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Publisher: NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence

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NETWORK OF TERROR: HOW DAESH USES ADAPTIVE SOCIAL NETWORKS TO SPREAD ITS MESSAGE

NETWORK OF TERROR: HOW DAESH USES ADAPTIVE SOCIAL NETWORKS TO SPREAD ITS MESSAGE

NETWORK OF TERROR: HOW DAESH USES ADAPTIVE SOCIAL NETWORKS TO SPREAD ITS MESSAGE

Author(s): Joseph Shaheen / Language(s): English

Keywords: extremist groups; Daesh; media; social media; networks; communication; information; terror;

We conducted research aimed at understanding the process by which DAESH disseminates propaganda online. Our focus was not the content that is distributed but the method by which it is distributed. We did so using a number of qualitative, statistical, and numerical analysis techniques in hopes of gaining a deeper insight into their operations and making recommendations for NATO and NATO member states on how to combat them effectively. We discovered a number of important findings the most salient of which is on how individual level decisions made by many of their members have contributed to the survival of their propaganda capabilities, and in some instances an advanced ability to thwart efforts to eliminate their message and their outreach to both locals as well as westerners. We can summarize our findings as follows: • Popular social media platforms such as, and especially, Twitter forms the core of DAESH’s propaganda and information dissemination efforts. They use these mediums as the core of a web of content that is spread in many parts of the ungoverned internet. • DAESH (perhaps unknowingly) uses and an adaptive network structure on Twitter to combat outside influences and to react to external operations seeking to curb their operations. This network adapts at high speed and with limited central organization. • DAESH makes innovative use of platform vulnerabilities that allows them to evade detection, suspension and deletion by state and non-state actors through both automated and manual methods of detection. • DAESH has amassed a strong following supported by an internal dedicated human infrastructure allowing them to affect a substantial impact on the information environment. • Through the use of a core-periphery network structure and a high number of networkcentral actors DAESH created a redundancy factor that can withstand repeated efforts to disrupt their information supply chain. • Through the use of account inflation, signaling, and closure methods, DAESH has been able to successfully create friend/ follow networks that feed into their ability to build sustainable adaptive networks, evade detection, and maintain their level of online activity. • DAESH has built a network structure that utilizes the flexibility of small communal networks and allows for the large scale interactions commonly associated with large diverse-use networks. This adds to the challenge of combating them in the traditional information warfare environment. • We create an explanatory process to simplify the reader’s understanding of the group’s usage of social media. We call it the DEER process. The DEER process begins with dissemination and ends with replenishment. We recommend this model as a way to build more effective strategies in combating the group. Our findings lead us to a more detailed understanding of the DAESH propaganda machine which has gained them notoriety throughout the world and especially on traditional media platforms; and though our conclusions are technical in nature, they have far reaching policy implications. To begin, these conclusions illustrate the ineffectiveness and inefficiencies of a distributed response to DAESH propaganda. DAESH uses limited centralization from a network perspective in order to evade detection while maintaining some control over method and content of their messages—a hybrid model—where flexibility and potency are both achievable. This means that substantial resources must be dedicated in order to combat their ideology effectively. These resources (human and otherwise) are, at the moment, non-aligned, ineffective, and unsustainable over the long term. This is not because the resources and methods used are by nature ineffective, but because the adversary is using strategies and tactics which have never been encountered on this scale ever before. For example, in this report we show that the targeting of highly visible active accounts on Twitter for deletion or suspension, though can eliminate short terms gains by the group, also provides them with the time and knowledge to build more adaptive, responsive networks. While, if account targeting is based on a community/clustering method, we can increase the transaction costs of our adversary’s recovery substantially—gaining invaluable time pinned on lower levels of propaganda diffusion— and simultaneously building more strategic operational tactics. We propose and recommend that in addition to the adjustments of technical methods used in the targeting of DAESH network infrastructure, that more emphasis should be placed on disrupting the supply chain of propaganda, rather on providing contrasting messages. This implies that permanent investments not only in new technology, but in human resources should be made, and coordinated labor division among NATO members as well as allies in the region should be instituted. Our discoveries rely on a number of assumptions to produce our recommendations—the most important of which—is that this information battle is based on concepts of adaptive networks and complex systems. This is a direct result of DAESH’s approach of relating loose policies to its members and allowing them to make individual level behavioral decisions on how best to conduct an information war. In turn, this means that traditional methods as have been adopted by various agencies, state, and non-state actors alike simply will and do not suffice, as has been evident from the group’s continual ability to conduct a propaganda war while facing insurmountable opposition, both physical and electronic. We also recommend that more effort must be made to remove the value proposition which DAESH uses to attract recruits to begin with. Though, our research did not engage the socioeconomic and geo-political environment under which potential recruits are subjected, we hypothesize that innovative efforts in this space can produce substantial declines in DAESH’s ability to disseminate propaganda and ultimately to recruit westerners to their cause. Finally, we make recommendations for future and ongoing research, some of which is much needed to understand and produce effective strategies to combat the group.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. FAKE NEWS: A ROADMAP.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. FAKE NEWS: A ROADMAP.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. FAKE NEWS: A ROADMAP.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: media; communication; truth; post-truth; North Korea; Daesh; politics; government; dishonesty; policy; history;

