„Niełatwo być rodzicem” – prezentacja głównych założeń programu skierowanego do rodziców korzystających z pomocy Miejskiego Ośrodka Pomocy Społecznej w Wałbrzychu

Author(s): MONIKA WÓJTOWICZ / Language(s): English,Polish / Issue: 2/2012

The parenting skills workshop named “It is not easy to be a parent” is an answer to the needs of parents, pedagogues, social workers, and guardians. The article is based on the author’s professional experience. Establishing effective communication with the parents who often feel lost and helpless, and presenting them with ways to bring up their children competently – how to listen to them, how to talk to them, how to set standards, how to support and help them in overcoming difficulties – are the basis of the presented workshops. The author presents the main assumptions of the programme as well as the expected results. Other important factors supporting the process of parents’ education, i.e. the diagnosis and identification of pedagogic problems, cooperation between institutions, motivational influence, and places and resources are also discussed.

„Niepodległość jest nam potrzebna jak powietrze”

Author(s): Mirosław Lewandowski,Stanisław Palczewski / Language(s): / Issue: 45/2014

Stanisław Palczewski in conversation with Mirosław Lewandowski

„Niepotrzebni muszą odejść”, czyli widmo bezrobocia 1956–1957

Author(s): Jerzy Kochanowski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 14/2016

The “thaw” which was brought up by the year 1955 evidenced a fact, concealed from the late 1940s, that unemployment could exist also in socialist countries. From the mid-1955 the problem was no longer a taboo subject, and in 1956–1957 it even became a topic of open discussions. And although unemployment of the second half of the fifties was often compared to that before the war, some distinct differences were evident. First of all, there was no a uniform system of support for the unemployed which would provide, for example legal, systematic unemployment compensations. There were also some striking regional differences, for instance Upper Silesia (Górny Śląsk) was facing an acute shortage of labour force, while numerous regions of Central and Eastern Poland, especially small towns and rural areas, had unemployment of structural character (the purpose of the so-called “intervention found” of 1956–1958 was, among others, to create new jobs in backward regions). Contrary to that before the war, unemployment of the 1950s did not affect mainly men and (qualified) workers, but women in the first place and employees with low qualifications. The shared features were the lack of jobs for intellectuals and for young people who were just entering the labour market. A characteristic trait of the “thaw” unemployment was also the necessity to employ many repatriates from the USSR, redundant civil workers of the state administration, functionaries of the security services, the party apparatus and (non-)commissioned officers of the Polish Army. An endemic phenomenon in the scale of the whole post-war period was a temporary return to the idea of legal labour emigration.

„Niewiasty kresowe”

Kobiety w piśmiennictwie Józefa Antoniego Rollego – od historii przez literaturę do mitu

Author(s): Krystyna Samsonowska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 09/2017

The article offers an analysis of depictions of women in Józef Apolinary Rolle’s literary output. The source material are Rolle’s numerous short stories published in a number of collections and series in 1872-1894, including a collection entitled Women of the Kresy. In his works Rolle created the myth of woman of the eastern territories of interwar Poland (Kresy Wschodnie), a courageous amazon, a female warrior, by sketching portraits of historical gures of the 16th and 17th centuries. In the short story entitled Women in Kamianets under Turkish Siege (1672) the author expressed this myth in a collective portrait of women of different nationalities and faiths who defended the fortress of Kamianets Podil’skij against the Turks. In other works Rolle depicted women engaged in politics and struggling to strengthen their family’s position. The latter attitude became dominant in the 18th century, when women were no longer directly engaged in warfare. The women described by Rolle enjoy considerable individual freedom, which provides thems with more opportunities (including the freedom to choose a husband and the freedom to divorce) compared to their compatriots in the Polish west. Women who lived in partitioned Poland in the 19th century were depicted by Rolle as ones who were responsible for the family, and for the transmission of family traditions, which fits in with the myth of the Polish Mother. More broadly, the image of women of the Kresy fits in with the myth of the region itself. This tradition was continued and developed in the early 20th century by the author’s son, the historian and publicist, Michał Rolle, among others.

„Nieznany wielki pisarz” Stanisław Morawski z Litwy i inne spojrzenie na romantyzm

Author(s): Danuta Danek / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1-2/2017

This study deals with the album Rękopis znaleziony w Paryżu. Wspomnienia Stanisława Morawskiego o Marii Szymanowskiej (Terra Nova, Warszawa 2013), which offers a new approach towards the personality and oeuvre of the outstanding and as yet insufficiently appreciated Romantic man of letters born in Lithuania as well as an integral text of his recollections about a celebrated pianist and the Polish milieu within the context of a novel perception of Romanticism, inspired by accomplishments originating from the first half of the nineteenth century (St. Petersburg). Writings by Morawski are examined from the viewpoint of contemporary psychology, in particular psychoanalysis.

