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This is the introduction chapter of Migration and Integration book edited by I Sirkeci, D Seker and M Yucesahin. ABSTRACT IN TURKISH: Uyum çalışmalarına giriş bölümü alan yazınındaki genel tartışma ve konuları özetlemektedir. Göçmen uyumu konusunda çeşitli çalışmalar ve alandaki boşluk tarif edildikten sonra kitabın bölümleri takdim edilmektedir.
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Proces etničke asimilacije (lat. izjednačavanje, stapanje) karakterišu uzajamni kulturni, verski i jezički odnosi susednih naroda, u kojima jedan ili više naroda ili etničkih grupa počinje da postepeno gubi svoja nacionalna, jezička i kulturna obeležja, usvajajući ista od nekog drugog naroda. Po usvajanju etničkih i drugih osobina, ta lica prestaju da smatraju sebe pripadnicima ranijeg naroda ili etničke grupe. Takvih primera u svetu imamo mnogo. Smatra se da danas na zemlji ima oko 3.000 naroda i etničkih grupa, dok je broj nestalih (izčezlih) naroda tokom ljudske istorije nekoliko puta veći. Proces njihovog nestajanja prvenstveno karakteriše asimilacija, a daleko manje genocid, ili neki drugi oblici fizičkog uništavanja, epidemija, ekonomskih ili prirodnih katastrofa.
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This chapter looks into individualism and communalism nexus with regard to rural urban migration and loyalty to the city drawing on a TUBITAK funded research project.
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This chapter looks into integration processes in a mid-state city in the case of Latin migrants. Discrimination and integration are discussed drawing upon rich qualitative material.
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This chapter draws on the UK census and labour survey data to examine the labour market outcomes and discrimination for minorities and migrants in the UK.
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This chapter looks into migration to and from Italy and then examines the recent patterns of migrant integration in Italy.
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In this chapter, types of migration in Turkey and governance and management strategies have been discussed.
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This chapter summarises the results of a field research on identity belonging and perceptions about migration and non-migration in Selcuk district of Izmir province in Turkey.
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This chapter summarises findings of a field research on retirement migration from Europe to Turkey.
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This chapter summarises findings of research on migrants' involvement in city councils and dvisory boards as a channel to integrate in the host country in Turkey.
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The totalitarian regimes which ruled in Russia and Germany in the 20th century left millions of civilian victims in their wake. In Germany people died in concentration camps and partly also at work camps. In the Soviet Union, they died in forests, in the cellars of the NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs), or in specially adapted ancient Belarusian forts and chateaux. These mass murders were top secret and this genocide was unknown until 1988. Officially the Soviet authorities only spoke about the gulags, though the gulags existed as a system of work camps. The question arises – where did the millions of victims disappear to? Russian communism was based on the NKVD and on lies, though that chalice of lies overflowed in the 1980’s and communism collapsed. Nevertheless, to this day it has not been possible to establish the number murdered by the USSR – figures from five to 70 or more million have been put forward.
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Archaeology as practiced in Europe since the eighteenth century has had three goals: To define social groups in space and time, to describe culture history, and to explain cultural processes. In terms of addressing these goals, Pavo Anđelić followed the trends of his own time in European archaeology at the same time coping with the geopolitical climate of the post-World War II period. He addressed mainly the first two goals of archaeology. Although he clearly had ideas about the nature of processes of culture change, he never elaborated them or adopted a specific model of cultural evolution. Anđelić’s enthusiasm for archaeology arose from his sense of place; he approached medieval archaeology from a historical perspective and integrated the use of documentary sources with his field research, especially his major excavation at Bobovac. He apparently did not make much use of publications from outside Yugoslavia, but he seems to have been aware of research trends in Eastern Europe, such as the interest in the archaeology of the Slavs. He may not have been aware of developments in Hungarian archaeology (and/or they post-dated him), but finds from Bobovac proved to be a critical cultural tie between Bosnia and Hungary. Pava Anđelić contributed to understanding the medieval history of Bosnia by refining the existing spatialchronological framework and adding political and economic content specific to Bosnia. He focused on reconstructing the medieval geo-political world of Bosnian history, exploring the interplay between elements of the material world and the world of the mind (the text).
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„Prema oskudnim izvorom mučno bi bilo osjeći, imaju li se prvobitni slovjenski žitelji Bosne pribrojiti Hrvatom ili Srbom; nu sigurno jest, da je oblast Bosna već od prvog časa bila na razmedji življa hrvatskog i srbskog. ... Čim su se pod imenom hrvatskim i srbskim počele stvarati dvie države i skupljati oko sebe ostale oblasti: obje su države privlačile Bosnu, svaka na svoju stranu. Ako i nije vjerovati potanku pričanju popa Dukljanina; jedno se ipak razabire iz njega, a to je, da je oblast Bosna bila prvobitno prikovana uz Hrvatsku.“ Ove riječi Vjekoslava Klaića, sročene 1882. god. u prvoj modernoj sintezi povijesti bosanskohercegovačkog prostora, stoje reprezentativno ispred hrvatske historiografske škole, onako kako je ona istupila u djelima Kukuljevića, Račkoga i Klaića na početku kritičkog bavljenja prošlošću BiH od strane hrvatske povijesne nauke. Niti nakon toliko vremena proteklog od njihovog izricanja one, poetične kakve jesu po običaju tadašnjeg vremena, nisu bitno izgubile na poruci i aktualnosti, kao uostalom niti cijelo Klaićevo djelo. Njegovo pisanje povijesti BiH i uopće način rada stasajućih prvih generacija hrvatskih povjesničara-akademičara nisu bili proizašli samo iz postulata i mogućnosti tada mlade struke, nego su bili bitno određeni i političkom situacijom kako same Hrvatske, tako i prostora BiH, koji se po izuzimanju ispod neposredne vlasti Porte i pridruživanja Dvojnoj monarhiji opet našao u situaciji sličnoj gore opisanoj stojeći između “borbe za mjesto pod suncem” dviju većih susjeda i njihovih nacionalnih projekata.
