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Publisher: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji

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Annual Report on Human Rights: Serbia in 2009 - Europeanization – Accomplishments and Limitations
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Annual Report on Human Rights: Serbia in 2009 - Europeanization – Accomplishments and Limitations

Author(s): / Language(s): English

In 2009, Serbia made necessary progress in defining its future as a European country. The measures taken by the Serbian Government in that direction opened its European perspective. This inevitably provoked adverse reactions by one part of the Serbian elite, which is feverishly defending its position and insisting on the greater-state national project. This specifically refers to its resistance to NATO membership, interpretation of the recent past and defense of Bosnia’s status quo. Regardless of the opening of its European perspective, Serbia is still torn between its wish to join the European family and a strong conservative bloc trying to preserve the model of a patriarchal and populist state. The aggravating factors are a total blockade of the economy, bad privatization, monopolistic status of tycoons and incapable leaders at all levels. A drag on development is also centralism that stubbornly resists any decentralization and regionalization, which are a prerequisite for democratization and the undertaking of responsibility at all levels. Serbia’s progress toward the European perspective also implies a more resolute internal transformation, involving the status of Vojvodina, change of the Constitution, decentralization and regionalization, status of minorities and reform of the country’s media space. This is a prerequisite for breaking away from Milošević’s legacy.

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Annual Report on Human Rights: Serbia in 2011 - European Option Obstructed
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Annual Report on Human Rights: Serbia in 2011 - European Option Obstructed

Author(s): / Language(s): English

EU strategic decision on Serbia’s candidacy is crucial for the country’s further movement towards European integrations. Had it not been for it, Serbia’s poor democratic potential would have been trapped by its strong, populist right-wing. The Serbian society is still incapable to definitely opt for a substantive, democratic transformation and fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria. Regardless of all the pressures to which it has probably been exposed, the political pivot’s, the Democratic Party’s, failure to progress more towards Europeanization testifies of its lack of states manly leadership and inability for a political U-turn. Having radicalized the Kosovo issue Belgrade has undermined its standing in EU. Mainstream political and intellectual elites do not look to the future. Serbia needs to take stock of its situation. The society’s un-readiness to cope with the past plays into the hands of the political right and its attempts at blocking Serbia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. Rather than accept the reality, the political elite is autistic and trapped by self-pity. As long as its elite role-plays a victim Serbia will not be able to work constructively on its future and the future of the region.

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Annual Report: Serbia 2006 - Human Rights: Hostage to the State’s Regression
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Annual Report: Serbia 2006 - Human Rights: Hostage to the State’s Regression

Author(s): / Language(s): English

With Montenegro’s successful referendum on independence and the resolution of Kosovo status on the international agenda in 2006 the process of ex-Yugoslavia’s dissolution moved into the final stage. Serbia was faced with the challenge of constituting and defining herself in terms of state and society. The very fact that the process of ex-Yugoslavia’s disintegration nears its end contributes to consolidation and stability of the Balkans. The decision to admit Serbia – her fluid domestic situation and hesitation to decisively opt for Europe - into the membership of the PfP was meant to round off the security structure of the Balkan region. 1 Membership of the PfP moved Serbia closer to the European option but also implied establishment of mechanisms that could play important role in the event of her destabilization. At the same time, the membership of the PfP figured as a victory over the army’s conservative bloc that has not only stood in the way of its reform but also obstructed the army’s adjustment to new circumstances and the new concept of security under the pretext of defending the state’s sovereignty. Gen. Zdravko Ponos’ appointment the Chief of General Staff completed the package recommending Serbia for speedier access to European integrations. However, the strong lobby that will be refuting and slowing down such orientation is still there.

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Annual Report: Serbia 2007 - Self-Isolation - the Reality and the Goal
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Annual Report: Serbia 2007 - Self-Isolation - the Reality and the Goal

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The international community’s intervention put an end to two decades of massive violation of human rights (genocide, war crimes, persecution, torture, etc.) in the Balkans. The international community also set up the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to impose non-impunity and justice. Unfortunately, the end of massive and brutal violation of human rights did not result in adequate punishment of crimes. The process of establishment of a legal frame that would incorporate relevant international human rights documents is slow-paced and meets a number of obstacles – from both local and international players. Almost ten years after the intervention, it is still disputable whether the endeavor to protect human rights has actually promoted the human rights concept as imperative for a modern, democracy-oriented society. Serbia’s experience – but also that of neighboring countries – clearly indicates that such an ambitious plan necessitates decades of commitment. Some progress has been made in Serbia that – under the pressure from the international community but also from domestic actors – had to sign all relevant international conventions and regulate the domain of human rights under the Constitution and a number of laws.