Fake News: A Roadmap explores the character, consequences, and challenges of fake news. The twists and turns that connect fake news to related buzzwords and themes including ‘post-truth’, ‘populism’, and ‘trust’, are far from straightforward. Fake News: A Roadmap is published by King’s Centre for Strategic Communications (KCSC) and the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence, in Riga, Latvia. Both organisations are committed to encouraging innovative thinking.

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SOCIAL MEDIA IN OPERATIONS – A COUNTER-TERRORISM PERSPECTIVE

SOCIAL MEDIA IN OPERATIONS – A COUNTER-TERRORISM PERSPECTIVE

SOCIAL MEDIA IN OPERATIONS – A COUNTER-TERRORISM PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): Berfin Kandemir,Alexander Brand,Ben Heap / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO; StartCom; media; information; communication; social media; security and defense; terrorism; counter-terrorism; psychology;

Social media has assumed a fundamental role in today’s society. As a technology with a high level of reach, billions of people are connected daily through global platforms, where they share personal experiences, documents and visual content. Social media has become one of the main channels through which people connect and communicate. NATO, as an organisation of 29 member states with different historical and cultural backgrounds, has made great efforts to develop its social media capabilities. NATO and its key decision makers are present in nearly all major social media networks and have gathered thousands of fans and followers. The current #wearenato campaign conveys the message that every day NATO allies work and train together to keep their citizens safe and that NATO, through partnership and cooperation, has secured peace and freedom for nearly 70 years. Most of NATO’s current social media efforts are focused on this ‘message delivery role’, aiming to raise awareness about NATO as a brand and to resonate with key opinion formers within a younger audience. Since September 2014, when NATO’s Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (StratCom COE) was established in Riga, Latvia, substantive progress in the study and understanding of social media has been made. The StratCom COE has published a number of research papers exploring current trends in social media and leading discussions on future strategy and related concepts, including the delivery of courses in social media analysis. NATO is involved with two major strands of work, both of which explore more flexible approaches of analysing and engaging with social media. First, the ‘Digital and Social Media Playbook’ currently under development by NATO’s Science and Technology Organisation (STO) will constitute an up-to-date information environment assessment tool. Second, through the Multinational Capability Development Campaign (MCDC), NATO has supported the development of two social media-related concepts to be used specifically in operations. Although there are a number of academic publications that cover the use of social media for military purposes or provide recommendations on how social media can support military actions on the ground, few previous projects have focused on the exploitation of social media in the context of Counter-Terrorism (CT). This is understandable, as according to NATO’s CT policy and concept, terrorism is dealt with at the national level by law enforcement agencies under state control and supervision. In most cases NATO would support Member States at their request, or as part of an operation in an environment in which law enforcement forces of the nation state are overstretched or non-existent. Apart from a collective defence scenario, this is unlikely to happen within the territories of the Member States and has more relevance for non-aligned nations. As part of ongoing efforts to further develop the CT perspective on social media, the NATO Centre of Excellence-Defence against Terrorism (COE-DAT) and the NATO StratCom COE conducted a workshop on ‘The exploitation of social media on operations’ in September 2017. The views were collected of over 20 social media experts and analysts, as well as NATO CT experts. The aim of the workshop was to develop the overall approach of the military’s use of social media to deliver effects in CT scenarios. As such, the workshop can also be seen as part of both centres’ contribution to strengthening of NATO’s fight against terrorism. This report provides a summary of those discussions. A brief outline of the panel’s main presentations is provided as well as a summary of the following questions discussed during the Q&A. „ Can hard-line terrorist groups with extremist narratives be effectively countered with messaging or would it be better to focus on those individuals and groups on the brink of radicalisation and joining a terrorist group? „ Assuming that former terrorists enjoy high credibility within the target audience (with reference to “Breaking the ISIS Brand” by Anne Speckhardt), how could or should they be integrated within military operations? What would such operations look like? „ Can offensive Cyberspace and Information Operations extend the role of the military within Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) programmes? „ How could CT-related social media expertise be integrated into HQ structures? „ Is it possible to develop reach-back capabilities to support deployed forces? „ What tools are there to offensively counter aggressive strategic narratives and which of them are in use in military entities of NATO and the nations? „ Which information from social media is relevant from an intelligence analyst’s viewpoint and which tools are used for social media analysis in military entities? „ Once key influencers and propaganda distribution centres have been identified, should the military take measures to impede the spread of certain messages? In such cases, is the military capable of doing so or would this require external / industry support? „ How are CT aspects reflected in the roles and responsibilities of existing functions and capabilities, such as StratCom, Info Ops, PA, and PSYOPS? Which concepts / doctrine could be improved and updated? „ How does the social media industry counter terrorism and where would cooperation with the military be beneficial? In closing, a number of suggestions regarding the following key issues identified are provided: „ Counter-Narratives „ Identities „ Social Media Analysis in support of Intelligence „ Information Operations, Psychological Operations and Counter-Terrorism These suggestions include future steps which might be beneficial for further CT-related exploitation of social media in military operations. We hope that those who could not attend the workshop can enjoy the content of this publication – as well as spark their interest in future activities dealing with this important topic.

