İbn Sînâ ve Tûsî’ye Göre Tanrı’nın Bilgisi

Author(s): Murat Demirkol / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 32/2016

The knowledge of God has been taken into account by the Muslim philosophers not as a theory of knowledge but as a subject within the framework of metaphysics. Though there is no title specifically dedicated under epistemology in Islamic philosophy, man’s knowing and perception (idrak) has been analysed within the framework of both logic and soul (nafs) theories. Sensual conception has been taken into account under the former drive of two fundamental motives, namely carnal perception and actuation, whereas producing new knowledge and certainty based on premises has been studied under logic. The power of abstract knowledge is studied both in the theory of nafs in that it reaches the universal knowledge by abstracting the images derived from internal and external senses, and also analysed under metaphysics since it processes information through a active intellect and transfer of knowledge. In this article, while we analyse the knowledge of God via the works of Avicenna and Nasir al-din al-Tusi, we also take into account the comparison between the universal and self-knowledge of God and human’s universal and particular knowledge in this study, too. Thus, we partially touched upon the knowledge theories of both philosophers. The quest for conceiving the Knowledge of God requires considering the character of human’s knowledge and reasoning and putting forward the differences via comparison. In this study, the fact that how God knows himself (dhat) and others’ and how this knowledge is realised whether it is delineated (irtiṣām) in his dhat through intelligible images or in the form of unification of intelligibles with his dhat, it will be analysed through the ideas of two philosophers.

Wspólnota jutra. O „polityce dojmującej bliskości”

Author(s): Ireneusz Gielata / Language(s): Polish Issue: 29/2017

The article is an attempt to answer the question regarding the possible establishment of the future community – the community of people who live “next to one another” instead of “against one another”. Seeking the opportunities to establish “a different mode of human integration”, the author, quoting the phrase from Shakespeare’s The Tempest (“flesh and blood”, Act V, scene 4), suggests the possibility of basing the future community on the experience of closeness. This sense of closeness arises from the experience of corporeal fragility which forces us to perceive the other person not as an enemy, but as a friend (C. Schmitt), as someone made of “flesh and blood”. The analyses of prose by Jerzy Pilch and Jacek Dehnel show that this kind of closeness is most fully revealed in the experience of illness.

The Ethos of Education and the Ethos of Christianity

Author(s): Pavol Dancák / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2017

The aim of the paper is to introduce transcendental dimension as a basic part of the education of a man. Greek thinking about man reaches its peak in conviction that education strive is based in getting as close to gods as possible. If man loses the transcendent dimension, he or she also loses a part of his or her humanity. Christianity brings very important optimism into the area of education, as God is Love and in Jesus Christ man gets another chance. Education understood as imitatio Christi contains implicitly this transcendent major.

İbn Sina’nın Varlık-Mâhiyet Ayniliği/Ayırımının Aquinas’ın Eleştirileri Bağlamında Değerlendirilmesi

Author(s): Mehmet Ata Az / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 29/2014

İbn Sînâ was the first philosopher who addressed the distinction of essence-existence, which is essential as far as the basic, in a systematic way and discussed it in the philosophical context in Islamic and Western thoughts. His approach is in parallel with Aristotle’s approach which identified being in terms of being as the subject of metaphysics and distinction of essence-existence. İbn Sînâ’s approach has become one of the most basic arguments in meta-ontology. Over time, İbn Sînâ deeply influenced Latin philosophers’ meta-ontologies. There were many scholastic philosophers such as Thomas Aquinas who used the identity and the distinction of the essence-existence and have built up their ontologies as much as their metaphysics upon it. In this study, we will examine İbn Sînâ’s and Aquinas’s approaches of the distiction of essence-existence key concepts in the context of criticism of Aquinas, then we will examine the value of criticism of Aquinas that İbn Sînâ negated essence which made the concept of God meaningless.