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Annual Report: Serbia 2008 - Human Rights, Democracy and – Violence
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Annual Report: Serbia 2008 - Human Rights, Democracy and – Violence

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The trend of institutional disintegration continued in 2008 in parallel with economic standstill, all of which negatively affected citizens’ mood. The pro-European coalition that won the spring 2008 election failed to meet their expectations as it was not politically courageous enough to make a breakthrough in fundamental reforms. In the meantime Serbia, like all other countries in the region, entered recession. The global economic crisis will only aggravate Serbia’s recession caused by domestic crisis. Eight years after Milošević’s ouster it turned out that Serbia had failed to get transformed – for, its elites have basically remained the same and it has not distanced itself from Milošević’s program. The national program has not been defeated yet: its ideology still enjoys strong support from a part of the Serb elite. This is about the elite that had inspired the Memorandum of the Serb Academy of Arts and Sciences and created the program itself. The ICTY has never examined the part academicians, the Serb Orthodox Church, the Writers’ Association, journalists and cultural elite from this circle played in the Greater Serbia project. Their role has not been morally condemned either in Serbia or beyond it. So their activity in the post-Milošević era remained the same. They are still dictating a cultural matrix and “moral” values for the society as a whole. And this is what mainly obstructs establishment of a moral vertical without which the Serbian society can hardly recuperate. In addition, territorial aspirations are still present, which is best mirrored in the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, i.e. Republika Srpska.

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Annual Report: Serbia In 2010 - Human Rights Reflect Institutional Impotence
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Annual Report: Serbia In 2010 - Human Rights Reflect Institutional Impotence

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The unexpectedly long economic crisis has exposed all the weaknesses – political, economic and social – of the present system, which has not yet made a fundamental break with the legacy of the Milošević regime. The blind alley in which Serbia has found itself again gives rise to serious concern because its democratic achievements, albeit minimal, and its progress towards EU membership are both in question. At 58%, popular support for EU integration is lowest so far. This is largely due to the fact that citizens’ concrete interests are excluded from the authorities’ communication with the public concerning the accession process, as well as to the fact that the process itself has been reduced to a vague state- bureaucratic procedure taking place beyond the reach of the citizens and not taking account of their interests. The process of European integration has been systematically reduced to formal questions concerning legislation, procedure and bureaucratic conditionality. The process is presented to the public in such a way as to show no connection with individuals’ concrete interests.

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Bosna i Hercegovina - jezgro velikosrpskog projekta
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Bosna i Hercegovina - jezgro velikosrpskog projekta

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

"The international community's recognition of Bosnia-Herzegovina on April 6, 1991 set into motion the formidably brutal policy of extinction of the Muslim population. From April to August 1991, the Serbs have actually occupied 70 percent of Bosnia's territory. Numerous cases that have been or are still processed by the tribunal in The Hague testify of that. Many have not even been investigated so far, particularly those related to Eastern Bosnia and the Drina River valley. The Serbian troop's blitzkrieg besieged Sarajevo in couple of days only. "The siege of Sarajevo begun earlier in 1991. The fact that the Army entrenched itself all round Sarajevo as early as in autumn 1991 and distributed arms to the Serbian population also testifies that the aggression against Bosnia was planned way back. It was in October 1991 that Radovan Karadzic, preparing the Serbian population in Bosnia-Herzegovina for a plebiscite, said, "You must take over the power energetically and totally. Regardless of what will come out of Bosnia, no foundation for a Muslim house shall be laid in Serbian lands or in a Serbian village. Any foundation laid will be blown to pieces. The world will understand our opposition to any change in demographic structure be it natural or artificial. Our territories belong to us alone. We may be hungry, but we'll stick to those territories. This will be a battle for life or death, the battle for living space." Referring to possible difficulties with the international community, Karadzic said, "Foreign observers will come for sure, they'll keep everything under surveillance. They'll be malevolent. All of them will be malevolent except for those we'll acquire from England - only they will be objective," says the editor in Chapter I - "Destruction of Bosnia." Chapter II presents a chronology of the Bosnian war, Chapter III carries testimonies before the tribunal in The Hague, mostly expert testimonies, Chapter IV stands for a Sarajevo "dossier," Chapter V deals with the media presentation of the war in Bosnia, while Chapter VI carries integral sentences in Galic and Plavsic cases.

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Conflict in Numbers
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Conflict in Numbers

Casualties of the 1990s Wars in the Former Yugoslavia (1991–1999)

Author(s): Ewa Tabeau,Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

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Demokratske kontradikcije multikulturalizma
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Demokratske kontradikcije multikulturalizma

Author(s): Jens-Martin Eriksen,Frederik Stjernfelt / Language(s): Serbian

U poslednjoj deceniji multikulturalizam je postao svakodnevni pojam na koji nailazite svugde: u svakodnevnoj raspravi, političkim debatama, sociološkoj i politikološkoj literaturi. On je nezaobilazan začin akademskog diskursa. Ipak, za taj pojam je uvek povezano nešto uznemirujuće neprecizno. Često ga koriste da bi se opisali uslovi koji već postoje u Zapadnoj Evropi, Sjedinjenim Državama ili drugde, zbog toga što tamo stvarno postoje različite kulturne grupacije i useljeničke zajednice. Pri tome se malo ili uopšte ne obrazlaže kako te različite kulture zaista koegzistiraju. U opticaju je još jedna primena pojma, pri čemu se indirektno upućuje na društveni razvoj koji neosporno ima da se dogodi u doglednoj budućnosti, i na čije se izazove moramo pripremiti. Multikulturalizam je proces. To je pre nešto što će se tek desiti nego ono što već jeste realnost. Oba ova načina upotrebe pojma imaju nešto zajedničko, a to je da se multikulturalizam u oba slučaja shvata kao nešto deskriptivno. On opisuje postojeće stanje ili razvoj prema kojem se društvo kreće u bliskoj budućnosti. Ali nijedno od ova dva značenja ne nudi zadovoljavajući, precizan opis društvene koegzistencije i njenih različitih iskustava. Kaže se samo da to nešto postoji, ili da će doći – ali ne i šta je to što jeste, ili što treba da dođe. Ne kaže se čak ni koje kulture konstituišu to pretpostavljeno mnoštvo, niti kako te kulture treba da koegzistiraju

