Promene u etničkom sastavu u Opštini Višegrad, 1991. i 1997.
Testimony report in the LUKIĆ and LUKIĆ case (IT-98-32/1)
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Testimony report in the LUKIĆ and LUKIĆ case (IT-98-32/1)
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How many times in my life have I heard “Why do you interfere?!”, or “Let it be, you can’t do anything about it!”. And, certainly, the most frequent phrase: “As if my voice would change anything”. I keep asking myself what is the matter here? Do people underestimate themselves and clearly say “I’m just a nobody”, or willingly sink into a collective molasses, saying: “That’s the way we are”. In my case, the problem with identification emerged for the first time in the first grade of elementary school, when records on nationality began to be kept. The ones asked before my turn answered: “Yugoslavian”, “Turkish”, “Serbian”, Hungarian”…I have a surname which corresponds to the nation quoted last, and to the fact that my grandfather speaks Hungarian fluently. Until then, I probably haven’ seen Hungary even in the pictures, and as I admitted knowing how to count up to ten in my grandfather’s language (I could also count in English, but that wasn’t a part of my dilemma), I declared myself as a citizen of Zrenjanin.
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Of all the misfortunes that happen to my people, but also to all the other peoples, without exception, I am most upset with those involving children. I don’t justify wars, which are begun by the adults, not by children who are completely innocent, but perish without even beginning to live. I think there is no punishment harsh enough to which I’d sentence such people. This is a true story about the destiny of some people, which made a strong impression on me and made me think.
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90’s are gone forever. We are 10 years older, poorer, and truly. That is the price of our stupidity and of our irresponsibility.” In the 90’s I was six years old. I did not know what the society was, what a political party was, what a President was. I was unaware of existence of those things, and of the fact that some people, other than my parents, influenced my life. But I knew that the following year I would start going to school
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Cilj ove studije je analiza uloge Operativne grupe Jug Oružanih snaga SFRJ (Gardijske motorizovane brigade i dodatne jedinice) tokom dejstava u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu u cilju zauzimanja Vukovara, i nakon tih operacija (od septembra do 24. novembra 1991). - Dva su bitna aspekta ove analize. Prvo, u izveštaju se istražuje struktura oružanih snaga SFRJ, doktrina komande i kontrole (nad oružanim snagama i unutar njih), disciplina i ostali važni aspekti. Drugo, u izveštaju se analizira na koji način je Operativna grupa Jug oružanih snaga SFRJ u jesen 1991. izvodila operacije u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu (i Vukovaru), uključujući odnose između Gardijske motorizovane brigade i drugih oružanih grupa koje su dejstvovale na vukovarskom području pre, za vreme i posle evakuacije vukovarske bolnice. - Da bi postigla svoj cilj na najefikasniji način, studija je podeljena na dve velike celine. Svaka ceklina se sastoji od više delova. Da bi se olakašalo čitanje, svaki deo počinje sažetim prikazom. Skraćenice su navedene i objašnjene posebno u Glosaru.
More...Guarantee of the Process of Dealing with the Past and Sustainability of Judicial Reforms in Croatia
CHAPTER 1 Historical, political and legal aspects of war crimes trials; CHAPTER 2 First 10 years of war crimes trials in the Republic of Croatia - from 1991 to 2000; CHAPTER 3 War crimes trials from 2000 to 2011/ Facing the mistakes from the 1990s; CHAPTER 4 Achievements and drawbacks of war crimes trials; sanctioning of hate speech until 2013; CHAPTER 5 The role and the influence of the ICTY on Croatian judiciary; The media and monitoring of the war crimes
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The significance of the celebration on November 25, 1969, is that the date of that year was officially recognized on the state holiday of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The marking of this important date from the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in the context of important political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in the Yugoslav state wich have been gradually taking place since the mid-60s, when they gave major political powers to the republic goverments. As this process has proceeded in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it can be analyzed as an example of marking the 26th anniversary of ZAVNOBiH. On this festive days in Sarajevo on November 29th, on the Day of the Republic, Josip Broz Tito attended the premiere of the film Battle of Neretva in the newly opened modern center of Skenderija. A day after, at the solemn session of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he was awarded the first honorary member of these most scientific institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, this was the time of strog sensivity of the Yugoslav public towards Bosnia and Herzegovina after the devastating earthquake in Banja Luka and Bosanska krajina, which occured only a month earlier (October 27, 1969). The postponed population Tito visited the day later and promised them the assistance of the entire Yugoslav community. The significance of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the constitution of the Yugoslav state Tito also emphasized on November 29 for the premiere of the film with a well-known theme from the Second World War and a reminder of the heroic battles that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s territory. Otherwise, the association with the events of the National Liberation War was an integral part of all introductory speeches on the occasion of marking socialist holidays. The joint celebration on 25 and 29 November 1969 in Sarajevo was also the last with great hopes and expections in the coming 70s.
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4.1. From Slavic Tribal Societies to Feudal Rule 4.2. Bosnia as part of the Ottoman Empire 4.3. The Austro-Turkish Wars and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire 4.4. The end of Ottoman rule and the occupation by Austria-Hungary 4.5. epilogue
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6.1. Middle Ages 6.2. Turkish rule 6.3. Uprising against the Turks 6.4. Serbian autonomy in the Ottoman Empire 6.5. The Kingdom and the Struggle for Modernization 6.6. Until the end of the First World War
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7.1. Middle Ages 7.2. Ottoman period 7.3. Self-government and bishopric 7.4. Secular domination and expansion 7.5. From the Balkan Wars to the Loss of Independence
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9.1. Middle Ages 9.2. Under Ottoman rule 9.3. In the twentieth century 9.4. State Independence
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10.1. Prehistory and founding of the state 10.2. The »Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes« 10.3. The royal dictatorship 10.4. The downfall
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16.1. Dynamic diversity 16.2. The dialects 16.3. The minority languages 16.4. Linguistic-historical processes
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Mass Media in the Service of Ideological Consensus 20.2. The structural change of the Slovenian public 20.3. The »freedom of the press« in Serbia 20.4. The beginning of pluralism in Croatia and its dangers 20.5. Notes on other media landscapes
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27.1. The turning point and end of the war 27.2. The Dayton Agreement 27.3. Bosnia-Herzegovina as a semi-protectorate?
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29.1. Perceptions and politics of the European states 29.2. Relaunch of classic power politics in the Balkans? 29.3. American and European Politics in Contrast
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Over the past two and a half decades multiple problems have been identified in the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement. The process of development of the BiH society has generated some visible achievements that could lead to a stable development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, at the same time, some halts in development of the BiH society and state are also notable. These halts have led to the deepening of the crisis in economic development, particularly since 2015. Namely, since 2015, several dozen thousands of young people have left Bosnia and Herzegovina and went to European counties in pursuit of economic prosperity.
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