Keywords: education; education in Poland; knowledge; society
W dyskusjach o edukacji coraz częściej mówi się o jakości i coraz ważniejszą rolę odgrywają różne sposoby jej mierzenia. Jeszcze kilkadziesiąt lat temu porównania systemów oświatowych ograniczały się do zestawiania odsetków absolwentów kończących poszczególne etapy edukacji czy wskaźników upowszechnienia edukacji, np. w przedszkolach czy w szkolnictwie wyższym. W nadzorze nad szkołami dominował model tradycyjnej, hierarchicznej kontroli, polegającej na sprawdzaniu, czy przestrzegane są przepisy i inne zewnętrznie zdefiniowane normy. W ostatnich dekadach zwiększyły się oczekiwania stawiane przed edukacją. W większym stopniu zaczęto też postrzegać edukację przez pryzmat poziomu wiedzy i umiejętności absolwentów. W nadzorze nad szkołami zaczęto zwracać uwagę nie tylko na procesy, ale też i efekty, w tym zwłaszcza efekty uczenia się. Międzynarodowe badania osiągnięć edukacyjnych pokazały problem zróżnicowania poziomu umiejętności uczniów, w tym istnienia sporej grupy uczniów, którzy kończą szkoły z zasobem umiejętności nieodpowiadającym wyzwaniom współczesnego społeczeństwa i potrzebom rynku pracy.
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Keywords: gender equality; BiH;
Posljednjih nekoliko godina Bosna i Hercegovina se suočava sa suštinskim promjenama u okviru društvene i političke transformacije. Težnja ka priključenju Evropskoj uniji te sveobuhvatna reforma sistema i društvenih odnosa vodila je ka unapređivanju politika za ravnopravnost spolova i jednake mogućnosti, a naročito ka izgradnji institucija na svim nivoima vlasti koje bi uspješno sprovodile ove politike. Tako danas u BiH postoji nebrojeno mnogo institucionalnih mehanizama za ravnopravnost spolova, kako pri zakonodavnoj, odnosno predstavničkoj, tako i pri izvršnoj vlasti i to na svim nivoima, od najvišeg, državnog do najnižeg, lokalnog nivoa.
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Centar za evroatlantske studije iz Beograda (CEAS) objavio je danas svoj novi izveštaj “U korak sa privatnim sektorom bezbednosti”, koji je završni deo projekta “Regulisan privatni sektor bezbednosti – bezbedniji zivot građana“, realizovan uz podršku ambasade Kraljevine Norveške u Srbiji.Jedan od ciljeva spomenutog projekta bio je da se javnim zagovaranjem utiče na predstavnike vlasti da detaljno razmotre postojeće stanje u ovoj oblasti i njeno pravno regulisanje stave među svoje prioritete.
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Keywords: Central Europe; energetics; Energy; Europe; European Union; Poland; renewable energy; shale gas
The report seeks to explore the reasons behind the stark polarization of the European debate about shale gas. Supporters of exploration and production from shale gas deposits consider it an opportunity to significantly alter the political and economic rules affecting Europe’s energy security. Critics tend to interpret the development of the shale gas industry as a threat to the environment, a challenge to the existing strategies of limiting the green-house gas emissions, or a competition to the well-entrenched economic interests.Thus the report analyzes the politics of shale gas, looking into debates in the select European countries and probing the activities of the EU institutions (the EU Council, the Commission, the European Parliament) in this sphere. The authors investigated a broad array of factors that influence the preferences of the key players: approach to the optimal energy mix, desired level of diversification of energy supplies, or the perception of natural gas imports from an energy security angle. In addition, the report highlights the significance of the North American experience with shale gas exploration and development as a crucial determinant of the European debate.