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Druga Srbija
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Druga Srbija

Author(s): Latinka Perović,Radomir Konstantinović,Filip David,Pavle Ugrinov,Mladen Lazić,Aljoša Mimica,Nenad Prokić,Ivan Vejvoda,Gojko Nikoliš,Mirko Tepavac,Sima M. Ćirković,Miladin Životić,Branka Mihajlović,Slobodan Blagojević,Bogdan Bogdanović,Vladimir Pogačić,László Végel,Petar Luković,Vladan A. Vasiljević,Hamdija Demirović,Mileta Prodanović,Zagorka Golubović,Dragan Veselinov,Ljubiša Rajić,Milica Lučić-Čavić,Sreten Vujović,Nataša Kandić ,Obrad Savić,Vuk Stambolović,Velimir Abramović,Milovan Đilas,Aleksandar Nenadović,Slobodan Inić,Nebojša Popov,Ivan Čolović,Borka Pavićević,Slobodan Stojanović,Milan Milošević,Đorđe Lebović,Vesna Pešić,Žarko Korać,Miodrag Zupanc,Jelena Šantić,Miloš Bobić,Nikola Barović,Miroslav Milović,Dušan Makavejev,Ljubomir Madžar,Mikloš Biro,Ljubinka Trgovčević,Branko Kukić,Dušan Simić,Nenad Daković,Jelica Zupanc,Živojin Kara-Pešić,Biserka Rajčić,Zoran Vidojević,Stevan Pešić,Nenad Fišer,Mirko Gaspari,Veljko Milatović,Srđan Karanović,Mirjana Miočinović,Dragan Babić,Svetlana Knjazev-Adamović,Milorad Belančić,Ina Ovadija-Musafija,Biljana Jovanović,Marina Blagojević,Stanica Lalić,Dragoljub Petrović,Dubravka Marković,Vesna Krmpotić,Novak Pribićević,Goran Marković,Dušan Janjić,Gordana Logar,Miljenko Dereta,Lazar Stojanović,Vesna Čolić,Dušan Reljić,Slobodan Blagojević,Drinka Gojković,Ratko Božović,Mirjana Stefanović,Branka Prpa-Jovanović,Milena Davidović-Primorac,Marija M. Mitrović,Ranko Bugarski,Dragan Velikić,Milica Nikolić,Ottó Tolnai,Manojlo Vukotić,Branka Arsić,Nikola Bertolino,Miloš Stambolić,Velimir Ćurgus Kazimir,Jerko Denegri,Predrag Čudić,Šefko Alomerović,Ljiljana Đurđić,Lepa Mlađenović,Zoran M. Avramović,Milorad Radovanović,Boško Kovačević,Miroslav Karaulac,Vladimir Pištalo,Živojin Pavlović,Aleksandar Zistakis,Đorđe Vukadinović,Ivica Petrović,Ljuba Stojić,Nataša Odalović,Anđelko Dragojević,Ivan Ivanji,Jelena Tasić,Milovan Mračević,V. Stefanović,Jasna Šakota-Mimica,Žarko Trebješanin,Milorad Mlađenović,Magda Petryńska,Danièle Sallenave,T. M.,Leonidas Hatziprodromidis,Predrag Matvejević,Melita Rihter Malabota,Paolo Facchi,Nino Recupero,Claudio Venza / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian

