BALKAN POSLE DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA - ZBORNIK RADOVA SA NAUČNOG SKUPA

Author(s): Dragoljub Živojinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1996

Nedavno je u izdanju Instituta za savremenu istoriju izašao zbornik radova BALKAN POSLE DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA (The Balkans After the Second World War). U njemu su sakupljeni radovi saopšteni na naučnom skupu posvećenom 50-godišnjici završetka Drugog svetskog rata. Na stranicama knjige našli su se radovi četrdesetak naučnika iz zemlje i sveta, koji su nastojali da osvetle i objasne pojedina pitanja i time uobliče novu predstavu о Balkanu u proteklim decenijama. Pedeset godina je dovoljno vremena da se prethodna znanja о tom delu Evrope izmene ili prošire novim podacima i viđenjima, kao i otvaranjem novih problema.

BELIĆEVA KNJIGA U ISTORIJSKOJ UPOTREBI ILI NAUČNI DOKAZ О »PRAVU SRPSKOG NARODA NA ODREĐENE OBLASTI«

Author(s): Kosta Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

Knjiga Aleksandra Belića »Srbija i južnoslovensko pitanje« napisana je u Nišu, krajem 1914. godine, dok su trajale ratne operacije na Kolubarskom frontu, a srpska vlada definisala svoje ratne ciljeve. Kako je i sam Belić naglasio, knjiga je nastala kao »plod momentane potrebe« pa je kao takva trebalo da opravda ono što je Srbija želela (ili morala) da učini u ratu. Nastala u okviru delatnosti najuglednijih srpskih naučnika iz različitih oblasti koji su svojim naučnim kredibilitetom trebali da pomognu rad vlade, knjiga sa stanovišta nauke ima određenih manjkavosti, prouzrokovanih ograničenim vremenom i ne potpuno naučnim motivima. Međutim, nju ni ne treba posmatrati u jednom strogo naučnom smislu, već kao plod napora da se utiče na vlade i javnost savezničkih i neutralnih zemalja za prihvatanje rešavanja južnoslovenskog pitanja na način kako je to istaknuto u Niškoj deklaraciji 7. decembra 1914. godine: »Oslobođenje i ujedinjenje sve naše neslobodne braće Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca«.

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 23, god. II, Beograd, utorak, 10. jul 2007.

Author(s): Milica Jovanović,Dejan Ognjanović,Branislav Jakovljević,Saša Ćirić,Tomislav Marković / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Milica Jovanović: Tela koja ništa ne znače; CEMENT, Dejan Ognjanović: Da, sjećam se; ARMATURA, Branislav Jakovljević: Kraljevo, Kragujevac... Srebrenica, Saša Ćirić: Kinder jaje; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Tomislav Marković: Ne dirajte mi Kosovo; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, MARKOVIĆ, Mihajlo

Between the preconditions and precipitants: the causes of dissolution of Yugoslavia

Author(s): Mirjana Popara / Language(s): English Issue: 19/2020

Events from the early 1990s gave a fresh impetus for the scholarly inquiry into the causes of civil wars. The complete breakdown of the political order in Yugoslavia (1991-1995) and civil war in Rwanda (1994) renewed the interest of academics in identifying trends and patterns which precondition escalation of violence. The wider debates on the causes of civil wars usually distinguish between the objective factors such as the demographic structure of the population, type of political system and the level of economic development which make one society vulnerable to the outbreak of violence. Nevertheless, the tendency to analyze the objective reality which precludes the conflict, often means that the role of individuals, political elites and their incentives for waging a war are ruled out from the explanation. This paper adopts the approach that both the preconditions – objective factors and precipitants – triggers and catalysts of the conflict are important in determining its cause. In an attempt to enlighten the factors which contributed to the dissolution of Yugoslavia, this paper firstly aims to identify underlying tensions in Yugoslav society prior to its collapse. Secondly, it analyses the role of individuals in igniting the conflict. Finally, it concludes whether the approaches which emphasize the preconditions or precipitants offer sufficient explanation on the causes of civil war in Yugoslavia.

Beyond Journalism

Author(s): Nick Miller / Language(s): English Issue: 03/1999

The review of: 1) Tim Judah. The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997). 350 pp. 2) Chuck Sudetic. Blood and Vengeance: One Family's Stary of the War in Bosnia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998). 393 pp.