Središnja pojmovnost modela multikulturalnog društva

Author(s): Srđan Vukadinović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 8/2011

Two opposing concepts, or concepts of resonance such as universalism and belonging in the modern word receive special meaning in the unity of diversity. Although the u universality and belonging to the philosophical point of two completely opposite notions thea are in terms of modern political thought assumes as central concepts. Universalism refers to the general idea of humanity by which people are naturally equal, and share the same values and rights. Belonging refers to the existence of different cultures, groups or communities for which the special values and form differences in methods and quality of life. In modern society universalism is opposed to hierarchy and diversity works against it. You can not belong to a hierarchical superior or a subordinate group just because a different identity for some properties. Modern societies to 90 of XX century is characterized by a model of multiculturalism, while the last decade of the second and the first constitution of the third millennium period of interculturalism as a model for the existence of differences by mutual interactivity. Globalization and modernization on the world stage is increasingly performed for diversity and confronting them. Understanding and interpreting the diversity of individuals, groups, societies and the world articulle the multiple meanings and symbols. In a multicultural society that is deprived of represented a diversity of interaction. Transitional societies are ambient in which universalism and examines the relation of belonging in a spirit of unity prevailing understanding of differences and intercultural communication in the modern world.

Elementi Nietzscheove filozofije u poeziji Silvija Strahimira Kranjčevića

Author(s): Sabina Konkić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 7/2010

U radu namjeravam pronaći elemente Nietzscheove filozofije u pjesništvu Silvija Strahimira Kranjčevića. Tumačenjem Nietzscheovih djela Volja za moći i Tako je govorio Zaratustra, koja su ključna za razumijevanje njegove filozofije, pokušat ću neke elemente njegovih filozofskih opservacija zapaziti i u Kranjčevićevoj poetici i potkrijepiti ih adekvatnim stihovima. Naročito je zanimljiva ideja Boga kod Nietzschea i Kranjčevića i način na koji obrađuju u svojim djelima kult Boga. Oni Boga, kao simbol savršenstva i vječnosti obrađuju u modernom duhu nastojeći što više približiti Apsolut čovjeku. Njihov Bog na taj način postaje svakodnevni Bog, posvuda prisutan, među ljude doveden i čak poprima obličje običnog čovjeka. U prezentiranju ove ideje Nietzsche je svakako bio mnogo radikalniji proglasivši smrt tradicionalnog Boga. Nietzschea i Kranjčevića veže modernistički svjetonazor u poetici (zrela moderna i postmoderna uveliko počivaju na Nietzscheovoj filozofiji, a i Kranjčevićeva poezija nagovještava modernističke tendencije u književnom stvaranju na južnoslavenskome prostoru). Zajednička im je i težnja za odvajanjem vjere od vjerskih institucija i sarkastičan odnos prema crkvi koja guši ljepotu vjere. U filozofskom učenju Nietzschea i Kranjčevićevoj poeziji mogu se primijetiti i elementi panteističkog poimanja svijeta koje je inače vrlo blisko modernoj poetici. Taj panteizam primijetimo u njihovom dovođenju Boga u prirodu, među ljude, kroz zapažanje Boga u svemu što nas okružuje, a ne kao nečeg onostranog, nespoznatljivog. Nietzscheova ideja nadčovjeka kao spoja animalnog, ljudskog i božanskog može aludirati na tu činjenicu.

Doświadczanie codzienności jako klucz do świata artystek. O wartościach w sztuce współczesnej

Author(s): Agata Sulikowska-Dejena / Language(s): Polish Issue: 23/2017

Described is the creativity of women in visual arts following their debut about the year 2000. Women artists representing this Polish feminist art movement are drawing inspiration from their everyday life experienced in their social roles traditionally attributed to women as housewives, wives and mothers. Revolting in face of consequent impediments to building their career, berating hints by some as to maintaining the traditional role of women in society and taking issue with critics derogating the feminist art movement, the artists set out to portray aspects of their vocational life and consequences of being a woman in an artistically paradoxical way. Viewers long used to extended metaphors and hidden symbols are invited by the artists to intuit women’s everyday life experiences, challenge gender stereotypes and reflect on values.