(ANOTHER SERBIA) Every Saturday for a period of two months, from the beginning of April till the end of June 1992, sessions organized by the Belgrade Circle were held at the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade. At these sessions, ten in all, intellectuals, members of the Belgrade Circle and their quest – distinguished writers, scientists, artists, journalists, film and theatre directors, architects, actors, interpreters – expressed their own views of another, radically different Serbia. In times of anguish and affliction, the meetings, attended by a large assembly of listeners experiencing a kind of moral purification, were nonetheless imbued with a frail hope that there still might be a chance for a turn in events. With a desire to present ideas, opinions and sensations shared by the participants of the Belgrade Circle sessions to a much larger audience, the reading public, and to preserve them, because of their merit, in a more lasting form, discussions of over eighty intellectuals were compiled to form this book. In the meantime, the overwhelming disaster has reached its climax: »The Bosnian War«, still raging with no feasible way out as yet, exploded and blazed up like fire. The Belgrade Circle participants, distressed and abashed at the display of all those real or imagined evil deeds, so eagerly reported by the portentous heralds of death voiced hitherto often deeply hidden and silent feelings and thoughts about their burdensome disgust at the plague gripping and afflicting us all. Each participant contributed in his or her own way – rigorous scientific analysis, artistic susceptibility, eyewitness accounts, or simply. A public-minded desperate wail – to the shaping of one new, public opinion, the one that stirred in that sad Spring of ’92 and rebelled against the general fear, animosity, devastation, extermination, ethnic cleansing, forcible population exchanges... All those responsible and public-minded citizens, holding different political opinions, some members of various political parties, with incomparable personal experiences, varied professional interest and often of »objectionable« national origin, showed, however the will to insert tolerance among the basic principles of a humanized way of fife. But, in spite of the pronounced differences, their common aim, discernable in each and every speech imported to the audience, was to finally establish a community based on simple but as yet still unattainable ideals such as peace, freedom, tolerance and justice in place of degrading political, national and religious exclusiveness. Participants focussed their attention on various aspects of the problem: some analysed the roots of hatred and evil; some indicated the disastrous consequences of irresponsible national myth revivals; others warned of menaces yet to come unless we see reason in time. Some were stern, others witty and others still perhaps too prone to pathos, but they were all deeply concerned, and, as it unfortunately turned out, correct in predicting subsequent events. Therefore, individuals who take no notice of current, official policy and who have for a long time now tenaciously refused to render their talent and knowledge to the needs of the authorities, gathered round a project titled »Another Serbia«. Instigating a state of war and providing alleged erudite justification for the necessity of mutual extermination in the name of some noble goals, vague even to the very massacre executors, must not and cannot be the vocation of anyone who considers him or herself an »intellectual«, or earns a living acting as one. Hence, all session participants had but one desire: to mark out a path that may lead into a more promising future, to another, different, better and happier Serbia. »Another Serbia« soon became the synonym of resistance to fabricated lies, nationalistic madness, criminal war, a fascist holocaust, senseless destruction of villages and cities. Thanks are also due to the daily newspaper »Borba« which regularly reported on the Belgrade Circle Saturday sessions, and published a number of contributions presented there... We hope that the Another Serbia we all aspire to be easily discernable in the collection of essays presented in this book. The reader who hopes to find traces of at least some political program will be gravely disappointed. At present, when politics have poisoned the very soul of so many men of letters and knowledge, and when, among the most violent oppressors, in the ranks of all mortal enemy groups, one finds so many proud bearers of scientific degrees, who may actually be designated as men of unmerited and easily squandered reputation, it has become somewhat indecent to praise »intellectual pursuits«. The Belgrade Circle was, however, founded early in 1992 with the aim of retrieving dignity – another dangerous quality! – to public speech and conceived plans of action for the benefit of truth. We do not take an elitist position and stand indifferently above the crowd. On the contrary, being deeply involved and concerned, we place ourselves in its midst. The Association of Independent intellectuals insists upon its main goal, as declared in the program, namely, to bring together »critically oriented public figured who wish to unite their own civil and intellectual engagements with those of other, basically similarly oriented people«. That is why the Belgrade Circle will continue to »promote ideas, deeds and activities that affirm the values of a democratic, civil and plural society...« The Belgrade Circle will »encourage free and critical thought in all spheres of public life. It will support and help institutions and individuals who resist violence and animosity, and who plead for dialogue and for the survival of culture as the only humanly valid way of life«. Fine speeches? Maybe. Nevertheless, the Belgrade Circle has already, and despite many organizational and financial hardships, as well as ugly and unjust abuse from people who should have been, by the very nature of their vocation, in our ranks had they not knuckled under the burden of a more noble – national to be sure – mission, gained an undeniably high reputation. The words uttered with the aim of promoting »Another Serbia« and presented in this book to serve at testimony to the existence of a number of sensible people, shrewd and brave enough to resist suffocation by overwhelming absurdity, were not the only »weapon« used by Belgrade Circle members. They had also an active part in numerous civil and peace movements and events, thus contributing to the establishment of critical public opinion in Belgrade and Serbia: let us recall, for instance, the sad candles and our wake in the park, with souls colder than the Belgrade frost, while one of the past infernal wars – God, which one was it? – was raging out there somewhere; let us recall the »Black Band«, »Yellow Band«, »Student Protest ‘92«, and our endeavours to bring the people of Hrtkovci (»Srbislavci«) to reason; let us recall our guests from Pljevlja, Montenegro, Bosnia... All the time we were just launching our unhappy and, we believe, noble, though perhaps futile venture the very first participant said: let the Belgrade Circle begin it’s work! We hope that by offering this book to the public we have already come a long way. (INTELLECTUALS AND WAR) This volume, Intellectuals and War, follows on the heels of last year’s publication of Another Serbia. Like the latter, it is the result of the work of the Belgrade Circle. As the reader will recall, Another Serbia is a collection of over eighty talks given by members of this association of independent intellectuals and their guests, during ten of the sessions of the Belgrade Circle held every Saturday from the beginning of April to the end of June 1992. Intellectuals and War brings together some fifty texts, which were presented as part of the series »Intellectuals and War« organized every other week, for ten sessions from the beginning of October 1992 until the end of February 1993. At a time when every call for peace, national tolerance, and liberal democracy was being confronted with scorn, disdain, and open ridicule; at a time, that is, when even the most cautious doubts about the utility of the war, which might deflate the state mythology were being denounced as acts of treason committed by slanderers of the National Idea, the Belgrade Circle organized the thematic series, »Another Serbia« and introduced itself to the domestic public as one of the truly rare associations (not to mention political parties, the few exceptions not withstanding) whose members refused on principle to contribute to the destruction of other nations and the demise of their own. With this series and, particularly, with the publication of our book by the same name, the expression »Another Serbia« became a motto for all those who sooner or later came to see the dangers of the nationalist policies of the past five or more years. Unfortunately, many of the dark forebodings expressed in that first series proved to be true. With tragedies mounting at an alarming rate, many words that then sounded very strong, sometimes even, strident, have become but mild reproaches today. Words that once, only a year ago, were just short of blasphemy, have long since become commonplace in the mildest critical discourse