Bibliografija

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 36/2007

BIJELJINA OD 1991. DO 2013. GODINE: PROMJENE U ETNIČKOJ STRUKTURI STANOVNIŠTVA POD UTJECAJEM RATA PROTIV REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Sead Selimović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 13/2021

Before the aggression on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Yugoslavs and Others lived together in Bijeljina. According to the 1991 census, there were 96,988 inhabitants in the municipality of Bijeljina. There were 30,229 Bosniaks (31.17%), 57,389 Serbs (59.17%), 492 Croats(0.51%), 4,426 Yugoslavs (4.56%) and 4,452 Others (4.59%). At the same time, the city of Bijeljina had a population of 36,414: 19,024 Bosniaks (52.24%), 10,450Serbs (28.70%), 366 Croats (1.00%), 3,452 Yugoslavs (9.48%) and 3,122 Others.(8.57%). The population of the Municipality lived in the city of Bijeljina and another 58 settlements. Bijeljina, as a strategically important city in the plans and goals of the aggressors, has been the target of attacks since 1991. Aggression and war crimes against Bosniaks were planned, prepared and organized against this Bosnian town. Camps for Bosniaks were organized in Bijeljina, civilians were killed, mass and systematic rapes and other forms of sexual violence were committed, the Bosniak elite was targeted killed and persecuted, civilians were expelled and deported en masse, cultural property and property were destroyed, and all Islamic religiousobjects.On April 1, 1992, Bijeljina was attacked by the so-called "Serbian forces". Thetargets of the attack were Bosniaks, Albanians, Roma and other non-Serbs, who wereunaware of what was happening in their town. They were killed in their houses,apartments, mosques. They were also massacred on Eid al-Fitr, April 4, 1992. Theso-called The Serbian Volunteer Guard (SDG), a special unit of the Serbian StateSecurity Service, led by Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan, which was under the directcommand of Slobodan Milosevic's regime in Serbia, and the "Mirko Chetniks" ledby Mirko Blagojevic. Under Arkan's command was placed the municipalgovernment, the police, the army, the judiciary, the Territorial Defense. Bijeljina wasoccupied. In April 1992 alone, at least 93 civilians were killed in Bijeljina (81Bosniaks, 8 Albanians, 3 Serbs and 1 Croat). From March 31 to April 6, 1992, atleast 55 civilians were killed. Pictures of crimes from the streets of Bijeljina quicklywent around the world, but the international community did not react to the picturesof horror. Bijeljina was a rehearsal for war, murder, war crimes and genocide thatsoon followed throughout the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina ended with the signing of the DaytonAgreement on December 14, 1995 in Paris. According to many researchers, intellectuals of various profiles, the Agreement legalized the genocide of Bosniaks inBosnia and Herzegovina.According to the Dayton Agreement, there are two entities in the internalstructure of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina,which consists of 10 cantons, and the Republika Srpska. Apart from the two entities,there is also the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was created by theDecision of the International Arbitration Court. It was established on March 8, 2000.Between 1992 and 1995, approximately 2,2 million people in Bosnia andHerzegovina were forced to flee their homes. After the war, he began to return,among other things, to Bijeljina. The return process of the expelled Bosniaks wasslow and disorganized. The first wave of returns ran from 1996 to 2000. The exilesmostly returned to the local community of Janja. In 1998, the work of the Majlis ofthe Islamic Community in Bijeljina was renewed, and since then the process ofreturning property has begun. Everything went extremely slowly with a lot ofobstruction by the local authorities. However, in 2002, the foundations for all fivedemolished mosques in Bijeljina were "poured out". The mosques were renovatedthanks, among other things, to the funds of whites who lived abroad.An aggravating circumstance for returnees is the fact that the Bosnian languageis denied in the Republika Srpska entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Teaching in theBosnian language is prohibited, and the language called the non-existent Bosniaklanguage. This discriminates against students who want their language to be calledBosnian.In addition, high-ranking officials from the Republika Srpska in publicappearances deny the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks as a people,which affects the perspective of the people of this area.The situation with employment in public administration is not good. Returneesare mainly engaged in agriculture, but here there is a problem of placing surplusproducts.In 2013, a census was conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the firstcensus after the war and aggression. The municipality of Bijeljina had 107,715inhabitants, which is 10,727 inhabitants more than in 1991. The population lived inthe city of Bijeljina and another 66 settlements, which is 8 settlements more than in1991. The ethnic structure of the population changed significantly under theinfluence of the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2013, there were 91,784Serbs, which is 34,395 more than in 1991, 13,090 Bosniaks, which is 17,139 fewer,515 Croats, which is 23 more, and the other 1,550, which is 2,902. persons less thanin 1991. In ethnic terms, there were 674 non-respondents in the municipality ofBijeljina and 102 without answering.The city of Bijeljina had a population of 42,278, which is 5,864 more than in1991. There were 35,798 Serbs, which is 25,348 people more than in 1991, 4,469 Bosniaks, which is 14,555 less, 315 Croats, which is 51 people less, and Others1,159, which is 1,963 people less than in 1991. year. Those who did not declarethemselves in the ethnic sense were 502 and 35 people did not answer.The municipality of Bijeljina had, in the total population, 85.21% Serbs, whichis 26.04% more than in 1991, and Bosniaks 12.15%, which is 19.02% less than in1991. There were 0.03% fewer Croats and 3.14% fewer Others than in 1991.In the city of Bijeljina, there has been a drastic change in the ethnic structure ofthe population compared to 1991. Namely, Bosniaks made up 52.24% of the city'spopulation in 1991, Serbs 28.70%, Yugoslavs 9.48%, Others8.57% and Croats1.00%. The number of Bosniaks decreased by 41.67% and amounted to 10.57% inthe total population of Bijeljina. At the same time, the percentage of Serbs increasedfrom 28.70% to 84.67%. The increase was therefore 55.97%. The percentage ofCroats decreased by 0.25%, and the number of Others by 5.83% compared to 1991.Bijeljina is a typical example of how war, murder, expulsion, rape, intimidation,deportation, forced mobilization, demolition and other means can drastically changethe ethnic structure of a city's population. Certainly, other causes of the reducednumber of Bosniaks in Bijeljina should not be neglected, such as the securitysituation, economic situation, education, road and other infrastructure, etc.

