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Publisher: OSW Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia

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At crossroads. Current problems of Russia’s gas sector
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At crossroads. Current problems of Russia’s gas sector

At crossroads. Current problems of Russia’s gas sector

Author(s): Szymon Kardaś / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia;Russian Federation (RF);gas sector;energy security;energy sector;

The Russian gas sector has found itself in a difficult situation. The mounting challenges and problems are primarily the consequence of the sector’s politicisation, the growing rivalry between Gazprom and the so-called independent gas producers, changes on external gas markets and the absence of reforms, which have been repeatedly postponed. Because Gazprom serves as an internal and foreign policy instrument and a source of revenues for the Russian elite, economic calculations or the interests of the sector as a whole have often been ignored by the state. This has led to problems in the gas production sector and challenges in external markets. // The purpose of this paper is to present the current condition of the Russian gas sector and its prospects. To a limited extent, the paper also discusses the wider context of the changes that occurred in the Russian gas sector in the years 2000-2016.

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Between co-operation and membership. Sweden and Finland’s relations with NATO
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Between co-operation and membership. Sweden and Finland’s relations with NATO

Between co-operation and membership. Sweden and Finland’s relations with NATO

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska,Piotr Szymański / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO; Sweden; Baltic Sea Region (BSR); Security and Defence Policy;

Sweden and Finland’s membership in NATO would significantly improve the level of security in the Baltic Sea region in the long-term by changing the politico-military imbalance that is currently in Russia’s favour. However, it is unlikely that Stockholm and Helsinki will change their non-alignment policy in the coming years. They will rather focus on enhancing politico-military co-operation with NATO. This has grown in importance to both countries in recent years in line with rising uncertainty in the region. The Swedish and Finnish wish for more substance in their military relations with NATO will however be met with increasing limitations as allied activity in the Baltic Sea region is focusing on collective defence and the two countries are not member states. // Despite the positive effect Sweden and Finland’s cooperation with NATO exerts on the region’s security, it also has negative implications. It does not eliminate the uncertainty about the scope of the two countries’ co-operation with the alliance in the case of a military conflict. It offers Stockholm an illusory sense of security, slowing down the pace of investments in defence; and for Helsinki it is rather an element of its deterrence policy towards Russia than a genuinely considered alternative.

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The anatomy of Russian information warfare. The Crimean operation, a case study
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The anatomy of Russian information warfare. The Crimean operation, a case study

Anatomia rosyjskiej wojny informacyjnej. Operacja krymska - studium przypadku

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Information warfare;Russian Federation (RF);Crimea annexation;Russian geopolitics;

Wojny informacyjne mają w Rosji długą tradycję. W ostatnich latach zostały zdefiniowane na nowo na gruncie teorii geopolityki, w myśl której są one środkiem do osiągania celów państwa w polityce międzynarodowej i wewnętrznej oraz jego geopolitycznej przewagi. Geopolityka dostarcza także ideologicznych uzasadnień strategii rywalizacji Rosji z Zachodem. W opozycji do ideologii liberalizmu promuje „neokonserwatywne mocarstwo postliberalne, walczące o sprawiedliwy świat wielobiegunowy, broniące tradycji, wartości konserwatywnych, prawdziwej wolności”. W kontekście rywalizacji „cywilizacji eurazjatyckiej” z „cywilizacją atlantycką pod przywództwem USA” objaśnia kryzys wewnętrzny na Ukrainie oraz przyczyny aneksji Krymu przez Rosję. // Tekst stanowi próbę zrekonstruowania zarysu teorii wojen informacyjnych wyłaniającego się z prac czołowych przedstawicieli rosyjskiej geopolityki, Igora Panarina i Aleksandra Dugina, a także jej praktycznego zastosowania podczas operacji krymskiej.