in which almost everyone engages. Yet, in looking through the pages of Another Serbia today, one issue emerges from a number of the contributed works that still has not permeated public consciousness deeply enough and has only with great difficulty found its way into the conscience of those individuals to whom it directly refers. This is, of course, the matter of the responsibility of intellectuals for spreading national intolerance, inflaming hatred, advocating war, and – eventually – for instigating crimes and barbaric destruction and causing the isolation, poverty, denigration and scorn which has since come our way. With this in mind, the Belgrade Circle, as an association of – to repeat – independent intellectuals, decided to organize its second thematic series of discussions around this sensitive and uncomfortable question, which is often protected by taboo. The Belgrade Circle did not act impetuously in calling for an open examination of the role of public-opinion makers in the Yugoslav tragedy. Nor did it do so only after having seen the tragic results of conspicuous blunders by writers, scholars, and religious figures in irresponsible national mythmaking or – worse – in open incitement to war. Such a decision was part of the original motivation guiding the future founders of the Circle. Long before the disintegration of the country and before borders were redrawn, territory occupied and people expelled from their homes, they witnessed a number of their colleagues working as free agents or, more often, as institutional propagandists, dutifully reviving national myths, recounting the victims of pats years as if infatuated with death, reworking the ideology of land and blood and skilfully explaining the need for the South Slavic peoples to »separate« from one another once and for all. Seeing this, it became clear to the future members of the Belgrade Circle that it would not be long before these words were turned into deeds. The common denominator for the some twenty philosophers, sociologists, scientists, artists, and journalists who joined together in the Belgrade Circle was, in fact, the decisive refusal to participate in such undignified activities, which could only end in the horrors of war. In its founding Act, and later in number of public statements and individual appearances by its members, the Circle pointed to the responsibility of the »national intelligentsia« and »national institutions« for war and condemned their abuse of public speech. Although against political trials as a matter of principle, the Belgrade Circle argued in its first public statement that not only should politicians, military leaders, and those directly involved in executing their policies be held accountable for their deeds, but also intellectuals responsible for inciting war and causing crimes against humanity, the destruction of cultural and historical treasures, massive displacement of populations and the exile of numerous distinguished creative figures, and the involuntary flight of educated young people. The fact that it was precisely those individuals who given the nature of their work, should have been among our ranks, but chose instead to put their talents, knowledge, and reputation in the service of legitimising a new collectivism, who were the first to poke fun at the Circle and attack it with angry, even threatening messages made it convincingly clear that this important initiative was directed to the right address. At the crucial moment when the class-based identity of society began to collapse from within, these intellectuals, rather then putting their strength and authority into the democratic enlightenment of an apathetic citizenry actively helped to enthrone another new unifying principle, a new unio mistica which would, this time, be based on an artificially awakened and stimulated national identity. Thanks largely to these efforts, the opportunity to become a society of free individuals who act as autonomous citizens in the political sphere and not as anonymous members of the one and only Class, on Nation was again – and, again for a long time – gambled away. Put simply and crudely: once again, »ideologues«, »clerics«, and »guard dogs« have sold us a bill of goods. Few or the participants in the series »Intellectuals and War« were prepared to say that all »national intellectuals« were guided by evil intentions, hatred toward other peoples, vicious greed, futile craving for fame and honour, or the desire to gain the favour of the new/old rulers. It was clear to our authors that there were honest and intelligent people among these »national intellectuals« who sincerely believed that after the fall of the »old regime« it was more important to resolve the national question than to work for the establishment of parliamentary democracy. Reality – as is most often the case – provided them with a real basis for dissatisfaction. However, just as the framers of the idea of the social revolution before them, they turned to the implementation of the national revolution, without paying attention to the means those contracted do to the job – nurtured as they were in our rich tradition – would more than likely use. Thus, it is hard to resist the conclusion that the war began in words. Any rational observer of the now distant events could reasonably have expected the abbreviated series of exchanges between abstract ideas and concrete acts to turn easily and rapidly into bullets. After all, doesn’t the saying go: the pen is mightier than the sword!? A majority of the authors contributing to this volume, share the belief that if intellectuals – who have since become peace advocates – are now amazed and horrified by the sea of spilled blood, the ruined cities and villages, the rivers of displaced and uprooted people, and the previously unimaginable faschisation, impoverishment, and criminalisation of society, they must – if nothing else – face up to their own professional and moral responsibility for this. But this is a question of individual conscience which no one may or should pas a judgment. Some of the text, however, express the belief that another kind of responsibility – one that presumes more tangible consequences than merely having to confront oneself – must surely fall on the shoulders of that »portrait gallery« of our intellectual guard who have consciously advocated war and misted the people, captivating them with otherworldly messages, promising them the heavenly city, submerging them into the past, offering them dignity through force, and turning them away from the most natural desire to live a better and happier life with Others rather than in isolation from the outside world, imprisoned by self-love. One moment openly, the next moment covertly, they supported the consolidation of an authoritarian and indifferent regime, which would carry out the dirty work for them and for the greater glory of the Nation. They graciously allowed the forces of evil to strike, always ready to put the intellectuals’ most daring plans into action. Sometimes participating directly in the government, but more frequently, acting in the shadows as advisors to the absolute ruler and his priests and in collusion with our Volksgeist, these intellectuals were not prepared to take a stand at those moments when the people appeared to have come to their senses. They introduced even greater discord into the already confused political scene as they entered into the ranks of political parties that had the appearance of becoming democratic. Through both their silence and action, they allowed the uneducated electoral body to surrender itself to the one and only real leader. With these texts in front of us, it is tempting to outline a series of »generic-types«, that is, to construct a certain number of »ideal types« from among our national intellectuals. It is easy to understand those readers who would be happy with a string of unique caricature-like portraits. We have merely to think about all those crazed painters, poets of hearth and home, ominous prophets, patented demystifyers of planetary conspiracies and experts in deconstructing the »new world order«, ethno geneticists and amateur historians who trace their nation’s roots to ancient, even prehistoric times, former Marxists who find solace for their collapsed ideology in the »sweet joy of belonging« to the Nation, indefatigable drafters of geopolitical maps, and journalists and columnists who have persistently presented our unsophisticated readers and television audiences with an up side down picture of history and the world. But for now, let’s just keep these in mind: as, in this brief introduction we cannot even hope to sketch out such a typology, much less, to take on a detailed study of some prominent cases. What we can do is hope that a future systematic examination of the role of intellectuals in the wars we are going through will enable us to arrive at an answer to the question posed by the authors of this volume. They themselves have not been motivated by the ambition to offer an answer now and this motivation could hardly be sad to be common denominator among the various texts, which differ both in genre and in the opinions they present. As in Another Serbia, the contributors to Intellectuals and War have their own views and are alone responsible for their words.