Sprawozdanie z konferencji naukowej "Oko w oko z... nauronauką"

Author(s): Marlena Stradomska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 24/2017

Уводни думи

Author(s): Dimitar Vatsov,Tom Junes / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 47/2017

Логика на пропагандата. Първа част. Популизъм и пропаганда: опасни връзки и семейни прилики

Author(s): Dimitar Vatsov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 47/2017

On the basis of the empirical data from the collective study “Anti-DemocraticPropaganda in Bulgaria” and reframing a cluster of already existing post-Wittgensteinian theoretical approaches this text aims to outline the logics of propaganda on two levels: Its First Part has to describe some more general typological features of the propaganda usages of language (i.e. propaganda’s“general” practical logics) and its Second Part has to describe the particular conspiracy grammar and typical vocabulary of the recent populist, antiliberaland national-sovereigntist propaganda (from Putin through Orban to Trump), i.e. its specific practical logics. Here, in the First Part, in comparison with the scientific and everydaylife modes of speech, some more general features of the propaganda usages of language (common both for the commercial advertisement and for the politicalpropaganda) are outlined: - We can speak of propaganda if a strategic dissemination and repetition of stereotypified messages (clichés) is done; the strategic goal of such repetitive dissemination is to transform those clichés into meta-clichés: into a depth grammar that frames the articulations for a multitude of individuals. In this aspect propaganda resembles education but it also differs from scientifically informed education by other features: - Propaganda works in a regime of totalisation of the discourse, where the specific modalities of the separate messages lose their significance: the peculiar task of propaganda is to create an overgeneralized discursive horizon that enables the fusion of modalities and hence a free play of associations between messages. Being overgeneralized the propaganda discourses resemble the scientific discourses and differ from the everyday-life discourses; being freed from any strict sense (from any strict modalisation), propaganda differs from science and resembles the ordinary bullshitting (in Harry Frankfurt’s sense). Propaganda usually does not lie about the facts but it lies through modal extensions (or modal reductions) of the meanings of selected facts. - Propaganda works in a regime of metonymy: It deposits utterance overutterance in such a way that the modal differences between them disappear andinstead a metonymical chain appears: in the end it looks as if every utterance substitutes the other, as if they mean the same. This metonymical propagandaoperation is conditioned by the overgeneralized and fused discursive horizon but it also produces this very horizon: a circular productive relation takes place. Through metonymy propaganda simulates coherence but such coherence is alie because every modal concordance between the terms and the utterances is broken out in advance. Beyond the “general” logics of propaganda, another distinction has been made: between populist uses of language and propaganda uses that are parasitic in relation to populism and operate with the demarcation between “we, the people” and “they, the elites”. We agree with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffethat in the spontaneous populist movements “the people” comes into being as an empty signifier springing from metaphors and catachreses. The practical unfolding of the discourse however – with everyday-life metonymies from below or with strategic propaganda metonymies from above – inevitably fulfills the empty signifiers of populism with one or another specific meaning and transforms it into a half-empty signifier. It is a specific populist-propaganda operation to totalize such half-empty signifiers (as “the people” and “its enemies”) and to use them as propaganda epithets: as devices for discursive terror.

Идеологически измерения на антидемократичната пропаганда в българските медии

Author(s): Boyan Znepolski / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 47/2017

The article aims to study fi ve ideological dimensions of anti-democraticpropaganda in Bulgarian media that articulate in a variety of perspectives thesame general talking points: ‘The decline of Europe’, ‘The Rise of Russia’,‘Bulgaria’s venal elites’, ‘The US/NATO as global hegemon/puppet-master”.The task is namely to check the ‘elasticity’ of anti-democratic propaganda, tosee how, and to what extent, the general talking points can be rearranged andextended in different ideological directions so as to encompass different social stereotypes and discontents and package them around three basic oppositions: nationalism versus liberalism, the people versus the elites, Russia versus the West. The article tries also to clarify what are the political implications and what is the future of the world that the ideological variations of the main propaganda points presuppose and suggest.