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A weak link? Germany in the Euro-Atlantic security system
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A weak link? Germany in the Euro-Atlantic security system

A weak link? Germany in the Euro-Atlantic security system

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): English

Keywords: Euro-Atlantic security system;NATO;regional power;Germany;defence;defence architecture;

The political, military and economic parameters of German power influence the vision of the international order that Berlin favours. Politically, Germany is a regional power in the EU with considerable diplomatic potential. Economically, it is the world's third largest power with growing global trade and investment links. At the same time, Germany's military potential is limited and the German strategic culture makes the country sceptical about the use of military instruments. Berlin is thus essentially interested in maintaining peace and stability, both in Europe and globally, and in developing diplomatic mechanisms to manage regional and global crises and conflicts. // The German preference for dialogue and compromise in conflict situations in the regional and global dimensions may increasingly pose a risk to maintaining the cohesion and credibility of NATO – both from the perspective of the USA and Germany’s allies from Central-Eastern and Northern Europe.

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Alone in virtue. The "New Turkish" ideology in Turkey's foreign policy
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Alone in virtue. The "New Turkish" ideology in Turkey's foreign policy

Alone in virtue. The "New Turkish" ideology in Turkey's foreign policy

Author(s): Szymon Ananicz / Language(s): English

Keywords: Turkey;AKP;AKP Government;the Middle East; EU-Turkey relations;Turkish foreign policy;

Once the West’s ally, Turkey has been an ever more problematic partner in recent years. The Turkish leadership no longer views the alliance with the European Union and membership in NATO as based on shared values; rather, it is now merely a cherry-picked and shaky community of interests. Turkey is also increasingly alienated politically in the Middle East. In the aftermath of the Arab Spring and the regional developments which followed, Ankara has lost much of the influence it had built in region in previous years. Turkey’s growing international isolation is a consequence of the country ever more fully subordinating its foreign policy to the ideology of the ruling AKP. The world vision offered by that ideology does not square with the diagnoses of Turkey’s partners. The objectives it sets for Turkish foreign policy are incompatible with its partners’ expectations. Moreover, a foreign policy rooted in ideology is less flexible and less capable of adjusting to current international dynamics.

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An essential partner in the background. Europe in China's policy during the rule of Xi Jinping
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An essential partner in the background. Europe in China's policy during the rule of Xi Jinping

An essential partner in the background. Europe in China's policy during the rule of Xi Jinping

Author(s): Marcin Kaczmarski / Language(s): English

Keywords: China;the EU;bilateral relations;the European Union;Chinese economy; economic and financial system;global governance;

Chinese elites do not treat Europe as an equal partner and are convinced that China holds the upper hand over Europe. They see a growing asymmetry in bilateral relations. China’s sense of its own potential is boosted by internal divisions within the European Union. At the same time, Europe is China’s key economic partner and an ‘economic pillar’ supporting China’s growth on the international stage. Beijing strives to maintain Europe’s open attitude towards the Chinese economy, in particular its exports, technology transfer to China, location of investments and diversification of China’s currency reserves. Cooperation with Europe and support from Europe are necessary to enable China to improve its position in the international economic and financial system, mainly in order to legitimise China’s actions in the area of multilateralism and global governance. Similarly, Beijing attaches great importance to maintaining Europe’s non-involvement in two issues: China’s core interests and Chinese-American relations.

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A quarter-century of independent Ukraine. Dimensions of transformation
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A quarter-century of independent Ukraine. Dimensions of transformation

Ćwierćwiecze niepodległej Ukrainy. Wymiary transformacji

Author(s): Tadeusz A. Olszański / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Ukraine;independence;transition to market economy;Ukrainian political system;Ukrainian reforms;