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Dubrovnik: “Rat za mir”
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Dubrovnik: “Rat za mir”

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

I nakon petnaest godina od višemesečne opsade Dubrovnika, u Srbiji još uvek nema spremnosti da se prihvati istina o učešću srpske strane u napadu na ovaj grad, posebno kada je reč o učešću JNA u njemu. Svako pominjanje razaranja Dubrovnika nailazi na rezervu i nevericu u pogledu razmera razaranja, a često sledi i sumnja da je to ipak bila “hrvatska ujdurma” koja je imala za cilj sticanje nezavisnosti. Zbog toga je ova knjiga namenjena, pre svega, srbijanskoj i crnogorskoj javnosti. Pred čitaocem je kompilacija tekstova koje je priredio Branko Vojčić, novinar iz Podgorice. Namera je izdavača da upozna čitaoca sa hronologijom i pripremama za rat, ne samo na dubrovačkom ratištu, već i u celoj Hrvatskoj. Krajem avgusta 1991. godine, JNA je zauzela Kijevo (hrvatsko selo okruženo teritorijom pod srpskom kontrolom u blizini Knina) i krenula ka Vukovaru. Hrvatska je, potom, blokirala kasarne i druge objekte JNA širom svoje teritorije. Zatim je JNA opkolila Vukovar i bombardovala ga dva meseca, dok nije pao, u novembru 1991. godine. Opsada Vukovara postala je simbol hrvatske borbe za nacionalno oslobođenje i privukla je pažnju međunarodne zajednice. Istovremeno, granatiranje Dubrovnika uzbudilo je celokupnu svetsku javnost. Reagujući na to, Matija Bećković na Drugom kongresu srpskog ujedinjenja u Čikagu kaže: “... iz oplakivanja gradova koji nisu postradali vidi se ravnodušnost prema hiljadama ljudi koji su pobijeni. Ispada da bi Hitler, da se sklonio u Dubrovnik, bio pod zaštitom UNESCO”.

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Etika feminizma
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Etika feminizma

Author(s): Ksenija Atanasijević / Language(s): Serbian

Izborom tekstova dr Ksenije Atanasijević Etika feminizma obuhvaćeni su oni njeni radovi u kojima se ona bavila temom žene. Već na prvi pogled pada u oči da je Ksenija Atanasijević napisala mnogo takvih tekstova, u raznim žanrovskim oblicima i u veoma širokom tematskom okviru. Pisala je o: filozofiji feminizma; tretmanu žene u filozofskim i literarnim delima; zatim o stvaralaštvu žena, životima istaknutih žena i njihovim dostignućima; feministima i antifeministkinjama; borbi žena da ostvare politička, ekonomska i socijalna prava; organizacijama žena kod nas i u inostranstvu; bliskosti feminističke i pacifističke ideologije. Uz to, napisala je niz prikaza i ocena domaćih i stranih knjiga o ženi i feminizmu, kao i knjiga koje su napisale žene. Ovi tekstovi su publikovani u intervalu od 1923. godine, kad u časopisu Ženski pokret izlazi njena prva studija koja eksplicitno ima za temu ženu — “O emancipaciji žena kod Platona” —, do 1959. godine, kad je u listu Republika izašao prikaz “80–godišnjica smrti Žorž Sandove”. Osim toga, i u svojim drugim tekstovima o filozofskim i književnim ili teorijskim temama, na primer u studijama o lirskom filozofiranju Rabindranata Tagore i filozofiji Božidara Kneževića, Ksenija Atanasijević, kad za to ima povoda, ne zaobilazi temu žene. Bezmalo, tokom celog svog bogatog, plodnog i raznovrsnog stvaranja naša najveća filozofkinja, naprestano je pisala o ženi i ženskoj sudbini.