Cumhuriyetin Temel Değerlerinin Aktarılmasında Tarih, Coğrafya, Felsefe, Sosyoloji ve Edebiyat Programlarının Eleştirel Olarak Değerlendirilmesi

Author(s): Seyfettin Arslan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 13/2018

Each educational system carries the national politics of the country from which it emerges and the political and social values that occur within these policies. In other words, modern societies use educational systems to consolidate their existential foundations. The educational systems created in modern times in this frame imposes a nation-state-based value braid which is still imposed by modernism. From the 1920s onwards the nation-state concept adopted by the Republic of Turkey will do its own nation-state values within the education system but has adopted from the beginning. For this reason, it was aimed to acquire certain subjects, which are the basic values of the Republic, as individuals / communities through certain lessons. History, Geography, Philosophy, Sociology and Literature are the main subjects of these courses. Although the names of these lessons are different in their curriculum, they share similar values as content. Research is a theoretical work. In this framework, many textbooks, curriculum, curriculum, etc. sources were scanned. The obtained data were classified and evaluated. The fact that the Republic values handled in the programs did not undergo a meaningful change on a daily basis; classical nationstate.

Wpływ języka rodzimego na przyswajanie języka japońskiego. Krótka refleksja nad kształtowaniem kompetencji językowych oraz socjolingwistycznych Polaków uczących się języka japońskiego

Author(s): Patrycja Duc-Harada / Language(s): Polish Issue: 8/2018

Cel badańW niniejszym referacie zostaje omówione zagadnienie świadomości i kompetencji językowej Polaków uczących się języka japońskiego. Głównym celem jest przedstawienie czynników przyśpieszających oraz hamujących proces przyswajania języka japońskiego, przede wszystkim wpływ języka rodzimego, działanie czynników pozajęzykowych na kształtowanie kompetencji komunikacyjnych, a także rola lektora w rozwijaniu zdolności socjolingwistycznych. Wspomnianym rozważaniom towarzyszy refleksja nad potencjalną obecnością interjęzyka w początkowym etapie nauczania języka.Metoda badańGłówną metodą badawczą jest ankieta przeprowadzona wśród Polaków uczących się języka japońskiego w krakowskim środowisku akademickim oraz w szkołach prywatnych. W badaniu uczestniczyło czterdzieści dziewięć osób pomiędzy dwudziestym, a dwudziestym piątym rokiem życia.Wyniki badańRespondenci badania odpowiedzieli na sześć pytań, w których poruszone zostały takie zagadnienia jak: wiedza teoretyczna na temat ogólnych zasad językowych i struktury japońskiego zdania, stosunek studentów do kategorii honoryfikatywności, posługiwanie się różnymi rejestrami językowymi, umiejętność odróżniania japońskiego stylu pisanego od mówionego. Dodatkowo w procesie analizy pięciu procesów fosylizacji dowodzących o obecności języka przejściowego przedstawiono najczęściej popełniane błędy językowe w spontanicznej komunikacji z japońskim odbiorcą.WnioskiAnaliza wyników ukazuje, iż język rodzimy odgrywa istotną rolę w procesie uczenia się języka japońskiego. Wpływ ten może mieć zarówno charakter pozytywny, jak i negatywny, gdyż z jednej strony większa świadomość językowa wpływa na lepszą orientację w zagadnieniach dotyczących języka docelowego, a z drugiej język rodzimy może być źródłem barier językowych oraz błędów będących wynikiem kalkowania. W niniejszym badaniu podkreśla się również rolę lektora, którego osobowość, doświadczenie oraz metody nauczania nie pozostają bez wpływu na zachowania językowe studentów.

