspective of the CHP. It’s thought that the study will contribute to the literature by evaluating the process of July 12 Declaration and its aftermath, especially in terms of CHP's policies.

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16. YÜZYILDA OSMANLI PADİŞAHLARININ POLİTİK, EKONOMİK VE MANEVİ GÜÇ KAYNAĞI OLARAK HANEDANA YÖNELİK TEMLİKLERİ

Author(s): Zafer Karademir / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2022

It was accepted that the Ottoman sultans were the sole owner of the financial resources in the country. According to this understanding, the sultans could donate the resources they controlled under the status of mülk (property) and within the framework of the rules of law. This article examines the reasons for the distribution of the mülks given by the Ottoman sultans, who ruled in the 16th century, to the members of the dynasty by the method of temliks (given property), and the results of these opportunities provided to the members of the ruling family. Within the scope of the study, the temliknâmes (property papers) obtained from the Presidency Ottoman Archives of the Presidency of the State Archives of the Republic of Turkey were evaluated in detail. The positive or negative effects of these mülks on the economic order are the focus of the article. In addition, how the financial resources subject to assignment were protected; when these cannot be protected who intervenes in these assets are the questions to be answered. It can be said that the temlik practices, which were spread throughout the country and had quite different types, were designed as a "temlik network". With this structure, the sultans and the central bureaucracy connected to them both tried to leave the important income sources of the state within the family and kept the balance within the dynasty under their control. Many people, from the female members of the dynasty to the grooms, were fed from this network. Despite all the legal and physical protections, the dynasty's properties experienced outside interventions, but they were tried to be prevented by legal means.

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19. Yüzyıl Başlarında Kudüs, Abdullah Çakmak

Author(s): Orçun Nalezen / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 10/2021

Review of: Abdullah Çakmak, “19. Yüzyıl Başlarında Kudüs”, İLEM Yayınları, İstanbul, 2020. xxii+240, ISBN: 978-625-7800-05-1

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1918 IN THE HISTORY OF LITHUANIA, POLAND AND UKRAINE

Author(s): Olha Morozova / Language(s): English Issue: 30/2019

The article is about one of the most important problem of modern history – proclamation of the independence of Lithuanians, Poles and Ukrainians. Three nations, Lithuanian, Polish and Ukrainian, entered to the twentieth century enslaved and divided between the empires. The most prominent representatives of the Lithuanian, Polish and Ukrainian intellectual elite during the nineteenth century formulated programs regarding national revival and the creation of independent states. But why did the Ukrainians not succeed in expanding their independence in 1918? In the article, the author tried to find the answer to this question.

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1939 versus 1989—A Missed Opportunity to Create a European Lieu de Mémoire?

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1939 versus 1989—A Missed Opportunity to Create a European Lieu de Mémoire?

Author(s): Aline Sierp / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2017

This article analyses the wider context of policy conflict concerning public memory of the 1989 events. It uses Pierre Nora’s concept of lieux de mémoire in trying to explain why 23 August 1939 has been turned into a European Remembrance Day whereas 9 November 1989 has not. By investigating closely the role that various memory actors played during debates at the European level, it advances the idea that the anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact has been more successful in establishing itself within the European remembrance landscape because it has allowed for the promotion of a unifying narrative of the European past. In doing so, the article questions the frequently advanced idea that memory clashes in the EU form around an East–West divide that in some cases overlaps with a Right–Left divide. The analysis digs deep into the complex dynamics lying at the heart of memory contests concerning the end of the Cold War within the EU and provides a more differentiated view of discussions preceding EU decisions on policies of memory.

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1945. Kpaj или нови почетак?