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The credibility of institutions and of the Government as a whole remained a fundamental issue undermining the state of the country, without sizable improvements since 2016-2017. Authorities have not given up on the deficient policies criticised by the civil society, extra-parliamentary opposition and development partners. The change of the electoral system just before elections, the unprecedented invalidation of Chisinau municipality election, the initiative to exchange investments for citizenship or the package of laws on voluntary reporting and fiscal facilities distanced even more the ruling coalition from principles of democracy and rule of law. These measures also undermined other important reforms implemented by authorities in the financial-banking sector or business regulation and, finally, worsened dramatically the Government’s relationship with the development partners. The Moldovan economy continues to grow slowly following a non-sustainable model. After a recovering growth of 4.5% in 2016, GDP continued to grow in 2017 (+4.5%), but there are signs that it will slow down in 2018 in spite of quite favourable regional context. Such an economic growth rate is not enough to converge the income to the standards of Central and Eastern European countries during the life span of the current generations. As shown in the previous editions of State of the Country Report, to converge Moldova needs growth rates of GDP closer to 7-8% per year. Moreover, replicating the model of the previous years, the 2017-2018 growth is based more on conjuncture or arithmetic, rather than fundamental factors (e.g. the remittances grew on the background of a low base of comparison and the increase in public investment and social spending is determined by proximity to elections and is hence temporary).
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Keywords: Democratic institutions; Transnistria conflict; capacity of administration; juridical system; economic reforms; foreign trade; social development; human traffic; migration; border control;
The reports in the "Euromonitor" series aim at independent and objective monitoring of the implementation process of the Republic of Moldova - European Union Action Plan. The actions adopted and implemented by both signatories of the Plan will be monitored quarterly. The action plan is a complex document, structured in 7 chapters, which provides for the implementation of about 300 actions, some defined more or less precisely, others very ambiguous. Unable to monitor such a complex document, the authors of "Euromonitor" focused on priority actions, identified in the Action Plan itself.
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Keywords: Democratic institutions; Transnistria conflict; capacity of administration; juridical system; economic reforms; foreign trade; social development; human traffic; migration; border control;
The reports in the "Euromonitor" series aim at independent and objective monitoring of the implementation process of the Republic of Moldova - European Union Action Plan. The actions adopted and implemented by both signatories of the Plan will be monitored quarterly. The action plan is a complex document, structured in 7 chapters, which provides for the implementation of about 300 actions, some defined more or less precisely, others very ambiguous. Unable to monitor such a complex document, the authors of "Euromonitor" focused on priority actions, identified in the Action Plan itself.
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Keywords: Democratic institutions; Transnistria conflict; capacity of administration; juridical system; economic reforms; foreign trade; social development; migration; border control;
The first achievements and difficulties in implementing the EU-Moldova Association Agreement are the objects of monitoring the implementation process of the EU-Moldova Association Agreement between July 2014 and July 2015. The monitoring effort was carried out by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT and the Independent Analytical Center Expert-Grup, and included the analysis of the degree of fulfillment of the commitments taken by the Moldovan authorities within the National Action Plan for the implementation of the Association Agreement Republic of Moldova - European Union for the years 2014-2016 (PNAA). // In the process of monitoring the implementation of the Association Agreement, the concrete commitments assumed by the national authorities in 23 policy areas, 15 areas related to economic cooperation and sectoral cooperation, and 10 areas related to the deep and comprehensive free trade area (DCFTA) were targeted. ). // As a result of the monitoring, we present in this report the synthesis of the evolutions for the monitored period referring to the progresses registered, but the arrears and problems that marked this period of implementation of the Association Agreement.