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Cjelokupna Jugoistočna Europa je zemljovidno i kulturološki vrlo raznoliko strukturirana. U zemljovidnom pogledu jugoistočni dio europskog kontinenta nije jasno centriran, nema prirodnih središta, iz kojih bi se dalo lako nadzirati komunikacije i na duže vrijeme održavati stabilnim jedan gospodarski, kulturološki i politički sustav. Kada je riječ o Bosni i Hercegovini kao dijelu toga prostora, treba istaknuti da tu regiju od sasvim blizog jadranskog dijela Mediterana odvajaju lanci planina, dok se planinski obronci u njezinoj sjevernoj polovici lagano spuštaju prema Podunavlju odnosno Posavlju. Takva konfiguracija i klimatska raznolikost bitno je utjecala na gospodarsku, demografsku, kulturološku i političku povijest ove zemlje.
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Bosnian up-right tomb-stones are sepulchral gravestones renowned from the middle of the 12th to the end of the 15th century. The culmination form of trunk and roof-ridge was prominant in the times of the civil governor Stjepan Kontromanić (1322-1353), and especially in the times of Tvrtko I Kotromanić (1353-1391). Developmental growth ended in the form of the cross. “Lašva’s cross” is particular to the homonymous valley, and in fact it is a tombstone with a stressed head and undeveloped sides. Also “Lašva’s sarcophagus” is to be seen exclusively in the region of Lašva and characterized by ornamental motives and epitaphs with the original Bosnian lettering “bosanica”. During the Ottoman occupation the Catholics from this region inherited and preserved the continuity of middle-age tombstone construction in the form of Lašva’s cross. It was especiallz preserved in a diminished version, but preserved monuments are mostly from the 17th, 18th and 19th century.
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Due to the large-scale migration from Turkey to Europe in general and Germany in particular Turkey has primarily been regarded as a migrant sending country until recently. This image of Turkey characterizes, however,just one aspect of the Turkish migration history. Only since 2011 with the large influxes of Syrians and, there is a shift in the perception of Turkey as a destination country. Throughout history though, Turkey has always been a host country for sizeable inward population movements. There were several waves of population movements in the aftermath of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire: According to Karpat, between 1860s and 1922, around 4million people migrated to Ottoman territories while later, about 1.5 million Muslims “were forced to take refuge in the Ottoman domains” (more or less the territories of modern Turkey). According to the Ministry of Resettlement, then Turkey received a total of 870,000 migrants of whom 400,000 were from Greece, 225,000 from Bulgaria, 120,000 from Yugoslavia, 120,000 from Romania and 10,000 from other Balkan countries.
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It is possible to state that Muslim identity was a defining characteristic of the concept of Turk, which practically determined the approaches to both immigration and emigration in the early years of the Republic. It was stated in the Settlement Law of 1934 that the criteria of “descending from Turkish ancestry or belonging to Turkish culture” was sought in persons who would be accepted as immigrants and being Muslim was considered as part of Turkish culture. This particularly affected the decisions about immigrants from Balkans. Such statement was used until recently and with the 2013 Law on Foreigners and International Protection (no. 6458), the concept of foreigner was redefined independently from the concept of nation.
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The significant and complex effects of international migration have been recently become an interest to international relations. However, despite that the long story of mass migration, empirical research seems to be lagging behind, particularly studies that question how mass migration have been used as a tool for foreign policy. In addition, how foreign and asylum policy intertwine in case of mass migration appears as less researched. In the light of the most recent developments that started with the Arab Spring, the relationship between foreign and asylum policy, in particular mass migration has gained attention in the field of international relations with its significant consequences not only for these policy areas but also domestic and humanitarian aspects. Despite its importance, the nexus between foreign and immigration policy has rarely been examined except studies addressing the external dimension of the European Union’s (EU) action on migration and asylum and the policies of the United States (US).
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Turkey has received many immigrants and refugees over the last two decades. The increase in the number of non-citizens has been substantial,especially in times of crisis and war in neighbouring countries, leading to a refugee influx, the most recent of which is over 2.7 million Syrians who have fled the war in their home country. Soykan (2015) has categorised immigrants as those of Turkish descent, foreigners with a work permit, circular migrants,irregular migrants, asylum seekers and refugees, those under humanitarian protection, and guests. Interestingly, since the beginning of the migration of Syrians to Turkey, they have been referred to as guests by the government and the media, although it is unlikely that they will return to Syria anytime soon.
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According to official records, nearly 4 million people have migrated to Turkey since 1922 and around 2.5 million foreigners were granted residence permits between 2000 and 2013.1 Among all these migrants there are also various groups of movers of Turkish and non-Turkish origin from Germany who have mainly developed and shaped the transnational German-Turkish space.
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