Bilder von Frieden und Krieg betrachten. Die visuelle Darstellung von Bosnien und Herzegowina

Author(s): Rasmus Bellmer,Frank Möller / Language(s): German Issue: 2/2022

Responding to the crisis in photojournalism, many photographers during the wars in former Yugoslavia developed alternative photographic approaches to capture the complexity of the wars more adequately than conventional photojournalism seemed capable of doing. In this article, we present a typology of these alternative photographies. We discuss forensic photography, aftermath photography, post-conflict and peace photography as well as participatory photography both in generic terms and in the specific Bosnian context. Following this typology, we introduce one specific photojournalistic project, Gilles Peresses and Fred Ritchin’s “Bosnia: Uncertain Paths to Peace”. This project integrated several aspects of the new photographies into a coherent and convincing approach. We then discuss it in terms of interactivity and narrative openness. Necessarily limited by the technological standards of the time, this project can be seen as an important precursor to current photojournalistic approaches in search of adequate representations of the ongoing messiness and institutionalized instability in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Bilten tranziciona pravda #1: Suđenja za ratni zločin u Srbiji

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

Four war crimes trials are under way in Serbia: two for war crimes against Bosniaks, one for war crimes against Albanian prisoners and one for war crimes against Albanian civilians. On December 12, 2005, the War Crimes Chamber of the Republic of Serbia handed down a verdict for war crimes against prisoners of war in the Ovčara case. On December 14, 2006, the Supreme Court of Serbia overturned the verdict of the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade District Court and remanded the case for retrial. In addition, the trial of two former reservists of the Serbian Ministry of the Interior for the murder of a Kosovo Albanian during the NATO bombing is underway before the District Court in Nis. Organized by the Humanitarian Law Center, the mentioned trials are monitored by the families of the victims and representatives of the victims' associations. Encouraging witnesses / victims to participate in war crimes trials is also a HLC priority in supporting domestic war crimes trials.