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Etnologija svakodnevnog života
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Etnologija svakodnevnog života

Author(s): Aleksandar Bošković / Language(s): Serbian

Tehnologija je oduvek zaokupljala ljude, bilo iz praktičnih razloga (kako da sebi život učine lakšim), bilo iz radoznalosti (u smislu proširivanja granica ljudskog znanja). Kako tvrde umetnici/kritičari iz kolektiva Critical Art Ensemble, razmišljanja o svrsi i budućnosti tehnologije su se povezivala sa promišljanjima budućnosti ljudskog roda uopšte, i ona se najčešće odvijaju u dva smera: s jedne strane, tehno-utopisti koji smatraju da razvoj nauke i tehnike čovečanstvu može doneti neslućena dobra, blagostanje i lek protiv svih zala, a sa druge, tehno-distopisti, koji smatraju da je tehnologija izvor svih zala, i da se od nje ne može očekivati ništa dobro. Tehno-utopisti pravi procvat doživljavaju sa industrijskom revolucijom, kada vera u provi đenje ustupa mesto veri u kapitalizam. (Božja ruka provi đenja je nešto kasnije amputirana i prišivena kiborgu kapitalizma Adama Smita.) Naravno, sa dolaskom industrijske revolucije, težište se definitivno pomera u korist nauke i tehnologije: mislioci sa levice (Kondorse, Sen-Simon, Marks), kao i sa desnice (Kont, Spenser) su delili optimizam u vezi svetle budućnosti, uprkos različitim pristupima – tako je Sen-Simon predvi đao socijalizam saveta, dok je Spenser očekivao pojavu buržoaskog Natčoveka.

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Extremism - Recognizing a Social Evil
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Extremism - Recognizing a Social Evil

Author(s): / Language(s): English

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Glib i krv
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Glib i krv

Author(s): Bogdan Bogdanović / Language(s): Serbian

U godinama razaranja Jugoslavije ni od koga iz Srbije kao od Bogdana Bogdanovića nije toliko traženo da govori o drami koja se odigravala, i da svedoči u ime one Srbije "koja odbija fatalizme, i rata i mržnje, i bezizlaza" (M. Galić, 1992)1. I Bogdan Bogdanović je odgovarao na pozive koji su mu stizali sa najrazličnijih strana... Upitan nekoć da objasni svoje delo u vreme uskih specijalizacija: crtač i arhitekta, teoretičar arhitekture grada, pisac i filozof, graditelj metaforičnih grañevina i alegorijskih ambijenata – Bogdan Bogdanović je odgovorio: "Pisao sam da bih umeo da gradim, gradio sam da bih umeo da pišem". U pokušaju da se odredi mesto Bogdana Bogdanovića u istoriji srpske arhitekture, samo, dakle, u jednom od oblika njegovog polimorfnog stvaralaštva, rečeno je ono, što karakteriše čitavo to stvaralaštvo: "To je više uticaj ličnosti nego uticaj objekata, više primer kako treba misliti nego kako terba graditi" (Z. Manević, 1986).

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Helsinki Bulletin

Helsinki Bulletin

Frequency: irregular and other / Country: Serbia

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Helsinška povelja

Helsinška povelja

Frequency: irregular and other / Country: Serbia

Helsinki Committee publishes a monthly magazine in 3000 copies which covers all the issues we work on. It has become a valuable way of communication with different with different groups of population from refugees to minorities and individuals facing legal and other problems.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №01: Serbian Elite
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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №01: Serbian Elite

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević,Radmila Radić,Obrad Savić / Language(s): English

(English edition) The Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) came to the political forefront some 10 years ago. Criticized by the “old regime” for the manner in which it raised the Serb question and its project of national homogenization (1986), and then encouraged by the “new regime” to continue its efforts, the Academy as an institution consented in the most critical years which determined the future of the common Yugoslav state (1987-1991) to act as a “collective mind” in judging and positively evaluating the execution of the “project” by Slobodan Milošević. It was this moment in the Academy’s political activity that caused internal turmoil and led to the crystallization of several groupings within its politically active membership. If the primary rift in 1992 was marked by being for or against Milošević personally, with both sides on the whole approving his “national project,” the breach is now much deeper at all levels. Nowadays the opinions of the members of the Academy differ on virtually all issues: the evaluation of Milošević’s rule, the point at which it became “bad” or “less bad,” the role of the Academy in society, the Memorandum, the nature of the wars in Yugoslavia, what constitutes victory or defeat, the importance and responsibility of intellectuals, population problems, and even election of their own officers. The Academy no longer comes out with common political stands, its present and former presidents deny that it is a “collective mind” and often cite ignorance of the situation as the reason why they cannot make public statements. Members even react to addresses delivered by officers at the Academy’s assemblies and meetings. It is therefore impossible today to reply to questions regarding the political orientation of the Academy, whether or not it at present has a “national program,” how it envisages Serbia’s future, since one would inevitably have to ascribe the views of a particular group of politically active academicians to the institution as a whole. Just as there was no doubt that such a group existed up to 1991 and encountered little overt opposition within the Academy, it is now certain that there are no more undisputed (national-political) authorities in the institution; only individuals remain with their personal opinions which are binding on no one but themselves. After a long series of failures, erroneous prognoses and an impermissibly uncivilized public settling of accounts, their personal authority as the “minds of the nation” has at best been seriously shaken, if it exists at all. For the reasons cited above, this paper is an overview of the stands predominating among the leading members of the Academy, its former and current presidents, and the stands of the politically active academicians. These academicians were in what used to be the dominant current in the Academy and are now only individuals who have closed their political circle – from their former belief that the generation which was nearing its allotted span had been called upon to reveal to the nation the road it should take, to the realization that the responsibility for all the defeats that have occurred in the meantime lies either on one man or is “collective.” Of their once staunch support for Slobodan Milošević, all that remains are their confused replies to the question: “Why do I protest?”