24 sierpnia 1991 roku Rada Najwyższa Ukraińskiej SRR proklamowała niepodległość, a 1 grudnia naród ratyfikował ją w referendum. Pokojowy sposób powstania, posiadanie niekwestionowanego terytorium oraz uformowanej administracji cywilnej było ogromnym atutem nowego państwa. Jednak „ciemną stroną” tych atutów były fundamentalne słabości: republiki sowieckie były częściami ZSRR, nie miały więc centralnych ogniw struktur państwa (w tym sztabu generalnego, banku emisyjnego oraz większości resortów).Po niemal ćwierćwieczu pokojowego budownictwa przerwanego w 2014 roku wybuchem wojny Ukraina jest wprawdzie państwem słabym, ale ugruntowanym wewnętrznie i międzynarodowo, zdolnym do oparcia się agresji zbrojnej i aktywnie poszukującym swego miejsca w świecie. Największym sukcesem kraju było wychowanie nowego pokolenia „urodzonych obywateli Ukrainy”, największą porażką – dramatyczne załamanie demograficzne o skutkach, których nie da się już odwrócić, a także, charakterystyczna również dla innych państw postsowieckich, pauperyzacja niższych warstw społeczeństwa.Opracowanie to nie jest historią niepodległej Ukrainy, lecz próbą przedstawienia podstawowych mechanizmów transformacji republiki sowieckiej w niepodległe, demokratyczne państwo o gospodarce rynkowej, skupia się więc przede wszystkim na problematyce wewnętrznej.

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A quarter-century of independent Ukraine. Dimensions of transformation
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A quarter-century of independent Ukraine. Dimensions of transformation

A quarter-century of independent Ukraine. Dimensions of transformation

Author(s): Tadeusz A. Olszański / Language(s): English

Keywords: Ukraine; transformation; demoracy

On 24 August 1991, the Supreme Council of the Ukrainian SSR proclaimed independence, and on 1 December the same year, the Ukrainian people ratified that proclamation in a referendum. The new Ukrainian state had some very important assets, such as the peaceful path that led to its independence, the fact that its territory was uncontested and its civilian administration was established. They downside, which determined Ukraine’s fundamental weaknesses, was that like the other former Soviet republics, it had been part of the Soviet state and had no central state bodies of its own, such as a general staff, a bank of issue, or most of the necessary ministries. // After nearly a quarter century of peaceful development, interrupted by the outbreak of the war in 2014, Ukraine is still weak, but at the same time it has consolidated internally and internationally, demonstrated its capacity to withstand armed aggression, and is actively looking for its place in the world. The country’s greatest success has been to raise a new generation of ‘natural-born citizens’ of Ukraine, while its greatest failure has been to succumb to the dramatic population decline with irreversible consequences, and to allow the impoverishment of the lower strata of society, typical for all the post-Soviet states. // The present paper is not a history of independent Ukraine, but an attempt to present the main mechanisms by which the former Soviet republic has transformed itself into an independent state with a market economy. It is therefore mainly focused on internal developments in Ukraine.

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A region with special needs. The Russian Far East in Moscow’s policy
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A region with special needs. The Russian Far East in Moscow’s policy

A region with special needs. The Russian Far East in Moscow’s policy

Author(s): Szymon Kardaś / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; Far East; Moscow

Although in the 1990s the Russian Far East was not an important region in Russian central government’s internal policy, when Vladimir Putin assumed the presidency it was declared strategically significant. However, Moscow has been unable to generate a tangible stimulus to the region’s development so far. This is partly due to the systemic problems existing in Russia as a whole: the lack of a consistent concept of economic development and the ineffective governance system, and on the other hand, of purely local barriers: staffing problems, the decentralised energy system and the limited engagement of foreign investors. // At present, there is no risk of the region’s marginalisation like in the 1990s. However, it appears that political reintegration of the region with the centre of the federation (tighter institutional control from Moscow) and the status of a stable raw material base for Asian countries, currently represents the maximum development potential of the Russian Far East.