Bjelovar i Bjelovarsko-bilogorska županija u Domovinskom ratu

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 8/2014

This paper tackles the issue of Bjelovar and the Bjelovar–Bilogora County in the Homeland War 1990–1995. The Bjelovar area is inseparable from the western Slavonian region, with its specific demographic structure and a relatively large Serbian ethnic community. The majority of this community did not accept the new Croatian authority; when the time was right, they rose in rebellion. In 1990, Pakrac became the unlucky centre of the aggressive Serbian community, and the Bilogora and Papuk mountains offered very convenient conditions for organising and expanding Serbian mutiny. In the region, there was a considerable concentration of the Yugoslav National Army, especially in Bjelovar, Virovitica and Doljani garrisons. In the dramatic September of 1991, almost the whole of this potential was – with more or less resistance – transferred into Croatian hands, and they consequently played a major role in the War and the establishment of the Croatian Army. In the autumn of 1991, in a decisive defence action, Serbian forces were disabled in the attempt to sever Croatia on the Okučani–Virovitica stretch, which would have resulted in separating Slavonia from the mother country. This defence was of strategic importance, as well as were the liberation operations that followed since the end of October 1991; major areas were thereby restituted as parts of the legal system of the Republic of Croatia. In the period 1992–1995, the region had experienced the effects of the non-efficient mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Forces. The final solution was reached in 1995 on the battlefield, in the operations Bljesak (Flash) and Oluja (Storm); in both of which a part of the units of the Croatian Army and Police Forces from the Bjelovar–Bilogora County were strongly involved. The topic is presented based on the available documents and literature. Between the summer of 1990 and the end of 1992, no regional division was in force; however, Bjelovar was the centre of the Police Administration that had succeeded the earlier regional division of the communities of municipalities; since the autumn of 1991, it was also the Command of the Operational Zone Bjelovar. The author has taken into consideration this organisational aspect as well, as it is of significance for the understanding of the problem area on the whole.

Bjelovarski književni i kulturni prostor (1991. - 2000.) - pjesnički rukopis ratnog i poratnog pisma

Author(s): Ilija Pejić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 8/2014

In the first part, this study offers a reconstruction of the cultural life of Bjelovar and its surroundings – the Bjelovar literary and cultural circle (Bjelovar, Čazma, Đurđevac, Daruvar, Garešnica, Grubišno Polje) – by presenting portraits of writers, painters, musicians and educators; as well as by exhibitions, concerts, the work of associations and institutions; and a review of the publishing activity (newspapers, magazines, journals, books, monographs, etc.). The war havoc and the transitional deconstruction of the symbolic city capital (heritage, space) caused by globalisation are the two key elements that have formed not only wartime writings, but also the context in (the connection with) which they were created. The second part of the study is a presentation of wartime (1991–1995) and postwar (1996–2000) poetic writings in the Bjelovar literary and cultural circle, incorporated in poems and lyrical writings by numerous authors (V. Bažant, Ž. Sabol, K. Kovrlija, B. Kreštan, S. Frajtić, M. Mađerić, V. Vargović, I. Pejić, B. Jelušić, B. Delić, A. Perše Deškin, M. Vidović, K. Blaha, A. S. Prević, K. Prević, Z. Satrapa, L. Erl Luketa, D. Horvat Zácskai, M. Borovac, etc.). It forms a tribute to a better comprehension of Croatian wartime writings. The emphasis has been put on poetry – the poem and its structure as a humanistic analysis of the indifferent world, the understanding of the meaning of suffering and victim, self-perception and the perception of the other party – the enemy, with strong belief in the good and the victory thereof, as well as on the analysis of heritage and its endurance when facing the forces of destruction (wounded city, wounded land, etc.). The need for the as authentic as possible witnessing of the “severe reality”, wartime events, and memory in general determined the frequency of the genre of autobiographical/memoir literature, and the stylistic specificity of wartime writing as a pronouncedly documentary, factual/descriptive (stating the date and venue of the text), and in tone and directness similar to folk story telling – equally in prose, dramatic, and lyrical texts.