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ROBOTROLLING 2018/1

ROBOTROLLING 2018/1

ROBOTROLLING 2018/1

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: media; communication; social media; malicious activity; NATO; Baltic countries; Poland; Russia; Russian language; bot; ICT; twitter;

Generational change in malicious activity on social media seems to be at hand. Primitive bots indiscriminately promoting links to news sites are on the decline. They are being replaced by coordinated accounts that target conversations centred upon individual media outlets or members of different elites. In recent months on Twitter, the volume of automated content about NATO activity in the Baltics and Poland has declined at an increasingly rapid pace. The number of bottweets dropped by 15 percentage points for Russian and 20 percentage points for English. We infer that this reduction is best explained by changes introduced by the platform. Our findings are verified by drawing on thirty times more data than for previous Robotrolling issues. For the first time we include messages from VKontakte as a control. We see a marked rise in organised trolling activity conducted by humans using fake accounts compared to early 2017. As of January 2018, 50% of all Russian-language messages are directed at other Twitter users. As social media companies intervene to clean up automation, they should take care that changes they introduce may enable new forms of manipulation. Russian language bot activity is in decline in absolute terms, but Twitter in Russian remains more polluted than Twitter in English.

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ROBOTROLLING 2017/2

ROBOTROLLING 2017/2

ROBOTROLLING 2017/2

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: media; ICT; communication; NATO; Poland; Baltic countries; Russia; language; bots; twitter; social media;

Robotic activity is highly dynamic. The online discussion about the NATO presence in Poland and the Baltics shows sharp changes in focus and intensity. The current reporting period August–October has been comparatively free of large-scale, politically motivated robotic interventions. In contrast, the period March–July stands out as one in which content was heavily promoted online. Political actors use bot accounts in the social media space to manipulate public opinion about regional geopolitics. According to our estimate, such accounts produced 5–15% of the activity about the NATO presence in Latvia and Estonia in the period March–July 2017. Bot-generated messages differ depending on the target audience. Messages aimed at the West suggested that Russian exercises pale in comparison with NATO operations. Messages targeted to the domestic audience rarely mentioned the Russian exercises. Russian-language bots create roughly 70% of all Russian messages about NATO in the Baltic States and Poland. Overall, 60% of active Russian-language accounts seem to be automated. In comparison, 39% of accounts tweeting in English are bots. They created 52% of all English-language messages in the period August–October. Our data suggest Twitter is less effective at removing automatically generated Russian content than it is for English material. Nonetheless, we have seen improvement in social media policing by the platform. A ‘cleaner’ social media is good not only for individual users, but also for businesses. Pressure should continue in order to ensure further improvements.