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Keywords: BiH; legislation; freedom of assembly; organizer obligations; location and time of the assembly; assembly ban; OSCE; human rights;
This analysis is organised in chapters that address the most important thematic areas for the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. First, the paper presents the research implementation method and a summary of documents containing key international recommendations for regulating the freedom of peaceful assembly. As a starting point for the analysis, the definitions of public assembly protected by BiH legislation are discussed, and a special focus is placed on peaceful assembly and public protest as the most important forms of public assembly for the purposes of this research. Significant space is devoted to the notification requirement, an area with probably most contradictions among the provisions of all the laws on public assembly in force in BiH. This aspect of the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly has been analysed primarily in light of a comparison of the notification system and the authorisation system, which is explicitly criticised by all relevant international recommendations. This is followed by restrictions, as well as privileges that the legislative framework subjects assembly organisers to, depending on their affiliation with certain categories or groups (e.g. restrictions for foreign nationals as opposed to privileges for trade unions). This chapter also reflects on a special type of assembly - unorganised, spontaneous assemblies as an immediate response to an event or an occurrence in the society, making assembly notification unfeasible. National legislation requirements have also been analysed with respect to data requested for assembly notification and the (non-)harmonisation of the deadlines and international standards. The issue of assembly location is also extensively discussed, as there are significant discrepancies between local laws, but also local laws and international standards due to bans on assemblies in many otherwise publicly available locations. The actions of authorities aimed at making it difficult for the organisers to choose a location they consider most appropriate for their peaceful assembly or public protest are visible. Assembly time is discussed in light of restrictive provisions in certain laws that limit the possibilities by imposing specific timing. Legal remedy in case of imposed restrictions on public assemblies is addressed from the perspective of the necessary urgency of the legal protection procedure, i.e., the need to complete the entire procedure in a timely fashion, from the decision on the ban to deciding on the appeal, so that the organisers can continue with assembly planning. The differences in the responsibilities expected of police bodies in providing security at peaceful assemblies and the duties and responsibilities imposed on organisers, leaders and stewards of public assemblies are compared. This chapter addresses a particular concern given that the guiding principle of freedom of peaceful assembly is that the competent authorities have a primary obligation to facilitate the enjoyment of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. The last part of this paper addresses the provisions governing the reasons why police authorities may ban or interrupt an ongoing assembly and the sanctions provided by law. Finally, specific recommendations are given from the perspective of international standards that could significantly improve freedom of assembly in BiH through appropriate advocacy activities.
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POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARLIAMENTARISM IN UKRAINE: CURRENT STATE AND MAIN PROBLEMS // POLITICAL CULTURE OF UKRAINIAN CITIZENS: SPECIAL ASPECTS AND TRENDS // MAIN PROBLEMS OF PARLIAMENTARISM IN UKRAINE // FEATURES AND TRENDS IN BUILDING A UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE: EXPERT OPINIONS // PROBLEMS OF FORMATION AND FUNCTIONING OF UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENTARISM // STUDY “UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARLIAMENTARISM TODAY: PROBLEMS AND DEVELOPMENT TRENDS, WAYS OF IMPROVEMENT” // CHANGING MOTIVATION TO PROTEST TO MOTIVATION FOR INVOLVEMENT // POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AS AN INDICATOR OF DEVELOPING PARLIAMENTARISM: UKRAINE’S CHARACTERISTICS
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This White Paper proposes an alternative, independent vision of state policy for controlling illegal migration in Ukraine. This is the final report from the “Improving the Implementation of Migration Policy by Disseminating EU Experience with Readmission Treaties” Project implemented by the International Centre for Policy Studies (Kyiv, Ukraine) and the Institute for Public Affairs (Warsaw, Poland), with support from the Embassy of the UK in Ukraine. This document also contains recommendations for institutional reform, legislative changes, and drawing on technical assistance, as well as proposals for specific polices and programs in migration control and border management. The report also proposes responses to challenges associated with signing a Readmission Treaty with the EU: recommendations on creating conditions for the detention of illegal migrants, ensuring them legal protection, and carrying out identification and expulsion procedures. Moreover, this paper also lays out reforms that are needed to improve the effectiveness of Ukraine’s migration policy: reforms in the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) and the judiciary.