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Demographic situation in Russia
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Demographic situation in Russia

Demographic situation in Russia

Author(s): Leszek Szerepka / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: demography; Russia

Throughout the history of Russia, periods of deep chaos have been accompanied by demographic crises. This was the case during the Time of Troubles, or Smutnoye Vremya, in the seventeenth century, and during the period of wars and revolutions in the early twentieth century, which brought the Bolsheviks to power. Similarly, the break-up of the USSR also coincided with a demographic crisis. However, while the previous crises had been caused by factors such as war, famine, epidemics or repressive policies, and were followed by periods of rapid population growth once these factors had ceased to operate, the current crisis is systemic and structural. To a large extent, it has been occasioned by cultural factors such as changing family models and the roles of women in today's society. In Russia, the effect of these factors on population increase is exacerbated by excessive alcohol consumption, an culture of inadequate working conditions which leads to many accidents at work, and healthcare deficiencies (only c. 3% of the GDP is spent on healthcare annually). // In 2005, the Russian Academy of Sciences concluded a research programme entitled 'The demographic modernization of Russia, 1900-2000'. In the report it indicated that the Russian state had lost c. 140 million people in the twentieth century as a result of bad policies. This means that the present population of Russia would be larger by this number if the development of the state in the previous century had followed similar patterns to that of European states, and if human life had been respected in Russia as much as it was in Western Europe. According to Russian researchers, many current demographic problems in Russia stem from occurrences in the distant past. Development models are difficult to correct within a short timespan. All projections concerning Russia's demographic development predict that the country's population will continue to shrink until at least the middle of the twentyfirst century. The projections only differ as to the speed and nature of the population decrease. // When juxtaposed with the dynamic GDP growth and the government's ambition to reinforce Russia's international position, the demographic problems are a dissonance. The Russian political elite is concerned that if the negative demographic trends prevail, this may eventually stop the country's economic development. It is also worried that with its current population density, Russia will not be able to defend its vast territory and use it adequately. It is frequently emphasised that as a world power, the USSR had always remained among the top three most populous countries in the world after China and India. In 2000, the Russian Federation, as the legal successor of the USSR, dropped to sixth in this ranking, and in the mid-21st century it will struggle to remain in the top twenty. According to Russian analysts, a country with such a small population potential, disproportionate to its territory, will face difficulties preserving its status as a world power, and consequently in defending its international interests. The fact that Russia is a multinational state further complicates the situation. The country used to be dominated by ethnic Russians, but their percentage is shrinking systematically. In the future, this may affect both the country's cohesion and its prevailing cultural models. // The Russian authorities are aware of these threats; President Vladimir Putin mentions them regularly in his addresses to the nation. In his most recent speech, delivered on 10 May 2006, Putin said that the demographic crisis was the most important issue in Russia's internal policy. Demographic problems have been discussed by the parliament, the government and the Russian Federation Security Council. A document entitled 'A concept for the Russian Federation's demographic development to 2015' has been adopted. // The media cover the issue, frequently taking an alarming tone. However, in the policies implemented by the Russian authorities, improving the demographic situation has not been a genuine priority. The measures proposed have frequently been provisional, and have ultimately had little effect on demographic trends. Figures now available fully corroborate the pessimistic projections concerning Russia's demographic development which researchers had presented at the onset of the previous decade.

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A summary of the politico-economic changes taking place during Vladimir Putin's first term of office // Chechnya and Russia: The significance of the Chechen problem for contemporary Russia
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A summary of the politico-economic changes taking place during Vladimir Putin's first term of office // Chechnya and Russia: The significance of the Chechen problem for contemporary Russia

A summary of the politico-economic changes taking place during Vladimir Putin's first term of office // Chechnya and Russia: The significance of the Chechen problem for contemporary Russia

Author(s): Jadwiga Rogoża,Iwona Wiśniewska,Maciej Falkowski / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Vladimir Putin; Chechnya; Russia

Following his rise to power in 2000, Vladimir Putin presented a comprehensive socio-economic program for the development of Russia through to 20101. This program was prepared by a team of economic experts from the Centre for Strategic Studies (CS S )2 led by St. Petersburg's German Gref. In spite of the fact that this document was never accepted in its entirety, and only its main assumptions were approved, as of 2000, short- and medium-term socio-economic government program have been based on the same principles.The medium-term goal of this development strategy through to 2010 was the reduction of the widening gap between Russia and developed nations. The long-term goal, on the other hand, was the restoration and strengthening of Russia's position as a leader on the global scale. The reforms of Russia's political system, social policy and the modernisation of the economy were intended to help achieve these goals.The aim of this study is to describe and analyse political and socio-economic reforms, as well as non-legislative changes initiated under Vladimir Putin's presidency. New reform activities will probably not be initiated over the six months remaining until the presidential elections. For this reason, it is already possible to summarise the changes achieved in the political, economic and social spheres during President Putin's first term of office.A description of the political and economic reforms and also of non-legislative changes, which took place in the Russian Federation over the past three and a half years, has been included in Part I of this study. The conclusion hereof attempts to summarise the actual achievements of President Putin's team, and to answer the question concerning perspectives of the reform process and factors determining the shape there of.