„Nigdy więcej!” – historia pewnej utopii

Author(s): Sławomir Buryła / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 25/2015

The author of the article studies the literary and cultural topos “Never more!”. He discusses its social and historical contexts as well as the instrumentalization of the anti-war rhetorics in the period of Peoples’ Republic of Poland (Pol. abbr. PRL). The outline also presents the place of anti-war rhetorics in the modern culture.

„NINCS NEKIK SE NYELVÜK, SE ÍRÁSUK” - A ZSIDÓK ÉS A LATIN NYELV A KÉSŐ ÓKORBAN

Author(s): Tibor Grüll / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1-2/2002

The Latin language did not enjoy popularity either among the Jewish population of Iudaea/Palaestina or that of the diaspora. This may be traced back to political, religious and cultural reasons. In spite of the strong aversion to Romans, Jews did use Latin, especially from the 4th century onwards, when Christianity was declared state religion. The most important evidences of the usage of Latin are the inscriptions. Some phrases in the Jewish epitaphs indicate a typically Jewish environment, which cannot prove, however, the existence of a Judenlatein (i. e. a coherent system of lexical, semantic, morphological and syntactic divergences). The examination of two Jewish epitaphs (CIJ 476. Monteverde catacomb, Rome, III—IVth century; CIJ 650. Catania, 383), a legal document (Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum) as well as a religious text (Epistola Anne ad Senecam), all formulated in Latin are to demonstrate our hypothesis. As regards Jewish inscriptions we do examine the sociolinguistical background of the epitaphs; while in the case of the Jewish-Latin literary texts we do research on the Biblical allusions.

„No Action“: Johnsonova administrative a invaze do Československa

Author(s): Günter Josef Bischof / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 03-04/2008

In the article the author reconstructs the US Administration’s response to the Warsaw Pact military intervention in Czechoslovakia in August 1968. He points out that in May of that year Deputy Secretary of State Eugene V. Rostow, referring to the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia and the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956, recommended to his superior, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, to give Moscow a clear warning against intervening by force. Rusk rejected the recommendation with two words: ‘No action’. This laconic statement, according to the author, embodies the whole US reaction to the Czechoslovak crisis. The military intervention none the less took the Johnson Administration by surprise. The Administration unanimously agreed that the United States could not get involved in the crisis militarily, and concentrated instead on deterring the Soviets from further possible interventions in Romania, Yugoslavia, and perhaps even Austria, a threat that was, however, probably more psychological than real. Apart from that, the White House had to face the suspicion, expressed by a considerable part of the Western communications media and also, for example, by French offi cial circles, that it had given the Kremlin the green light for the military operation. The primary aim of US policy here was to continue the process of international detente. This was projected into their non-confrontational approach towards the Soviets. Two unexpected consequences of the intervention, argues the author, were increased unity in the North-Atlantic Alliance and a reconsideration of plans to withdraw US troops from Europe.

„Nobilii de învăţătură” ai Chioarului în şcolile şi ierarhia Blajului

Author(s): Valer Hossu / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 1/2005

RESUMÉ: „Les nobles d’enseignement” de l’arrondissement de Chioar dans les écoles et dans l’hiérarchie de Blaj. L’abolition de „l’insurrection nobiliaire” après 1715 a eu comme résultat l’entrée des anciens militaires de la cité de Chioar dans un procès de dégradation sociale. Ils ont adhéré à „l’ insurrection culturelle” déclenchée par l’Eglise Catholique en vue de l’émancipation comme prêtres et fonctionnaires. C’est à ce désir que l’on doit la présence significative des fils des nobles dans les gymnases catholiques ainsi que dans la première institution moderne roumaine d’enseignement supérieur, celle de Blaj. L’implication de ces diplômés dans la vie de l’Église a fait que les soit dits „nobles d’enseignement” de l’arrondissement de Chioar aient eu une grande importance dans les structures ecclésiastiques.