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CONTROL OF LAW ENFORCEMENT BODIES IN UKRAINE: CIVILIAN BUT UNDEMOCRATIC // 1. LEGAL FUNDAMENTALS OF DEMOCRATIC CIVILIAN CONTROL OVER LAWENFORCEMENT BODIES // 2. THE SYSTEM OF DEMOCRATIC CIVILIAN CONTROL OVER LAWENFORCEMENT BODIES: ITS EFFECTIVENESS AND SHORTCOMINGS // 3. ILLEGITIMATE INFLUENCE OF LAWENFORCEMENT BODIES ON THE ELECTION PROCESSES // 4. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS // STRICT LEGAL NORMS ARE NEEDED FOR THE OPERATION OF LAWENFORCEMENT BODIES // THE STATE IS PLACED IN THE SERVICE OF OLIGARCHS // WE SHOULD NOT CALL FOR RUINATION, BUT CORRECTLY DETERMINE THE WAYS OF REFORM // NO LAWS WILL BE OBSERVED WITHOUT CHANGING THE PRESIDENT AND UKRAINE’S GOVERNMENT // DEMOCRATIC CONTROL IS NOT A PANACEA // THE FUNCTIONS OF NONSTATE SECURITY STRUCTURES ARE NOT LIMITED TO GUARDING // THE EXECUTIVE HIERARCHY SHOULD BE SPLIT // DEMOCRATIC CONTROL IS NOT A GOALINITSELF // NATO AND EU ENLARGEMENT: IMPLICATIONS FOR REFORM OF THE NONMILITARY SECURITY SECTOR IN UKRAINE // EVERYONE PRETENDS THAT UKRAINE OBSERVES ITS OWN CONSTITUTION AND INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS. BUT THIS IS NOT THE CASE // JOINT EFFORTS ARE NEEDED // NOT EVERYTHING IS ALRIGHT IN THE COUNTRY
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Keywords: BiH; Self-Representation; guide; enterprises; Republika Srpska;
(Second, extended edition) This Self-Representation Guide for Micro, Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (MSMEs) in Republika Srpska (the Guide) is produced under the Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) Commercial Justice Technical Assistance Project (Project) implemented by the World Bank and funded with UK aid from the UK Government. The objective of the Project is to support justice institutions in implementing reforms that improve efficiency and access to commercial justice in BiH, building on the recommendations of the UK-funded 2016 Feasibility Study on Improving Commercial Case Management in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Project is part of a broader World Bank initiative to raise awareness of reform opportunities and inform policy dialogue on the efficiency, quality, and access to justice across countries in the Western Balkans, with a view to improve the performance of justice systems in these countries. The Project comprises five components: (1) strengthening commercial departments and commercial courts in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) and Republika Srpska (RS), respectively, through analysis of caseloads and workloads, and providing recommendations to re-engineer processes, reduce backlog and strengthen court management; (2) fast-tracking small claims, based on results of comparative legal analysis of civil procedure in BiH and in several countries of the European Union; (3) increasing access to justice for Micro, Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (MSMEs) through developing guides to increase legal literacy among firms; (4) capacity building through developing and implementing peer-led counseling and supplementary training for commercial judges; and (5) implementing procedural reforms to close loopholes and reduce bottlenecks in case processing through proposals for legislative amendments. This Guide is delivered under Project Component 3 - Increasing Access to Justice for MSMEs. Its purpose is to help the MSMEs in the RS to better understand court processes and gain basic knowledge necessary for self-representation at courts. The Guide provides answers to questions that the MSMEs might have before deciding whether to litigate. The Guide is designed for MSMEs in the RS which do not possess formal knowledge in this area. A Guide of identical scope, structure and contents has been produced for MSMEs in the FBiH, reflecting specific features of the FBiH legal system and relevant regulation. The contents of the Guide and the topics addressed were defined based on broad consultations with representatives of business and legal community and the needs of the larger target audience. The Guide does not address all topics that might be of interest to some MSMEs, such as international litigations or labor disputes. The first edition of the Guide was published in December 2019 and widely distributed among the business community. To reflect the users’ feedback as well as lessons learnt from the impact of COVID-19 pandemics, this second edition was prepared to include a chapter on administrative disputes and provide additional information on liquidation and bankruptcy proceedings. The Guide uses a simple legal language and is written in a colloquial style, addressing directly a business person that considers using of court services. The first three chapters of the Guide introduce the notion of self-representation at courts and provide overview of the litigation procedure and organization of the court system in the RS. Chapters IV-VIII explain the rules of litigation step-bystep, providing guidelines for filing and responding to a lawsuit, preparing and participating at court hearings and filing an appeal. Chapters IX and X provide overview of special procedures that are important for businesses, such as liquidation and the bankruptcy procedure. Chapter XI explains the enforcement procedure, since implementation of judicial decisions is critical part of the judicial procedure. Chapter XII provides basic information on administrative disputes and proceedings in the RS. Finally, Chapter XIII gives information on alternative dispute resolution methods, including characteristics, advantages and disadvantages of mediation and arbitration. Basic terms of litigation procedure are provided in the last chapter. Annex 1 provides links to the legislation on court fees and calculators of court fees and costs of proceedings. Annex 2 provides contact details of courts as well as organizations or institutions that can provide additional referrals. Annex 3 provides table of templates’ examples.