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Croatian,Serbian

In 2015, the world celebrated its 70th anniversary since the end of World War II. On the initiative of Dr Dragan Aleksić, the Institute for Contemporary History of Serbia decided to join the commemoration of this significant date by publishing a collection of scientific papers that would not only be of a suitable character but would also represent a scientific contribution to the anniversary. It was an honor for me to be the editor of this collection, and my idea of what it should look like revolved around 1945 as a turning point: a time when the war was ending and a new era was beginning. The end of World War II, to a much greater extent than the end of World War I, also marked the end of an old, pre-war world. After World War I, three empires disappeared, a series of new states emerged, democracy and the right of peoples to self-determination became generally accepted ... The end of World War I sowed, however, the seeds of the next world slaughter. It was incomparably greater than the previous or any other war in history, and its end created a world that people who lived in 1914 would never recognize. Europe was devastated, effectively divided between the two victorious superpowers, while the old European powers were losers or mere formal victors: soon after World War II, and in large part thanks to it, the colonial empires of Great Britain and France began to crumble rapidly, giving birth mainly during the first two postwar decades the world as we know it today. [...]

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1945–1956, the Beginning of Modernity

Author(s): Konrad Matyjaszek / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2019

This article is the second part of the introduction to issue 8/19 of Studia Litteraria et Historica. The issue focuses on an anthropological and sociological analysis of the years 1945–1956 in Poland and, to some degree, on a deconstruction of contemporary Polish narratives on Stalinism.

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1956 Süveyş Krizi ve Ortadoğu’ya Etkisi

Author(s): Mehmet Erkan Kıllıoğlu / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2021

In the period after the Second World War, the great colonial empires of the 19th century and their colonial order fade away and a new bipolar international political system led by the USA and USSR, emerged. The emergence of this new international political system forced the disintegration of the old order. During this disintegration process, Britain tried to evacuate and liquidate her former colonies, which put a huge burden on its economic, political and military system, but in doing so tried to keep the strategically important points, at least the ones left in the west of the Suez Canal. The Suez Canal region, which remained in Egyptian territory, was one of those strategic assets. Egypt, whose relations with the West occasionally deteriorated due to its former colonial past history, announced that it had nationalized the Suez Canal after one of such problematic events. Although the USA, the presumed leader of the Western World, was not satisfied with that decision, but tried to decrease the tension in order to cease the USSR intervention to the Middle East and increase its influence. However, Britain and France, who are in charge of the Suez Canal and Canal Company, were not satisfied with Egypt’s decision that nationalized the Suez Company. They took decisive action both to take the Canal back and to overthrow the Egyptian leader Gamal Abdünnasir, who was hostile to them in the Middle East region. As a result, the Suez Crisis of 1956 occurred. Britain and France won the military struggle but lost in the political process. Balances in the Middle East region and the world system have changed dramatically and the Suez Crisis was the starting point of this change.

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1956: „Unsere Segel prall, unsere Schiffe voran"

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1956: „Unsere Segel prall, unsere Schiffe voran"

Author(s): Miklós Molnár / Language(s): German Issue: 26/1986

Verschiedenste politische Strömungen versuchen im Westen die Ereignisse der Revolution 1956 für sich und ihre Ideale zu vereinnahmen. Miklós Molnár versucht Fragen zu stellen und Problemstellungen aufzuzeigen, inwieweit die ungarische Revolution als Versuch gesehen werden kann, einen demokratischen Sozialismus zu schaffen. Grundlage des Textes war ein Vortrag auf der Konferenz von Liehfrauenherg im Elsaß, wo die Evangelische Akademie der Ungarn im Mai 1986 zum 30. Jahrestag der Oktoberrevolution eine Konferenz organisierte.

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1968 in Prague and Bratislava

Author(s): Dieter Segert / Language(s): English Issue: 05 (48)/2021

“1968” happened not only on the streets of the cities in the United States, in Paris and Berlin (West), but also in Prague and Bratislava. Soviet tanks and people on the street protesting against it determine the collective memory of this year. However, the eastern “1968” was more than that. There was a reform movement and a lot of hope. The changes started with the party congress of the Czechoslovak communists at the end of 1962. The Czechoslovak reforms did not begin in the streets as a protest movement against the rulers, but started at a meeting of the ruling party at which the communists criticised their own policies. The central keyword is political rehabilitation.

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