Bolesna vremena

Author(s): Milan Gavrović / Language(s): Croatian

Moto za ovu knjigu preuzeo sam od »Duhovne republike Zicer«, osnovane u klubu Zicer u Novom Sadu još godine 1992. s ciljem da spriječi mobilizaciju za rat koji se vodio u Hrvatskoj. Jugoslavija je tada već bila raskomadana, bile su prekinute komunikacije između novih država, a sve informacije strogo kontrolirane i cenzurirane. Tako sam za tu »republiku«, koja je bila dio širokog antiratnog pokreta u Vojvodini, doznao tek u ljeto 2014. iz tjednika Novosti, koji je prenio dio teksta iz projeka »Living Together« (Živjeti zajedno), financiranog od Europske unije. Naravno, patetična optužba tog mota nije sasvim pravedna, točnije, ne odnosi se na sve ljude. Nasilje, zločini i laži proizveli su kolektivnu paranoju, a nacionalizam je jedan od njenih najstrašnijih oblika. Osim toga čini se kako je u prirodi čovjeka da kao normalna prihvaća pravila uspostavljena u sredini u kojoj živi, iako se ona ponekad mijenjaju nevjerojatnom brzinom. Dra-matičan primjer je njemačka zdravstvena služba koja je već na početku Hitlerove vladavine, /kao normalni dio brige o zdravlju nacije, prihvatila kastraciju svakog tko je bio proglašen psihičkim bolesnikom. Ponašanje mnogih ljudi kod nas, u proteklih četvrt stoljeća, slijedilo je isti obrazac. Ali za one koji se smatraju mislećim dijelom nacije i koji su imali prilike govoriti, gornji moto ima punu vrijednost. Nije zanemariv ni broj onih koji su toga bili svjesni, a nisu šutjeli, iako su bili izloženi raznim pritiscima i šikaniranjima. Istovremeno su vladari novih država počeli kontrolirati sve medije i javne tribine na kojima su postali dobrodošli samo zagovornici nacionalističke mržnje.

Bolje sprečen nego pravedan rat

Author(s): Noam Chomsky / Language(s): Serbian

Lideri Nato saveza objavili su da alijansa planira da ojača istočni front raspoređivanjem dodatnih trupa u Bugarskoj, Mađarskoj, Poljskoj i Slovačkoj – uključujući hiljade američkih vojnika – i slanjem „opreme koja će pomoći Ukrajini da se odbrani od hemijskih, bioloških, radioloških i nuklearnih pretnji“. I dok sama alijansa ne dostavlja Ukrajini naoružanje direktno, mnoge njene članice ovoj zemlji šalju oružje, uključujući projektile, rakete, mitraljeze i ostalo.

Boravišta komike u dramama o novobalkanskom ratu u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Sava Anđelković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2012

The author deals with drama texts written in the BCMS language about the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995, and discusses comic and humourous elements in them. He determines the function of the comic in the plays of authors from Bosnia and Herzegovina: Almir Imširević (If This Were a Performance…) and Zlatko Topčić (Happy New Year 1994!!!); from Croatia: Damir Šodan (Protected Zone); and from Serbia: Isidora Bjelica (The Saga About UNPROFOR) and Goran Marković (The Theatre Tour). He concludes that Šodan means to convey that the former common state (Yugoslavia) used war to treat the madness which had struck all levels of society. Imširević speaks about love, which constantly tries to overshadow hatred in his play, with “characters and witnesses” that should point out the culprits, but since it is nevertheless impossible to do so, the verdict is left to swearwords. Bjelica tries her hand at the genre of “propaganda drama”, using militant humour to try to prove that the Serbs (especially in Bosnia) are the most courageous. Marković manages to amuse with an interesting play about actors in the war, but does not succeed in equalizing the misdeeds of all the belligerents. Topčić shows how war frightens and destroys, but his subconscious and implicit thesis is that life is killed by war itself, and not by the shell fired by a warrior.

BORBE NOP ODREDA OKO SARAJEVA 1941.

Author(s): Moni Finci / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian Issue: 2/1966