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Keywords: Montenegro; media; public service broadcasting; future; finances; regulations; sociocultural and political aspects; digitalization;
The aim of this paper is to examine the status and operation of the public service broadcaster in Montenegro and the process of transformation of the state-controlled Radio Television of Montenegro (Radio i Televizija Crne Gore, or RTCG) into a public service broadcaster. The paper elaborates on the current situation with RTCG and attempts to provide insights into the prospects for its future, in the context of contemporary European and local debates, tackling the obstacles, challenges and changing policy streams when it comes to public media. In doing so, special attention is given to the political, economic and social factors that influence the transformation of the state broadcaster in Montenegro. The former state controlled broadcaster was formally established as a PSB in 2002, and this is when the transformation process started. The path towards the development of PSB was not an easy task given the complex contextual factors and obstacles that RTCG faced. The former state broadcaster RTCG, remembered for the dissemination of hate speech during the Yugoslav wars during the 1990s, for political obedience to the ruling party and for its financial ruin, was suddenly supposed to transform itself into a geniune PSB to serve primarily the citizens of Montenegro. Moreover, such a transformation was happening in an extremely complex political and economic context: the country found itself in the midst of democratization and liberalization processes, while at the same time negotiating its accession to the EU. The financial crisis put immense pressure on the government and the media market, limiting the scope of any intervention that aimed at the sustainable institutional transformation of RTCG. Taking these contextual factors, and the dynamics they produced, into consideration, this paper attempts to answer three sets of questions. First, how the initial media policy and regulations in regard to PSB were adopted, who the main actors were in the process (considering the EU influence), and how these actors interacted with each other. Second, what is the current situation with the PSB regarding the implementation of policies and reforms, giving special attention to the PSB remit, funding model, formal and de-facto independence, market share, and progress regarding the digital switchover in Montenegro. And, finally, what are the key challenges for the future development of PSB in Montenegro, taking into account the impact of new technologies, convergence and digitalization on the prospects of the PSB in the rapidly changing multi-channel environment. Another aspect of interest to this study is that of the influence of the EU on the national media policy due to the competition approach of the EU. Last but not least, this research question also relates to the overall changes in the broadcasting market, with the proliferation of new media platforms and the increased commercialization of broadcasting. In order to answer these questions, the paper heavily relies on contemporary scholarly debates on the future prospects of PSB, especially drawing upon the analysis and theoretical propositions by Jakubowicz , Picard and Siciliani , Rumphorst , Moe , Hallin and Mancini. Furthermore, special attention is given to the role, function and prospects of PSB in post-communist, transitional societies as analyzed in the works of Car and Veljanovski. In the search for an answer on the abovementioned questions, the paper provides an analysis of the existing legislation, as well as semi-structured interviews with members of the administrative bodies of the public service broadcaster and media experts in Montenegro. This paper presents the argument that the former state-owned media company in Montenegro was not fully transformed into a public service broadcaster. After taking into consideration the key debates, contextual factors, and contemporary trends relevant to the development of a PSB, paper argues that the transformation of the state-broadcaster into a genuine PSB in Montenegro has so far not been successful. As will be demonstrated, the PSB remains a highly politicized and dysfunctional institution, while policy debates are centered mainly around basic issues of financial sustainability and political (in)dependence. At the same time, there is no substantial debate on the role of PSB in the society, its relevance in the convereged digital environment, and its public service function. Given the current situation, the future of PSB in Montenegro seems bleak, to say the least. The paper consists of five sections. In the first part of this paper the PSB is analyzed from a theoretical point of view, while in the second part of the paper the process of transformation of RTCG as a state media into a public service broadcaster is considered. The second chapter will deal with the definition of public service broadcasting and basic characteristics of this system, including analysis of debates on the global and local levels, outlining the opposing views of theorists and international organizations concerning legislation, models of funding, remit debate and technology debate. The following subsections present debates on PSB in the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as a methodological framework used for research and analysis. In the third chapter the paper will present the public service broadcaster in Montenegro and identify the problems faced by this media outlet. In the fourth chapter we will analyze the legislation in Montenegro, the funding of the PSB, the process of digitalizing and the sociological, cultural and political aspects in which the public service broadcaster is trying to operate. The concluding chapters include a discussion of the main findings, final remarks and recommendations.