L’Idée du bien chez trois pLatoniciens modernes : Alain, Pétrement, Weil

Author(s): Michel Narcy / Language(s): French Issue: 15-16/2018

This paper consists in three case studies of modern French philosophers who drew their inspiration from Plato: Émile Chartier (1868 1951), known under his nom de plume Alain, famous as a teacher in the twenties of the last century, and two of his pupils, Simone Pétrement (1907 1992) and Simone Weil (1909 1943). Great admirer of Plato, Alain taught the survival of his main thoughts through all the philosophical tradition and their agreement with the rationalistic mood of 19th 20th century philosophy. This implied that these thoughts were stripped of the allegorical or mythological way in which Plato often expresses them. In particular, Plato’s allegory of the cave, one of his core images, turned out in Alain’s interpretation to be a metaphoric description of the difficult ascent of the mind up to scientific or at least rational knowledge. Consequently in this interpretation it was no longer question of any transcendency of the idea of the Good. Pétrement and Weil remained faithful to their teacher and therefore to Platonic inspiration. Nevertheless, both of them, although in different ways, have reacted against this exhaustion of transcendence and come into conflict with modern interpretation of Plato. Pétrement, even before specialising in the history of Gnosticism, worked out a dualistic system in which truth is absolutely transcendent because, as universal, it is unattainable for any particular mind inasmuch it is a subject’s mind. Truth, therefore, is unattainable throughout this life. On Weil’s part, the interest in Plato took place after a period of left wing militancy, following her discovery of Christianity and some personal experiences of mysticism. Platonism was for her a means of combining her new faith with a properly philosophical, i.e. rationalistic, way of thinking. Of course in this view transcendency was crucial to the idea of Good as much as to that of God. Whether this transcendency is more a matter of faith than of reason is at least uncertain.

Конспирации на прехода или преходни конспирации

Author(s): Momchil Metodiev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 48/2017

The post-communist transitional period in Bulgaria became fertile soil forproliferation of conspiracy theories. The most popular among them claimed that the communist State Security masterminded the whole transitional process.The article is trying to analyze the relevance of that theory based on the history of the communist State Security. It also seeks to explore whether it influenced public and political decisions and whether the State Security officers themselves were interested in the spread of that theory.

Logics of Propaganda

Author(s): Dimitar Vatsov / Language(s): English Issue: 49/2018

On the basis of empirical data from the collective study on Anti- Democratic Propaganda in Bulgaria. News Websites and Print Media: 2013 – 2016 and reframing a cluster of already existing post-Wittgensteinian theoretical approaches, this text aims to outline the logics of propaganda on two levels, describing, in Part One, some more general typological features of the propaganda uses of language (i.e. propaganda’s ‘general’ practical logics) and, in Part Two, the particular conspiratorial grammar and typical vocabulary of the recent populist, anti-liberal and national-sovereignist propaganda (from Putin through Orbán to Trump), i.e. its specific practical logics. Here, in Part One, based on a comparison with the scientific and every- day-life modes of speech, some more general features of the propaganda uses of language (common both to commercial advertising and to political propaganda) are outlined: - We can speak of propaganda if there is strategic dissemination and repetition of stereotypified messages (cliches); the strategic goal of such repetitive dissemination is to transform those clichés into meta-clichés: into a depth grammar that frames articulations for a multitude of individuals. In this aspect propaganda resembles education but it also differs from scientifically informed education by other features: - Propaganda works in a regime of totalization of discourse, where the specific modalities of the separate messages lose their significance: the peculiar task of propaganda is to create an overgeneralized discursive horizon that enables the fusion of modalities and hence a free play of associations between messages. Being overgeneralized, propaganda discourses resemble scientific discourses and differ from everyday-life discourses; being freed from any strict sense (from any strict modalization), propaganda differs from science and resembles ordinary bullshitting (in Harry Frankfurt’s sense). Propaganda usually does not lie about the facts but it lies through modal extensions (or modal reductions) of the meanings of selected facts. - Propaganda works in a regime of metonymy: it layers utterances upon one another in such a way that the modal differences between them disappear and, instead, a metonymical chain appears: ultimately, it looks as if every utterance substitutes the other, as if their meanings are the same. This metonymical propaganda operation is conditioned by the overgeneralized and fused discursive horizon but it also produces this very horizon: there is a circular productive relationship between them. Through metonymy, propaganda simulates coherence but such coherence is false because every modal concordance between the terms and the utterances is disrupted in advance.Beyond the ‘general’ logics of propaganda, another distinction has been made: between populist uses of language and propaganda uses that are parasitic in relation to populism and operate with the opposition between ‘we, the people’ and ‘they, the elites’. We agree with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe that in the spontaneous populist movements ‘the people’ comes into being as an empty signifier springing from metaphors and catachreses. The practical unfolding of the relevant discourse, however – with everyday-life metonymies from below or with strategic propaganda metonymies from above – inevitably fills the empty signifiers of populism with one or other specific meaning and transforms them into half-empty signifiers. In a specific populist-propaganda operation, such half-empty signifiers (as ‘the people’ and ‘its enemies’) are totalized and used as propaganda epithets: as devices for discursive terror.