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №01: Srpska Elita
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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №01: Srpska Elita

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević,Radmila Radić,Obrad Savić / Language(s): Serbian

(Serbian edition) The Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) came to the political forefront some 10 years ago. Criticized by the “old regime” for the manner in which it raised the Serb question and its project of national homogenization (1986), and then encouraged by the “new regime” to continue its efforts, the Academy as an institution consented in the most critical years which determined the future of the common Yugoslav state (1987-1991) to act as a “collective mind” in judging and positively evaluating the execution of the “project” by Slobodan Milošević. It was this moment in the Academy’s political activity that caused internal turmoil and led to the crystallization of several groupings within its politically active membership. If the primary rift in 1992 was marked by being for or against Milošević personally, with both sides on the whole approving his “national project,” the breach is now much deeper at all levels. Nowadays the opinions of the members of the Academy differ on virtually all issues: the evaluation of Milošević’s rule, the point at which it became “bad” or “less bad,” the role of the Academy in society, the Memorandum, the nature of the wars in Yugoslavia, what constitutes victory or defeat, the importance and responsibility of intellectuals, population problems, and even election of their own officers. The Academy no longer comes out with common political stands, its present and former presidents deny that it is a “collective mind” and often cite ignorance of the situation as the reason why they cannot make public statements. Members even react to addresses delivered by officers at the Academy’s assemblies and meetings. It is therefore impossible today to reply to questions regarding the political orientation of the Academy, whether or not it at present has a “national program,” how it envisages Serbia’s future, since one would inevitably have to ascribe the views of a particular group of politically active academicians to the institution as a whole. Just as there was no doubt that such a group existed up to 1991 and encountered little overt opposition within the Academy, it is now certain that there are no more undisputed (national-political) authorities in the institution; only individuals remain with their personal opinions which are binding on no one but themselves. After a long series of failures, erroneous prognoses and an impermissibly uncivilized public settling of accounts, their personal authority as the “minds of the nation” has at best been seriously shaken, if it exists at all. For the reasons cited above, this paper is an overview of the stands predominating among the leading members of the Academy, its former and current presidents, and the stands of the politically active academicians. These academicians were in what used to be the dominant current in the Academy and are now only individuals who have closed their political circle – from their former belief that the generation which was nearing its allotted span had been called upon to reveal to the nation the road it should take, to the realization that the responsibility for all the defeats that have occurred in the meantime lies either on one man or is “collective.” Of their once staunch support for Slobodan Milošević, all that remains are their confused replies to the question: “Why do I protest?”

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №02: Potencijal za promene
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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №02: Potencijal za promene

Author(s): Slobodan Inić,Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

This report contains the analysis of data collected during the month of October 1999. One should have in mind this time frame-when considering the findings, drawing different generalizations or setting guidelines for possible actions. Sets of values of members of the observed generation, their social awareness, perception of the past and present, their stance on the West, and above all their potential to bring about changes are essentially determined by some long-standing and less intensive structural factors. To put it simply a generation of people who today have between 25 and 35 years, and who represent the future of the country, was to a large extent formed under the influence of structural features of the society eroded by constant wars and war threats, protracted economic crisis, internal conflicts and strife and total confusion in the sphere of social awareness and public moral. The generation which in the last decade came of age in such a society per force had to reflect its essential characteristics, despite a relative autonomy which each age groups had as its inherent characteristic. Young people and even relatively young people, to which the respondents of this survey belong, have a determined biological and psychological potential which can help them partially overcome the given moment of time and which usually indicates some of their future contents and values in the present day. In that sense one could expect that the mind-set of the observed generation substantially differs from so-called social conscience. But in conditions of an ever-deepening social crisis, in which the process of coming-of-age unfolded under pressure of retrograde, rather than progressive social factors, the aforementioned advantages of such a generation are less manifest, since their potential crumbles under pressure of a regressive society. One must bear in mind the aforementioned and thus avoid to treat unjustly the observed age group: they are expected to be the creators of the Serbian society at the beginning of the Twenty-first century, but it is pretty obvious that their social actions will be affected by a sorry legacy of the social and moral collapse. In fact they were not less predestined than the earlier generations to be unequipped for the contemporary world. They simply developed under much less favorable conditions. But this should not minimize their responsibility for the future development of society in Serbia. On the other hand such adverse development factors should be borne in mind if one truly wishes to understand the traits of this generation, instead of bluntly condemning them. My intention is not to prejudge results evidenced by this survey, but it bears mentioning that it is easier to reject the middle generation in Serbia, like Serbia proper, than to try to understand and render assistance to both.

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