„Noc kryształowa” z 9/10 XI 1938 r. i „ostateczne rozwiązanie kwestii żydowskiej” na Śląsku Opolskim w latach II wojny światowej

Author(s): Andrzej Hanich / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 04/2011

Before World War II, the term Opole Silesia denoted a part of Upper Silesia located inside the German borders. The land has the status of a regency (Regenzbezirk), and since 1919 it was an Upper Silesian province with its capital in Opole. Opole Silesia’s Jewish community was made up of 9557 people living in 23 communities. When the Geneva convention expired in 1937, the area was covered by the anti-Jewish legislation. During „Reichkristallnacht” on the night of November 9/10, 1938, S.A. militants demolished and looted numerous Jewish apartments, shops and workshops. In Opole Silesia, all the 23 synagogues were burnt down then. The demolition of synagogues was a prelude to the plan of “final solution to the Jewish question” (Endlösung der Judenfrage). In 1941, it was decreed that all Jews shall wear the „Star of David,”, later they were evicted and resettled inside the town in which they lives, before being shipped to concentration camps, chiefly to Terezin in Bohemia, and from there to Auschwitz, where most of them perished.

„Noi nu avem dreptul să permitem nicio încălcare a unităţii noaste”. Alegerea secretarului general al CC al PCUS din 11 martie 1985

Author(s): Simion Gheorghiu / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 1/2013

The transcript of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU on March 11, 1985 which preceded the Central Committee Plenary held on the same day, clarifies the issue regarding Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s candidature for the position of Secretary General. According to the transcript, the first to take the floor – after the short informing about the medical findings concerning the causes of death of Konstantin U. Chernenko made by the Health Minister, Evgeny I. Chazov – was Andrei A. Gromyko, who proposed M.S. Gorbachev’s candidature for the position of Secretary General. By highlighting the main qualities that recommended him for this position, Gromyko said that the Politburo must demonstrate a complete unity, so as not to offer the world „the possibility to discover the smallest crack in our relationship”. The other speakers did no more than to express their agreement with A.A. Gromyko’s proposal.

„Noi vă acceptăm aşa cum sunteţi!“ Despre vizita generalului Charles de Gaulle în România (14–18 mai 1968)

Author(s): Dan Constantin Mâţă / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 43+44/2006

Le discours du président français Charles de Gaulle, concernant la nécessité de refaire l’unité de l’Europe «de l’Atlantique à l’Oural» par l’extension et la politique de «dépassement des blocs» a eu une forte résonance dans certains pays communistes. L’effort de la France de retrouver sa place privilégiée dans «l’autre Europe» s’est heurté quand-même à des difficultés importantes, déterminées par les implications de la guerre froide et par les perspectives différentes sur la «coexistence pacifique». A partir des premières années de la septième décennie, les attitudes et les gestes des leaders communistes de Bucarest ont présenté une certaine compatibilité avec le discours de De Gaulle. Leur position au cadre du conflit sino-soviétique et leur autonomie relative vis-à-vis des orientations politiques promues par Kremlin, ont attiré, de façon positive, l’attention des sphères diplomatiques de Paris, tandis que le désir des communistes roumains d’industrialiser et de moderniser rapidement l’économie nationale a trouvé son correspondant dans la politique concessive de l’Etat français. Ainsi, après l’année 1964 (quand la Roumanie a été le premier pays satellite de Moscou à envoyer à Paris un haut officiel, le président du Conseil des Ministres, Ion Gheorghe Maurer), les relations politiques, économiques et culturelles ont enregistré un dynamisme unique dans la période d’après les guerres. L’apogée symbolique de ce processus de «redécouverte» d’un lien spécial a été représenté par la visite historique du président Charles de Gaulle en Roumanie. La complexité et l’importance de la visite ont été accentuées par la situation interne de la France au printemps de l’année 1968, qui se confrontait au fort mouvement de proteste des étudiants qui a dégénéré plus tard dans une grande crise sociale et politique. L’article présente le contexte de cette visite, son déroulement spectaculaire (les discours de Bucarest, le tour de l’Olténie et de la Munténie) et ses conséquences. Une attention spéciale a été accordée aux entretiens entre Charles de Gaulle et Nicolae Ceauşescu (le 14 mai, le 15 mai et le 18 mai 1968), et particulièrement aux repères principaux et aux points communs de la position des deux leaders.