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Keywords: Macedonia; Constitutional Court; transformative role; policies; organization;
The political role of the Macedonian Constitutional Court has been ignored and omitted from study by academia, as well as from commentaries and interpretations by legal professionals. The latter understand the Constitutional Court as part of the judicial system of the country and recognize its role as a legal institution which decides on matters disputed by two parties. The notion of the Constitutional Court as arbitrator and mediator remains, and the opposite notion that the Court is a truly political institution that selects among competing rules and values is typically denied or ignored at best. This paper explores the position, jurisdiction, institutional structure, operation and jurisprudence of the Macedonian Constitutional Court as policymaker. To that extent, the paper analyses the Constitutional Court as an actor that is influenced by, but also as an actor whose decisions influence, politics and political discourse. It also assesses the “hit-and-miss” opportunities the Constitutional Court had in its contribution in the transformation of the Macedonian society into a society that adheres to and promotes democratic values and principles.
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Keywords: BiH; security sector; gender; policy;
Ovo istraživanje pokazuje da je Bosna i Hercegovina postigla značajan napredak u promociji učešća žena u sektoru sigurnosti. U isto vrijeme, potrebno je da vladine institucije i organizacije civilnog društva poduzmu konkretne aktivnosti kako bi se osigurale jednake i dugoročne prilike za muškarce i žene zaposlene u sektoru sigurnosti, te da sigurnost i pravda budu na efikasan način dostupne svim korisnicima usluga. Ova procjena stanja je obuhvatila različite tipove podataka: nacionalne politike i legislativu, institucionalne politike i prakse, informacije o rodno osjetljivim budžetima, obukama o rodu, kao i mehanizmima nadzora. Također je istražena provedba politika i praksi koje se tiču potreba zaposlenih i korisnika usluga sektora sigurnosti u BiH. Procjena stanja daje informacije i preporuke koje mogu potencijalno pomoći vladinim institucijama u BiH, organizacijama civilnog društva i donatorima u integriranju rodnih pitanja u reformu sektora sigurnosti i razvijanje rodno osjetljivih politika i praksi u BiH. Kako je objašnjeno u Poglavlju jedan, proces lokalnih konsultacija osigurao je forum za više od 300 učesnika, koji su raspravljali o sigurnosti i rodnim pitanjima relevantnim za različite zajednice diljem BiH te dali kritiku trenutne politike i prakse. Osim toga, lokalne konsultacije, početni okrugli sto u Sarajevu i dvije završne konsultacije u Sarajevu i Banjoj Luci bile su glavne aktivnosti za podizanje svijesti i poboljšanje podrške aktera za buduće inicijative o uvođenju načela ravnopravnosti spolova, što je bio dodatni cilj ovog istraživanja. Jedan od ciljeva ove procjene stanja – stvoriti pregled aktuelnih inicijativa – pokazao se zahtjevnim zadatkom s obzirom na brojne aktivnosti međunarodne zajednice, nacionalnih i lokalnih organizacija civilnog društva i vlade. Popis inicijativa na stražnjem dijelu izvještaja (Aneks 7) nije iscrpan, ali se može koristiti za planiranje ukoliko se želi izbjeći dupliciranje sredstava i napora. Nadalje, istraživanje, lokalne konsultacije i kontinuirano povezivanje s raznim organizacijama pomogli su u stvaranju pregleda osnovnih aktera, koji se može koristiti za jačanje postojećih mreža i privlačenje novih partnera. U Poglavlju dva su ovo istraživanje i analiza rodnih politika i praksi u sektoru sigurnosti stavljeni u kontekst kompleksne društveno-političke i ekonomske situacije. Uzeti su u obzir i drugi faktori osim odbrane i policije u kreiranju sigurnog okruženja. Istovremeno, glavni fokus je bio na utjecaju i provedbi rodne jednakosti