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Armed Conflicts in the Post-soviet Region. Present Situation, Prospects for Settlement. Consequences
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Armed Conflicts in the Post-soviet Region. Present Situation, Prospects for Settlement. Consequences

Konflikty zbrojne na obszarze postradzieckim. Stan obecny, perspektywy uregulowania. Konsekwencje

Author(s): Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: post-soviet Region; armed conflicts

1. Unresolved conflicts continue to smoulder in Transnistria, Chechnya, Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia. "Para-states" have formed in most conflict-affected areas. These have grown to become permanent players in the region. In Chechnya, guerrilla fights continue in the wake of the Russian army's siege of the republic. The conflict in Tajikistan ended in 1997 and the normalisation process is currently under way. // 2. Each of these conflicts has entailed profound political, social, ethnic and economic changes, as well as affecting other spheres of life. Presently, it is impossible to return to the pre-conflict situation. The "para-states" have fortified their independence and are no longer controlled by the external powers on which they depended in the initial phases of the conflicts. // 3. Unresolved conflicts, including those of Transnistria, Chechnya, Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and, until recently, Tajikistan, have an adverse effect on the situation in the region. They hinder political and economic development of the affected countries, lead to the brutalisation of political life and breed instability by providing save havens for organised crime, terrorism, etc. They are also the cause of large-scale migration problems. However, with time, these negative effects become less and less turbulent. // 4. So far, attempts at solving most of the conflicts (Transnistria, Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia) have failed to produce results other than cease-fires. Permanent settlement could not be achieved, neither through the use of force nor by way of negotiation. The power and independence of the "para-states", hard-line leaderships on both sides, and finally, military weakness of the metropolises consolidate the state of suspension. The conflict in Tajikistan was settled using political methods, and the normalisation process is progressing in a satisfactory manner. Chechnya has been conquered militarily by Russian troops and Moscow is now implementing its model of imposed "normalisation", but it does not have full control over the republic and cannot contain the growing problems induced by the conflict, such as the emergence of Chechen terrorism. // 5. Some of the negative consequences of the conflicts are gradually being abated by the evolution in Russia's policy towards them (Russia is gradually ceasing playing on the conflicts as foreign policy instruments and is shifting towards political and economic measures). Also instrumental to this are the increasing involvement of the US and, to a smaller extent, the EU, in regional security (as part of their struggle against terrorism), as well as the growing strength of state systems and the development of political and economic co-operation between the conflict-affected republics (for example, the construction of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, the TRACECA programme). In the longer term, these tendencies may also help in resolving the actual conflicts themselves.

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Big business in the Russian economy and politics under Putin's rule /// The Russian power industry shortly before reforms /// Ukrainian metallurgy: the economic link in the oligarchic power system
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Big business in the Russian economy and politics under Putin's rule /// The Russian power industry shortly before reforms /// Ukrainian metallurgy: the economic link in the oligarchic power system

Big business in the Russian economy and politics under Putin's rule /// The Russian power industry shortly before reforms /// Ukrainian metallurgy: the economic link in the oligarchic power system

Author(s): Iwona Wiśniewska,Ewa Paszyc,Arkadiusz Sarna / Language(s): English,Polish

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A Country with non-Existent Unemployment. The Special Characteristics of the Czech Labour Market
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A Country with non-Existent Unemployment. The Special Characteristics of the Czech Labour Market

A Country with non-Existent Unemployment. The Special Characteristics of the Czech Labour Market