Logics of Propaganda. Part Two

Author(s): Dimitar Vatsov / Language(s): English Issue: 49/2018

Within the framework of the more general logics of propaganda outlined in Part One, Part Two of this study aims to shed light on the recently growing populist-propaganda front. In contrast to many researchers who speak of a ‘populist wave’ recently spreading almost across the world (from Putin to Trump and back), on the level of discourses we prefer to call this phenomenon ‘populist-propaganda front’. This newly coined term presupposes that the dispersed popular discontents have, to a great extent, already been captured and packaged in a new propaganda regime. Gradually after 2000, the new populist-propaganda package (basic grammar and vocabulary) was produced by Russian media, but Russia does not determine all of its uses; it can be and is used in anti-Russian rhetoric as well. This package – national-sovereignist and conservative in its own terms – does not serve the interests of the local people but is utilized by different local politico-economic actors (oligarchs): it is a circulating resource for state capture. The particular practical logic of this populist propaganda is outlined here on the basis of the empirical study on Anti-Democratic Propaganda in Bulgaria. News Websites and Printed Media: 2013 – 2016.First, the populist-propaganda logics are based entirely on a conspiratorial grammar. The narrative figure of conspiracy, after a morphological analysis following Vladimir Propp, can be logically represented as a multiple relation with three logical positions: 1. Conspirator (Puppet-master, Villain) – 2. Helpers (Puppets) – 3. Victim (potential Hero). Populist propaganda totalizes this elementary conspiratorial grammar: everything in the (political and economic) world is a conspiracy. The scene of the conspiracy is the globe. Hence the position of the ‘Conspirator’ is translated into a geopolitical position: the usual suspect – the global Villain – is ‘the West’ (or the USA, NATO, Brussels, Soros, capitalism, liberalism, multiculturalism, etc., all of them metonymically substituted on demand).Second, by totalizing conspiracy, populist propaganda totalizes cynicism: its first message is that everyone is pursuing their own self-interest. Every other normative and political standard (presumably invoked to limit selfish self-interests – human rights, the rule of law, the separation of powers, etc.) is discredited in advance as an ideological smokescreen hiding the conspiracy.Third, the only legitimate interest is the people’s interest. But here a set of propaganda operations with the meaning of ‘the people’ takes place: 1. Using the Left repertoire of discrediting Western liberal capitalism, propaganda omits the inclusive Left meanings of ‘the people’ and substitutes them with exclusive ‘Right meanings’ (it is strategically targeted at the local majority represented in an ethnically-nationalist holistic mode); 2. The people’s interest and the people’s sovereignty are also strategically substituted by the state’s sovereignty (in geopolitical etatist terms); 3. But the state’s sovereignty understood as the existence of strong and mutually independent institutions is also strategically replaced by the ‘personal sovereignty’ of one strong and charismatic political leader. On the Bulgarian media scene, Putin and Orbán are usually cast in the role of real sovereign leaders countering the conspiracy of the West. In conclusion, contemporary populist propaganda is racist (excludes on a racial basis), isolationist (excludes international normative regulations and control), and authoritarian (on the internal level, it excludes the institutional separation of powers and blocks civic resistances). It is not only a Russian weapon but also an effective local device for state capture for every oligarch fighting against all forms of public control (internal and external) and utilizing the state as a tool for securing economic advantages.