„Noi” mărturii armeneşti despre Ştefan cel Mare şi urmaşii săi

Author(s): Ştefan S. Gorovei / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 2/2017

Un manuscrit conservé à Venise contient plusieurs informations qui touchent l’histoire roumaine des années 1465–1535, c’est à dire les règnes d’Étienne le Grand et de ses premiers trois successeurs en Moldavie. Ces informations ont été signalées aux historiens roumains par H. Dj. Sirouni en 1936, d’une façon très simpliste, qui les rendaient presque inutilisables. En 1988/1989, le manuscrit de Venise fut édité de manière scientifique en Pologne, par Yaroslav R. Dachkévych et Edward Tryjarski, avec le texte arménien, la traduction et des commentaires. Cette édition a jeté une nouvelle lumière sur ces informations transmises aux arméniens de Lwow par leurs compatriotes de Suceava. La plupart se rapportent à des évènements bien connus, mais quelques unes présentent un intérêt tout à fait particulier. Par exemple, le chroniqueur de Lwow a noté la mort d’Étienne le Grand le 14 juin 1504 (en réalité, le prince moldave trépassa le 2 juillet). L’auteur suppose l’enregistrement d’une rumeur provoquée par une grave détérioration de la santé du prince (un coma, par exemple). Pour le règne d’Étienne le Jeune (1517–1527), surprend l’information concernant l’exécution de Luca Arbure (burgrave de Suceava et commandant de l’armée moldave, ancien tuteur du prince) ensemble avec sept fils, au lieu de deux, selon la chronique moldave. L’auteur suppose qu’il faut s’agir de deux fils et cinq beaux fils. Enfin, quant au prince Pierre Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546), on constate que le chroniqueur arménien contemporain lui donne (sous les formes Rayiš, Rayriš, Rariš) le sobriquet connu des sources roumaines (Rareş), ce que conduit à la conclusion que Pierre fut connu avec ce sobriquet même avant son avènement, puisqu’on le voit attesté pendant son premier règne.

„Not exactly out of Europe, yet somehow on the fringes of the Orient“ : Image of the Balkans in the National Geographic Magazine (1888-2013)

Author(s): Nemanja Radonjić / Language(s): / Issue: 3/2013

Authors of the National Geographic throughout the 20th century confirmed the centuries old prejudices about the Balkans. They placed the Balkans in the interspace, between Europe and Asia, between the past and present, between Orient and Occident. Balkan boundaries were constantly redrawn. In the magazine, a spreading of the Balkans is noticed following the political changes after World War One. However, at certain times, certain parts of the Balkans were included in Europe, or at least left out of the Balkans, especially Greece. The ominous name „The Balkans“ was most frequently used to signify the area we examined, which was covered in the reportages of the National Geographic. Southeastern Europe, Near East, Eastern Europe and so on wеrе used only rarely. Most of the mapping the National Geographic did was in fact that of “philosophical geography”. Strict generalizations are noticeable in authors imagined Balkans – states, teritories, cities and villages are painted as hosting only one kind of people (highlanders or villagers for example). This generalizations are long lasting and remain hard to break from even after 110 years of the Balkans in National Geographic. The authors, have overwhelmingly tried to confirm prejudices created about the Balkans and fill this space, that mostly remained on the periphery of the American imagination, with stereotipical images. These images changed depending on the current American foreign policy, and prejudices in the magazine itself. The real situation in the Balkans was far less important to the representation of it.

„Nota 10 la purtare”: şcoala românească din Basarabia, în primii ani după Marea Unire** (I)

Author(s): Cătălina Mihalache / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 49/2012

At the beginning of the 20th century, public education became a more and more difficult subject to administrate as it found itself the centre of interest for all those interested in important political changes or in preventing those changes. The First World War unexpectedly revealed those forces, triggering explosions of nationalism and new enforcements of authority from the public institutions, which sometimes could be considered extremism. Around the empires that were disintegrating, new political realities and utopias appeared which contemporaries tried to make a norm out of, to make them fit into the functional register. At that time, Bessarabia was an outstanding example of this evolution and of the difficulties of complex identity and institutional transfers. More than ever, schooling seemed to be the solution to every problem. State controlled education was considered, at the same time a means and a goal in order to model a society that was adapted to the hopes of the moment: which were, in turn, orthodox, imperial, Russian, democratic, Moldavian or Romanian. These options cohabited and ruled each other out in spite of any official decision, prolonging, outside of the trenches, a war of national, cultural and regional identities. This article follows the path of the collective identity which was created to be taught in the public schools in Bessarabia from between 1917-1918 (when a new Moldavian and Romanian identity was strengthened), until between 1922-1923, when the Romanian state decided to impose its vision “from above” and to avoid further internal negotiations with its newly acquired eastern province.