u sklopu reforme sigurnosnog sektora, uključujući policiju, vojsku, pravosuđe i kaznene ustanove, kao i djelovanje organizacija civilnog društva koje rade u području ravnopravnosti i sigurnosti. U Poglavlju tri su analizirane legislativa i institucionalne politike identificirane u ovom istraživanju. Usvajanje Zakona o ravnopravnosti spolova BiH, Zakona o zabrani diskriminacije, kao i entitetskih zakona o zaštiti od nasilja u porodici su identificirani koraci naprijed u adresiranju rodno zasnovanih pitanja s kojima se suočavaju zaposleni ili korisnici usluga sektora sigurnosti u BiH. U ovoj fazi bi kreatori politika trebalo da rade na dodatnim amandmanima na zakonodavstvo kako bi zakoni bili precizniji i konkretniji u adresiranju pitanja koja se tiču rodno zasnovane diskriminacije, ta kako bi ovi zakoni bili harmonizirani između entiteta i kantona. Kako je elaborirano u Poglavlju četiri, jedno od ključnih pitanja koje se pojavilo u procjeni stanja je nedostatak ozbiljnog razumijevanja seksualnog uznemiravanja i diskriminacije unutar institucija. Zaposleni u sigurnosnim institucijama se trebaju osjećati sigurnima u sistemu te moći prijaviti sve slučajeve diskriminacije bez straha od posljedica. Da bi se to omogućilo, sigurnosne institucije moraju imati učinkovite sisteme za prijavu i s vremena na vrijeme revidirati postojeće procedure. Zaposlenici i zaposlenice te osobe na vodećim pozicijama trebaju imati snažnu svijest o tome šta je diskriminacija i kako je suzbijati. Kodeksi ponašanja tek kratko spominju diskriminaciju i spolno uznemiravanje (vidi Aneks 3). Dakle, ovakva situacija neće potaknuti zaposlenike u prijavi diskriminacije ili uznemiravanja, a neće ih u tome ni spriječiti. Kontinuirano usavršavanje, učinkovit nadzor i eksplicitne politike imaju potencijal povećanja povjerenja zaposlenika u izvještavanju i borbi protiv svih vrsta diskriminacije, i to je naglašeno u izvještaju. Bitno pitanje o kojem su diskutirali svi učesnici u ovom istraživanju pokazuje da postoji jako priznanje da su žene nedovoljno zastupljene u institucijama sektora sigurnosti i da se ta situacija mora poboljšati. Ipak, aktivnosti za poboljšanje broja žena na vodećim ili operativnim pozicijama još uvijek nedostaju. Nedovoljna zastupljenost žena u političkom životu, unatoč kvotama za liste kandidata, još je jedan zabrinjavajući trend. U Poglavlju pet ova procjena stanja naglasila je predano djelovanje nevladinih organizacija, centara za socijalni rad, policije i pravosuđa u borbi protiv rodno zasnovanog nasilja. Nažalost, također smo identificirali i brojne probleme postojećeg sistema. Devet sigurnih kuća u BiH nije dovoljno kako bi se odgovorilo na potrebe žrtava rodno zasnovanog nasilja. Osim toga, više pažnje treba posvetiti nedostacima jer sigurne kuće pružaju tek privremeno sklonište za žrtve i nisu održivo rješenje za borbu protiv rodno zasnovanog nasilja. Više pozornosti treba posvetiti sankcioniranju počinitelja na odgovarajući način, razvijanju ekonomske nezavisnosti žena, i brige da se nasilje ponovno ne javlja u porodici. To može biti učinjeno samo zajedničkim i koordiniranim naporima svih aktera koji su uključeni i povećanjem kapaciteta centara za socijalni rad, sigurnih kuća i pravosuđa. U izvještaju se navodi da se rodno osjetljivom budžetiranju nije posvetila odgovarajuća pažnja i to se osobito vidi u nedostatku podrške za žrtve nasilja, uključujući nedovoljno finansiranje sigurnih kuća i druge oblike podrške, kao što su SOS linije. Sistem prikupljanja podataka o pojedinim rodnim pitanjima treba omogućiti praćenje trendova i promjena te uključiti procjenu utjecaja strategije na podršku žrtvama. U identificiranju prepreka za promjenu, učesnici lokalnih konsultacija najčešće navode tradiciju, u kojoj su žene i djeca u podređenom položaju, ekonomski zavisni, dok društvo počiva na patrijarhalnim vrijednostima. Bez obzira na to koliko je to istina, ako želimo napraviti