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RUSSIA'S FOOTPRINT IN THE NORDIC-BALTIC INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT

RUSSIA'S FOOTPRINT IN THE NORDIC-BALTIC INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT

RUSSIA'S FOOTPRINT IN THE NORDIC-BALTIC INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; media; communication; information; Nordic-Baltic countries; NB8; security and defense; politics; social media;

The ongoing project covering Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Latvia, Lithuania and Sweden monitors Russia’s information activities in the Nordic-Baltic region (NB8) and analyses their impact. The report covering the period of 2016/2017 looks at the aims of Russia’s information activities and the narratives used; discusses the compatriot policy as a tool of influence; provides an insight into the use and varying level of trust in the information provided by Russian state-funded media and the public opinion on particular narrative themes promoted by Russia. The main findings are structured around the following research questions.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - RUSSIAN INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINIAN STATE AND DEFENCE FORCE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - RUSSIAN INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINIAN STATE AND DEFENCE FORCE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - RUSSIAN INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINIAN STATE AND DEFENCE FORCE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; Ukraine; conflict; history; information; communication; media; TV; social media; propaganda; security and defense; narratives; politics;

The report was executed for the NATO StratCom COE by the Centre for Applied Research under the Estonian National Defence College. The objective of this research is to identify how the Russian media portrays the Ukrainian military and security structures, including the policies of the Kiev government and their ‘collaboration’ with the West. The research group looks at how messages disseminated in the media attempt to construct attitudes and advocate behaviours in parallel to political and military events on the ground in Ukraine. The research covers the period from 1 April until 31 December 2014 and analyses the following Russian media: Regnum, Komsomolskaya Pravda and TV Zvezda. These media are important because they target not only Russian internal audience but also the Russian-speaking communities in the former territory of the USSR. The researchers used standardised content analysis in accordance to a specially developed Coding Manual and enriched the findings with data from 25 structured interviews with Ukrainian representatives (media, political and military experts, as well as soldiers and officers involved in the military conflict). From December 2014 the Russian military has adopted a new doctrine that explicitly states that information superiority is essential to achieving victory on the physical battleground in the modern war. It is crucial for NATO to draw appropriate conclusions from the on-going conflict in Europe in order to further strengthen the unity of the alliance and avoid such conflict scenarios between Russia and NATO in the future. Russia’s information activities have played a significant role in the overall military operations carried out in the territory of East Ukraine since 2014. Information operations were used at all levels starting with the political level (against the state of Ukraine, state structures, politicians) up to the tactical level for justifying military actions initiated by pro-Russian forces. Information confrontation and a variety of psychological operations continue to play a substantial role in the current crisis in Ukraine. Russia uses various media channels to conduct its operations against Ukraine, including governmental and private TV channels (e.g. Pervyi Kanal, Rossija 1, NTV, Russia Today, LifeNews), radio (e.g. Radio Mayak), mobile phone operators (e.g. KyivStar), Internet sources (including online publications, e.g. Regnum, TV Zvezda, Кomsomolskaya Pravda, Itar Tass, RIA Novosti ) and social media networks (e.g. YouTube, Facebook, Vk.com, odnoklassniki.ru). Some Ukrainian sources hold pro-Russian attitudes and can also be used to spread disinformation (e.g. Vesti). The separatist People’s Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk have their own channels producing anti-Ukrainian propaganda (e.g. dnrnews.com, novorus.info). The current study has focused on the media channels that represent the Russian mainstream—Komsomolskaya Pravda, TV Zvezda, Regnum. These mass media channels are generally critical against the Ukrainian government and armed forces, but do not offer a critical view of the Russian government; they justify Russian policy in Ukraine and see the Ukrainian crisis as a battlefield between Russia and West, referring to the clash of civilisations with the West (primarily the US and NATO, but also the European Union) allegedly intending to advance its sphere of influence towards Russian borders.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - REDEFINING EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - REDEFINING EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - REDEFINING EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; Ukraine; Euro-Atlantic region; values; communication; information; media; mass media;