„Nova klasa“ i raspad komunističkog sistema u delima Milovana Đilasa

Author(s): Michał Jerzy Zacharias / Language(s): / Issue: 13/2015

In his "New Class" Djilas vividly and convincingly presents the birth of a group (new class) that has a monopoly on political, economic and ideological power. It arises from former revolutionaries and transforms into a political party bureaucracy, being nothing more than a new group of rulers and exploiters. "New Class" has a totalitarian character, it does not tolerate any opposition, subdues all aspects of political, social and personal lives of individuals. It is a political realization of the communist utopia, which - like any utopia - does not reach its initial goals and includes some elements of imminent collapse. Djilas precisely and accurately announces the fall of that "new class", which is the core of the communist system. That fall will be a simple consequence of the fact that individuals and society are "subjects of the right to life" that imposes the need to enlarge and improve production. Djilas claims that the phenomenon is only a tendency; a long process without the final, ultimate fulfillment. It is a tendency that leads "to a better understanding, harmonization and utilization of global production capacity." Indeed, the world is moving towards the optimal use of global production capacity in accordance with the growing needs of individuals, nations, and societies. At the same time it destroys everything that prevents such a development, including obsolete social relations and ownership, and above all - exclusive and isolated systems and ideologies. Also the communist system is incapable to develop, what is more – it is an obstacle of that development. As a result, in terms of Djilas, a gradual disappearance, fall of communism as an ideology and practice is an objective necessity determined by inevitable requirements and circumstances, not by aspirations and actions of its opponents.

„Nova osećajnost“

Author(s): Sanja Petrović Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 10/2007

„Nové médiá odoberajú klasickej literatúre, ale tiež prinášajú osobitnú tvorbu.“ Rozhovor s profesorom Jozefom Mlacekom

Author(s): Jaroslav Nemeš / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2/2018

Professor Jozef Mlacek is a prominent linguist specialising in Slovak language. He publishes research on phraseology, lexicology, syntax, and stylistics. He was born on July 30, 1937 in Teplička nad Váhom. He studied double major programme of History and Slovak Language at the Pedagogical College in Bratislava where he graduated in 1959. He lectured in Ružomberok, as well as at universities in Prešov and Bratislava. In 1979, he qualified to become a reader/associate professor through habilitation proceedings in the field of Slovak language and in 1994 he was inaugurated to be a professor in the same field. Meanwhile, between 1987 and 1990, he worked as a lecturer of Slovak language at the University of Novi Sad. He was the director of the Studia Academica Slovaca Summer School from 1992 till 2004. He was awarded the Great Medal of St. Gorazd and the Comenius University Gold Medal.

„Nové mocnosti“ nastupující modernity

Author(s): Miloš Havelka / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 02/2009

With a focus on the chapters about the Early Modern period in Loewenstein’s Víra v pokrok (Faith in Progress), the author discusses the theme of ‘new powers’ on the threshold of the process of modernization in Europe, that is, of disciplining and liberty. He places Loewenstein’s interpretations into the context of more recent socio-historical research and also early works (for example, Bertrand Russell’s Freedom and Organization, 1934), and aims at a description of Early Modern phenomena of civilization with the transformations of external and internal coercion, elements of competition and mutual dependence, the homogenization of man, disciplining as a prerequisite of civil society, and the open, or immanent, future as the spheres of life most proper to human beings.

„Novecento“ namísto „storia contemporanea“? Úvahy o italských soudobých dějinách

Author(s): Lutz Klinkhammer / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 02/2008

This article, which is one of a series in Soudobé dějiny on the development of the discipline of contemporary history and its current state in selected countries of Europe, was originally published as “Novecento statt Storia contemporanea? Überlegungen zur italienischen Zeitgeschichte” in Alexander Nützenadel and Wolfgang Schieder (eds), Zeitgeschichte als Problem: Nationale Traditionen und Perspektiven der Forschung in Europa (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004, pp. 107–27). The author argues that in Italy, unlike Germany or France, there is no distinct term for “contemporary history” to denote this clearly defined discipline of historical research. The term storia contemporanea had three meanings since 1945. First, it was used to denote an historical period of roughly the last two centuries. Second, it meant only the “short” twentieth century (il novecento). Last, the term served to denote any historical event in its “contemporary” dimension, that is to say, its instrumentalization according to current needs, political or otherwise. The author illustrates these meanings by providing examples from surveys and textbooks of Italian history and from current debates on the historical actions of the popes and the Roman Catholic Church, the bright and dark sides of Italian unifi cation in the 1860s, and the alleged left-wing ideologization of post-war Italian historiography. In this historiography was born the “myth of resistance” to the German occupation of 1943–45, the other side of which was the marginalization of Italian Fascism or even its being made taboo.