promjene, moramo prestati koristiti tradiciju kao izgovor, opravdanje ili ispriku zbog koje se situacija ne poboljšava. Tradicija nije fiksna zauvijek – to je nešto što se mijenja kako društvo raste i razvija se. Naša odgovornost je izazov tradiciji kada ta tradicija predstavlja prepreku za ostvarenje ljudskih prava. Nadalje, tokom procjene stanja shvatili smo da sistem treba biti dostupan i prilagoditi se korisnicima i korisnicama usluga različitih sposobnosti i porijekla. Naprimjer, Romi, posebice Romkinje, pate od visokog nivoa socijalne isključenosti, što ih čini podložnijima uznemiravanju i zlostavljanju. Nadalje, žene i muškarci s invaliditetom, kao i oni koji žive u ruralnim i izoliranim mjestima ne smiju biti zaboravljeni u daljnjim rodno osviještenim politikama u sektoru sigurnosti. Još nešto što je prepoznato tokom konsultacija je da reforma sektora sigurnosti ne počinje ili završava u sigurnosnim institucijama. Ona se treba dogoditi na svim nivoima zajednice, u obrazovnom sistemu, organizacijama civilnog društva i svim mehanizmima pomoću kojih građani traže ostvarenje prava. Naprimjer, djeca trebaju učiti o prepoznavanju diskriminacije i suzbijanju nasilja u školama i trebaju odrasti upoznajući se sa sistemom podrške u njihovoj zajednici, ali i uvjereni da će im postojeći sistem osigurati adekvatnu prevenciju i zaštitu.
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Keywords: child mortality in Moldova;
The report analyzes the role of civil society and private sector in the Republic of Moldova for achieving Millennium Development Goal 4. Reduce child mortality. The analysis was done based on legislation in force and on a survey conducted to this end among civil society and private sector representatives, as well as among governmental institutions and development partners. // Taking into account that the Republic of Moldova still has much to do in terms of reducing infant mortality and mortality of under-five children, chapter 5 of this report lists the proposals and recommendations made by civil society and private sector for improving the situation in this field, and shows the segments on which the above-mentioned stakeholders are willing to involve as Government’s basic partners. The chapter also shows the visions of Government and of its basic partners on the importance of civil society and private sector involvement in activities requiring their support.
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Keywords: Health-care in Moldova; HiV;
As stated by the participants throughout the study, the biggest difficulties in HIV/AIDS control/prevention refer to the insufficient financing and dependence of non-governmental organizations on donors in relation to the necessary financial resources, austere budgets of the donors; difficulties in assurance of social services sustainability in this sphere due to the lacking mechanism for procurement of social services by the state; structural/organizational barriers in the sphere of HIV testing services ; very limited educational programs in the area of general education; limited access for the young people and adolescents to youth-friendly health services.
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We are pleased to present the report entitled, ” Demographic Effects on Civic Engagement and Voter Education in North Macedonia”. The report was produced by the International Foundation for Electoral System (IFES) and was prepared by the team of the Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities, Skopje, in cooperation with the TIM Institute and presents part of the Project “Support to Electoral Reforms in Northern Macedonia”, supported by the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), which is implemented by The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and its partner, the National Youth Council of Macedonia (NYCM).
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