This document summarizes part of the larger research “Euro-Atlantic Values and Russia’s Strategic Communication in the Euro-Atlantic Space“ (2015) commisioned by the NATO StratCom COE to the Center for International Studies (Latvia). The overall aim of the research is to identify means how Russia with the help of mass media influences the Euro-Atlantic values and redefines the meaning of democracy, media freedom, human rights, trust to international organisations, freedom of speech and other values in the EuroAtlantic space for different societal groups during the crisis in Ukraine.

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MAPPING OF STRATCOM PRACTICES IN THE NATO COUNTRIES

MAPPING OF STRATCOM PRACTICES IN THE NATO COUNTRIES

MAPPING OF STRATCOM PRACTICES IN THE NATO COUNTRIES

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO; StratCom; practices; NATO countries; 2015; politics; military; evaluation;

The findings consist of analysis of the questionnaire results filled in by 11 NATO nations and structured interviews with 6 NATO nations during the first half of 2015.

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INTERNET TROLLING AS A HYBRID WARFARE TOOL: THE CASE OF LATVIA

INTERNET TROLLING AS A HYBRID WARFARE TOOL: THE CASE OF LATVIA

INTERNET TROLLING AS A HYBRID WARFARE TOOL: THE CASE OF LATVIA

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: ICT; internet; communication; media; social media; hybrid warfare; tool; Latvia; case study; NATO; StratCom; trolls; trolling; Russia;

The executive summary outlines the main conclusions of the study Internet Trolling as a Tool of Hybrid Warfare: Case of Latvia, commissioned by the NATO StratCom Centre of Excellence. The study was conducted by the Latvian Institute of International Affairs in cooperation with Riga Stradins University and the Artificial Intelligence Laboratory of the Institute of Mathematics and Informatics (University of Latvia)1 and was aimed at analysing organised pro-Russian trolling in internet media and measuring its influence on public opinion, using Latvia as a case study. The research provides an opportunity to evaluate the risk potential of trolling, and offers recommendations on how to mitigate its effects when used as a tool in hybrid warfare. A multidisciplinary approach – including communication science, social anthropology, political science and information technology expertise – was applied in order to understand the trolling phenomenon, develop a method for its identification and evaluate its impact on public opinion. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods were used.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE MANIPULATIVE TECHNIQUES OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN - EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE MANIPULATIVE TECHNIQUES OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN - EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE MANIPULATIVE TECHNIQUES OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN - EURO-ATLANTIC VALUES AND RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN THE EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; information; communication; Euro-Atlantic region; values; strategic communication; media; TV; Pervij Kanal; RT; Sputnik; politics; mass media;

This document summarises part of a larger research “Euro-Atlantic Values and Russia’s Strategic Communication in the Euro-Atlantic space” (2015) commissioned by the NATO StratCom COE to the Center for International Studies (Latvia). The overall aim of the research is to identify means how Russia with the help of mass media influences the Euro-Atlantic values and re-defines the meaning of democracy, media freedom, human rights, trust to international organizations, freedom of speech and other values in the Euro-Atlantic space for different societal groups during the crisis in Ukraine. The political rhetoric, political content and narrative is analysed in the following audio-visual platforms: Первый канал (Pervij Kanal), RT (previously - Russia Today) and Sputnik. The research includes four case studies: the downing of the passenger liner MH17, issuing of economic counter-sanctions, first humanitarian convoy and Minsk talks on the cease-fire deal (the so-called Minsk II).