Author(s): Krzysztof Dębiec / Language(s): English

Keywords: Czech Republic; labour market; human resources; unemployment rate; workforce shortage; automation of production processes;

Since 2016, the Czech Republic has had the lowest unemployment rate among all EU member states (cf. Chart 1). In mid-2017, it overtook Japan to reach the top position in the ranking of OECD member states. This situation adversely affects companies which are looking for ways to cope with workforce shortages. One solution is the automation of production processes, but employers are also appealing for the country to become more open to receiving immigrant workers, above all from Ukraine. The trade unions are opposed to this, fearing that an influx of workers from other countries will slow down the rate of increase of wages. At the same time, there is a debate in the Czech Republic about the degree to which the present economic model contributes to the country catching up with the Western economies and what should be done to speed up the convergence.

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Neither super-rich, nor bankrupt. Gazprom’s financial condition
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Neither super-rich, nor bankrupt. Gazprom’s financial condition

Ani krezus, ani bankrut. Kondycja finansowa Gazpromu

Author(s): Szymon Kardaś / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Gazprom; Russia; gas-company; investment programme; financial state of company; major gas supplier;

W 2018 roku Gazprom – największy, kontrolowany przez państwo, rosyjski koncern gazowy – przyjął rekordowy w historii program inwestycyjny. W 2017 roku spółka odnotowała także największe w historii wpływy ze sprzedaży gazu i innych dóbr i usług. Jednocześnie w latach 2007–2017 ponad sześciokrotnie zmniejszyła się kapitalizacja koncernu, a całkowite zadłużenie osiągnęło w 2017 roku rekordowy poziom 55,2 mld USD. W związku z powyższym warto przyjrzeć się kondycji finansowej największego rosyjskiego koncernu gazowego, który zachowuje status znaczącego dostawcy gazu na rynek europejski (34% udziału w rynku UE w 2017 roku).

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Priceless friendship. The Kremlin’s support for Vladimir Putin’s cronies
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Priceless friendship. The Kremlin’s support for Vladimir Putin’s cronies

Bezcenna przyjaźń. Kremlowskie wsparcie dla przyjaciół Putina

Author(s): Iwona Wiśniewska / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Russia; Kremlin; Vladimir Putin; sanctions against Russia; United States; annexation of Crimea; economic sanctions; sectorial sanctions;

Od marca 2014 roku rosyjska gospodarka zmuszona jest funkcjonować w warunkach sankcji, którymi objęta została przez USA, Unię Europejską i wiele innych państw świata zachodniego w odpowiedzi na agresję na Ukrainę i aneksję Krymu. Sankcje polegały m.in. na wprowadzeniu szeregu ograniczeń współpracy gospodarczej Federacji Rosyjskiej z państwami zachodnimi. Najmniej dotkliwe ekonomicznie, mające jednak znaczenie prestiżowe, były sankcje o charakterze dyplomatycznym, w konsekwencji których Rosja została wykluczona z formatu G8 – grupy najbardziej wpływowych państw świata, zawieszone zostały jej negocjacje akcesyjne z Organizacją Współpracy Gospodarczej i Rozwoju, a przywódcy państw zachodnich początkowo powstrzymywali się od oficjalnych kontaktów z rosyjskimi władzami. Nałożone restrykcje ponadto pozbawiły Rosję dostępu do środków organizacji międzynarodowych, m.in. Bank Światowy i wszystkie jego agendy zawiesiły finansowanie nowych projektów w Rosji, podobną decyzję podjął Europejski Bank Odbudowy i Rozwoju. Rosyjska gospodarka objęta została także sankcjami sektorowymi, które m.in. limitowały dostęp do rynków kapitałowych największym bankom państwowym Rosji, a także kilku państwowym spółkom naftowym i zbrojeniowym; wprowadzały również zakaz eksportu do Rosji uzbrojenia i towarów podwójnego zastosowania; ponadto ograniczały dostęp do wybranych technologii i usług wykorzystywanych w sektorze wydobycia ropy naftowej.