Co-opting Discontent: Bulgarian Populism, Local Interests and Russian Propaganda

Author(s): Milena Iakimova,Dimitar Vatsov / Language(s): English Issue: 49/2018

Russian propaganda co-opts Western grassroots criticism of liberalism and globalization, recasting both left and right populism in nationalist terms. Vice versa, local actors borrow the Russian propaganda package and use it for their populist purposes. This is the general finding of an analysis of Bulgarian media discourse in 2013–2016, which proceeded in three steps: semantic analysis of the vocabulary of anti-liberal and anti-democratic propaganda and extraction of specific keywords and catch phrases; frequency analysis of the uses of these words and phrases in 3,080 online media outlets for the four-year period under study; content analysis of a sample of 3,305 publications from eight typologically different media outlets.The analysis identified four simplistic and interrelated anti-liberal and anti-democratic theses:1. The US and NATO are a global hegemon/puppet-master which is pull- ing the strings both of Brussels and of national governments; 2. Europe is dying because of its cultural decline (‘liberasty’) under the blows of the migrant invasion unleashed by the US, and because of the lame-duck, puppet European bureaucracy (‘Eurocracy’). In the final analysis, Europe is dying because it is united: the EU is a construction which serves the interests of the US and of global corporations, and it is an enemy of the European peoples; 3. Russia is rising. Although it is a victim of Western aggression, Russia is a guardian of its age-old sovereignty and of traditional values, and it is actually the true saviour of Europe; 4. Bulgaria’s liberal elites are venal: civic movements, human rights organizations, independent media outlets, pro-Western politicians and parties are represented as an indistinguishable whole, and all of them are ‘foreign agents’ – puppets of foreign interests. The populist-propaganda discursive front developing in the Bulgarian public sphere since 2013 is distinctly ‘pro-Russian’, although the data show that it is not always directly inspired by Russia. The content analysis identified three different rationales for using those cliches.

Historyczność osobista - O książce Izabeli Szyrokiej Autobiografia i filozofia. Próba filozoficzna rozważenia wzajemnych odniesień na podstawie kilku klasycznych przykładów

Author(s): Michał Koza / Language(s): Polish Issue: 34/2017

The paper concerns a vision of relationship between the philosophy and literature according to Izabela Szyroka and her latest book. Szyroka shows them in a close connection, in the context of the evolution of the genre from Montaigne and Rousseau as well as philosophical, anthropological enquires. The development of philosophical views on literature was characterized by empowerment of two ideas – the specific autobiographical subject and historicity of a human life. The paper argues that the supposed progress of these ideas was essential for the Western modernity but was majorly challenged. The great part of that process took place during the postmodern era, but the crisis of the autobiographical subject can be traced much earlier – in the modern literature itself.

A nemzeti-legionárius állam ideológus újságírói: a fi lozófus és az antifi lozófus, a történész és a szociológus

Author(s): Ambrus Miskolczy / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 02/2014

One of the characteristic traits of Romanian fascism is rooted in the fact that it came to power after the majority of its political élite had been ordered to be killed, without even lipservice to legal formalities, by king Charles II. Having forced the removal of the king, general Antonescu needed mass support, and consequently ceded part of the power to the Iron Guard, alias the Legion of Saint Michael the Archangel. As this measure led to political chaos, the general suppressed the Legion and persecuted its members with all possible means. During the five months of legionary domination, the young literate elite faced the task of defining what exactly the legionary revolution meant. The philosopher Constantin Noica mainly legalized vengeance with his pseudo-theological articles. Cioran, the anti-philosopher, adopted a peculiar tactics by glorifying on the one hand Codreanu, the assassinated leader of the Iron Guard, thereby relativising the greatness of his successor Horia Sima, and writing about Transylvania as Romania’s Prussia on the other hand, thereby strengthening the legitimacy of Sima, himself a Transylvanian. While the legionarism of the historian Petre P. Panaitescu is generally explained by his ambitions, he was in fact guided in his production of stereotyped fascist journalism by his conviction that the contemporary state of Romania’s development was best matched by fascist modernization. Traian Herseni, a great promise of Romanian sociology, began to promulgate primitive racial theory. Paradoxically, all four intellectuals were capable of drawing a more positive program in the 1930s, when the Iron Guard was still excluded from power, than in the period of its political dominance. Yet through their cult of vengeance, leadership and race, all four paved the way before the communists and their cult of class struggle, of the Party and its leader and of the working classes in general. Cioran was alone in reneging on his fascist record, the other three intellectuals gradually found their place in the anti-intellectual intellectual framework of the national communist system.