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ANALYSIS OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINE - EXAMINING NON-MILITARY ASPECTS OF THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE FROM A STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS PERSPECTIVES

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ANALYSIS OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINE - EXAMINING NON-MILITARY ASPECTS OF THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE FROM A STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS PERSPECTIVES

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ANALYSIS OF RUSSIA’S INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINE - EXAMINING NON-MILITARY ASPECTS OF THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE FROM A STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS PERSPECTIVES

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; Ukraine; information; communication; crisis; strategic communication; MH17 air tragedy; politics;

The report analyses Russia’s information campaign against Ukraine, covering the period from the 3rd Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius (28-29 November 2013) until the annexation of Crimea (16 March 2014). It refers also to some more recent, important examples of the information campaign relating to events such as the MH17 air tragedy.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. NATO BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE AND CHANGES IN PUBLIC OPINION

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. NATO BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE AND CHANGES IN PUBLIC OPINION

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. NATO BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE AND CHANGES IN PUBLIC OPINION

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO; ballistic missile defense; public opinion; security and defense; NATO countries; media; strategic communication;

This project was designed as a capabilities demonstration for the Latvian Ministry of Defence and NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (NATO StratCom COE). The project developed a media analysis methodology based on strategic framing, a well-known function of media and strategic communication that attempts to influence the perception of facts and situations by encouraging certain interpretations and discouraging others using words, phrases, metaphors and images highlighting desired aspects of a perceived reality. The goals were to demonstrate that framing is relevant to understanding and improving strategic communication capabilities of NATO member and partner countries, to do this in the context of a topic important to NATO, and to show the potential relevance of these methods to operational capabilities.

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ROBOTROLLING 4/2018

ROBOTROLLING 4/2018

ROBOTROLLING 4/2018

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: robotrolling; Twitter; Russian-language account; English-language; manipulation; Internet; NATO; fake social network activity;Poland; Baltic states;

This issue of Robotrolling examines users suspended by Twitter. Contrary to expectation, most of the accounts were human-controlled accounts rather than bots. Since 2017, the speed at which Twitter suspended misbehaving users has by two measures almost doubled. However, removals of Russian-language accounts have been considerably slower than for English. The speed of removal can be critical, for instance in the context of an election. The Latvian elections, conducted on 6 October 2018, passed with remarkably little Russian language activity about the NATO presence in the country. Our analyses show a movement in the past year away from automated manipulation to humans operating fake or disposable identities online. The figures published in this issue reflect the good work done to tackle bots, but show much work remains to tackle manipulation through fake human-controlled accounts. Bots created 46% of Russian-language messaging about the NATO presence in the Baltics and Poland. More than 50% of Russian-language messaging about Estonia this quarter came from automated accounts. Anonymous human-operated accounts posted 46% of all English-language messages about Poland, compared to 29% for the Baltic States. This discrepancy is both anomalous and persistent. Some of the messaging is probably artificial. We continue to publish measures of fake social activity in the hope that quantifying the problem will focus minds on solving it.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – CANADA

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – CANADA

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – CANADA

Author(s): Iona Allan / Language(s): English

Keywords: Canada; Arctic; political power; national identity; communication strategy;

This is a summary of research based on a discourse analysis of official statements, speeches, and policy documents published by the Government of Canada in English from 2013-2018. The narratives derived from the discourse are coded according to the different national power dimensions and political values which they communicate. Sources were identified through a key word search of these publicly available resources.

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ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – CHINA

ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – CHINA

ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – CHINA

Author(s): Iona Allan / Language(s): English

Keywords: China; government; politics; national power; Arctic; international relations; communication strategy;

This is a summary of research based on a discourse analysis of official statements, speeches, and policy documents published by the Government of the Peoples Republic of China in English from 2012-2018. The narratives derived from the discourse are coded according to the national power dimensions and political values which they communicate. Sources were identified using a key word search of these publicly available resources.

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ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – RUSSIA

ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – RUSSIA

ARCTIC NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL VALUE – RUSSIA

Author(s): Iona Allan / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; Arctic; sovereignty; economic development; political power;

This is a summary of research based on a discourse analysis of official statements, speeches and policy documents published by the government of the Russian Federation in English from 2012-2017. The narratives derived from the discourse are coded according to the different national power dimensions and political values which they communicate. Sources were identified through a key word search of these publicly available resources.