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Defenders of the besieged fortress. Notes on the historical legitimisation of Russia’s special services
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Defenders of the besieged fortress. Notes on the historical legitimisation of Russia’s special services

Defenders of the besieged fortress. Notes on the historical legitimisation of Russia’s special services

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; special services; history of special services; Soviet services; political system; historical legitimisation of secret services; KGB; ruling elite;

In this text, I will examine the main trains of thought in the narrative of the historical memory of the Russian Federation’s special services, which demonstrate the attempts to reconcile the traditions of the Tsarist-era services with those of the Soviet services. I will proceed from the assumption that the history of the special services is part of the history of the state apparatus, and more broadly, of the state’s political systems. In this context, the work of Russian historiographers focuses not only on combining these two, in many respects contradictory identities of Russia – the Tsarist and the totalitarian – but above all on the creation of parallels between the historical and contemporary situations. This is because the historical legitimisation of the services is an important factor that gives legal validity to the current ruling elite, whose roots largely lie in the KGB, and which operates under the conditions of a new system of governance based on state capitalism.

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The trouble with PESCO. The mirages of European defence
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The trouble with PESCO. The mirages of European defence

Czym jest PESCO? Miraże europejskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: PESCO; Permanent Structured Cooperation; common security and defence policy; European Union; trans-Atlantic relations; military policy;

Aktywowanie mechanizmu stałej współpracy strukturalnej (tzw. PESCO) w grudniu 2017 roku zwieńczyło debaty i działania z zakresu wzmacniania wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE. Wypracowanie kompromisu dotyczącego PESCO pokazało strategiczne rozbieżności pomiędzy Francją, Niemcami a państwami wschodniej flanki UE w zakresie percepcji wyzwań i zagrożeń, wizji rozwoju polityki bezpieczeństwa UE oraz przyszłości relacji transatlantyckich. Zaś zachodnioeuropejskie debaty wokół PESCO unaoczniły stopień oderwania politycznych narracji od wojskowej rzeczywistości.

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An Asian alternative? Russia's chances of making Asia an alternative to relations with the West
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An Asian alternative? Russia's chances of making Asia an alternative to relations with the West

Azjatycka alternatywa? Rosyjskie perspektywy uczynienia z Azji alternatywy dla stosunków z Zachodem

Author(s): Marcin Kaczmarski / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russia; Asia; expanding activities in Asia; West; geopolitics; economic policy; energy policy; Russian energy resources;

Under Vladimir Putin's rule, Russia consistently and systematically expanded its activity in Asia, establishing closer political contacts with key countries in the region, rebuilding relations with former allies from Soviet times, and strengthening its presence in the Asian markets, in the energy sphere also. These activities were accompanied by intensive Russian propaganda, the message of which was that relations with the West can be restricted in favour of developing closer relations with Asian states. A justified question concerning the Russian Federation's realistic possibilities arises in this context: To what extent can it make Asia an alternative to theWest in geopolitical, economic and energy terms? Can Russia build an anti-Western alliance with Asian states? Is it able to reduce its dependence on the European market by developing its trade with Asia? Is it possible to redirect a substantial portion of Russian energy resource exports onto Asian markets? A presentation of the existing ties between Russia and theWest (here considered as the USA and the EU) will serve as a starting point for answering these questions. The following chapters will analyse Russia's opportunities in Asia in terms of geopolitical issues, the economy and energy.

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The multi-speed Baltic States. Reinforcing the defence capabilities of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia
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The multi-speed Baltic States. Reinforcing the defence capabilities of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia

Bałtowie wielu prędkości. Wzmacnianie potencjału obronnego Litwy, Łotwy i Estonii

Author(s): Piotr Szymański / Language(s): Polish

As regards defence policy, the Baltic states are usually treated by experts as forming a single unit. The reasons for this include a similar threat perception, similar military capabilities, and finally similar military modernisation programmes. However, the differences in their demographic and economic potentials as well as strategic cultures have resulted in them adopting different models of their armed forces.

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