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ROBOTROLLING 2/2019

ROBOTROLLING 2/2019

ROBOTROLLING 2/2019

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: VK; social media; NATO; misuse and manipulation; politics; Russian-language; English-language; bots; Baltics; Poland; Facebook; European elections; May 2019;

On the popular Russian-language social network VK, material about the NATO presence in the Baltics and Poland was viewed no less than 11 million times this quarter (February – April 2019). 93% of these views were for material from community spaces. On VK, community spaces are increasingly important, both as a sources of content and as places for discussion. The move to groups has implications beyond the Russian-language space. Facebook has recently launched a push to promote community spaces. These spaces, normally closed to researchers, offer huge potential for misuse and manipulation. Our investigation of VK community spaces reveals that the vast majority of groups in which NATO is discussed are communities with radical pro-Kremlin or nationalist tendencies, or dedicated to the conflict in Ukraine. These communities generate more posts and attract more views even than communities created by Russian state media outlets. On Twitter, bots tweeting in Russian remain a bigger problem than bots tweeting in English. In Russian, they account for 43% of all messages—a significant increase in recent months. In English bots posted 17% of messages. English-language bots this quarter overwhelmingly amplified news content from RT (formerly Russia Today) and other pro-Kremlin news outlets. On all platforms, discussion regarding NATO troops in Poland attracted the largest number of posts this quarter. Finally, in this issue we publish our first case study of manipulation on Facebook. It looks at the degree to which bots and trolls targeted posts promoted by Latvian political parties contesting the European Elections in late May 2019.

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ROBOTROLLING 1/2019

ROBOTROLLING 1/2019

ROBOTROLLING 1/2019

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: VK; Russian social media; NATO; manipulation; fake story; twitter; bots; bot accounts; Poland; Baltic;

This report presents top-level findings from the first research project to systematically track and measure the scale of inauthentic activity on the Russian social network VK. On VK, a vocal core consisting of loyal news media, pro-Kremlin groups, and bots and trolls dominates the conversation about NATO. The volume of material from this core group is such, that overall genuine users account for only of 14% of the total number of messages about NATO in the Baltic States and Poland. The spread of demonstrably fake content can offer a starting point for measuring how social media manipulation impacts genuine conversations. In the case of one story about a fictitious Finnish blogger, our algorithm estimates that at least 80% of users who shared the fake story were authentic. This quarter, messages appeared in more than 2 000 different group pages on VK. Setting aside messages from group pages, 37% of VK posts came from ‘bot’ accounts—software that mimics human behavior online. This level of activity is comparable to what we have seen on Russian-language Twitter. Unlike on Twitter, where the vast majority of human-controlled accounts are operated anonymously, on VK most accounts are likely to be authentic. Western social media companies have belatedly taken an active role in reducing the reach of the Kremlin’s social media manipulation efforts. However, it remains hard for researchers to evaluate the effectiveness of these measures on platforms such as Facebook and Instagram. In this context, VK offers a cautionary view of a network with minimal privacy, regulation, and moderation.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE 2010 SENKAKU CRISIS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE 2010 SENKAKU CRISIS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. THE 2010 SENKAKU CRISIS

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Senkaku Islands; East China Sea; Japan; China; Taiwan; geostrategic value;

The Senkaku Islands are a group of five uninhabited islands and three islets located in the East China Sea. They are under the administrative control of Japan, but are also claimed by China and Taiwan. The Senkaku Islands have both economic and military value, as there are rich fishing grounds in the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) surrounding the Senkaku Islands, as well as significant oil and gas deposits. The islands are also of great geostrategic value, facilitating control over the East China Sea. In September 2010, a Chinese fishing trawler refused Japanese Coast Guard (JCG) requests to leave Senkaku territorial waters. After a stand-off, the trawler rammed two JCG vessels and after a 40 minute chase, the JCG boarded the Chinese trawler and arrested the 15-man crew and captain. The captain was later tried under Japanese domestic law. China initiated a range of hostile measures in response to the incident. In particular, China drastically curbed its rare earth elements (REE) exports to Japan, whose high-tech oriented economy is very dependent on REEs. As of 2009, Chinese supplies comprised 80 per cent of Japan’s demand for REEs. Short-term, China wanted to force Japan to immediately release the detained trawler captain; long-term, China wanted to demonstrate its ability to use a potent economic instrument which could be used as deterrent and as coercive measure or for punishment.

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