L'etablissement des détachements de partisans »Romanija«, »Zvijezda« et du détachement de Kalinovik, effectué selon les recommandations et les décisions de l’Etat-major du Mouvement pour la Liberation Nationale prises a Stolice, a ete realise au cours du mois d’octobre 1941. Cela voulait dire qu'on avait renonce a l’idee de former un regiment dans la montagne Romanija et une brigade dans la region situee entre le mont Jahorina et ie village de Kalinovik. Le détachement, en tant qu'unite militaire, partout où il était forme s’est avéré reel et justifie et a contribue a un essor plus important de la revoile populaire, au toujours croissant nombre de partisans et aux grands succès obtenus en 1941. Bien que les trois détachements des partisans des environs de Sarajevo aient eu une activité presque indépendante, au moment où l'Etat-major de Sarajevo fut supprime, leurs activités, mises sous le commandement ue l’Etat-major du Mouvement, pour la Liberation Nationale de Bosme-tlerzcguvine, ont ete tres coordonnées, il était evident qu' il existait un plan d operations militaires bien defini, d'operations qui furent toujours compte Lement réalisées. C'était le pian on plutôt ia tache primordiale primitivement destinee a l’Etat-major ae ta region de Sarajevo, pian qui prévoyait le »nettoyage« des environs de Sarajevo, l'encerclement et la liberation definitive de ia ville. C'est pourquoi on a prêté une attention particulière a l'augmentation du nombre de combattants, tache qui fut le mieux realisee a Romanija. Les unites des partisans des environs de Sarajevo comptaient en tout, a cette epoque, environ 7.500 combattants. On entreprenait egalement des operations systématiques en vue de détruire toutes les voies de communications, des ponts, des lignes de chemin de 1er, des lignes téléphoniques et télégraphique^, ce dont n reste assez de documents bien conserves témoignant de arrêt total ou partiel de toute circulation sur les voies de communications menant vers Sarajevo. Cela entraînait un veritable désarroi dans l'organisation et le fonctionnement des autorités »oustaciii« (»oustachi« étaient des collaborateurs fascistes recrutes parmi les Croate et les musulmans du pays) du soi-disant »Etat Croate Indépendant«, ce qui était tres important d'autant plus que c’est une region abondant en richesses naturelles auxquelles l’occupant nazi s'intéressait particulièrement. Le remorcement des unites partisanes et les attaques effectuées sur les voies de communications, caractéristiques d’une guerre de partisans, de meme que les attaques inattendues et les diversions, la prise des bourgs moins importants, ont permis le changement du caractère des operations: on procédé aux operations plus importantes permettant un »nettoyage« plus efficace et la prise permanente du territoire, effectues par les trois détachements. , Les trois derniers mois de 1941 sont caractérisés par des luttes toujours plus acharnées, par une intese activité et initiative des forces libératrices dans cette region. Au cours de ces trois mois on a realise les fronts dits »de lutte« aux environs de Rogatica, Kalinovik, Visegrad, Olovo, Pale et de Varež. Maigre les frequentes contre-attaques des Aitemends et de leurs collaborateurs, malgré les mesures répressives les plus drastiques, qui traduisaient sa rage et son impuissance, l’ennemi essuyait de très grandes pertes et était extrêmement menace et force a se détendre. Vers ta fin octobre la ville de Rogatica a ete liberee, le village de Tmovo au commencement du novembre. A la même epoque la région ou opérait le détachement »Zvijezda« a été complètement »netoyee« dans la direction des villes de Vareš et d'Olovo; le territoire libère du détachement »Romanija« s'est répandu jusqu’aux villes de Visegrad et de Goraide - le même détachement a pris les positions stratégiques très importantes des Roches Rouges et des d’Aigle du mont Romanija. Au mois de decembre les partisans ont attaqué le village de Pale, un des bastions protégeant la ville de Sarajevo; ils ont libéré la ville d'Olovo, la vallée de la Krivaja; ils attaquèrent également la ville de Vares qui fut complètement cemee par des unités partisanes. Une telle situation a fait que le général plénipotentiaire de Zagreb demandât au Haut commandement de faire venir une division allemande du front oriental. , Car, vers la fin décembre 1941, toutes les positions ennemies ont été liquidées sauf quelques unes à proximité immédiate de la ville de Sarajevo. De cette façon-la ont été remplies toutes les conditions permettant la réalisation de la tâche et de la conception capitales: libération de la capitale de la Bosnie-Herzégovine.

Borbe za Livno u travnju 1992. godine - prilog istraživanju

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 7/2021

The subject of this paper is the attack of the Yugoslav National Army Knin corpus and Serbian Territorial defence on the municipality of Livno in April 1992. Those were in fact two attacks, the first on 13 April 1992 in direction Glamoč - Livno and the second on 23 April in direction Bosansko Grahovo - Livno. Both attacks were successfully repelled by the crucial help of smaller reinforcements from Croatia. This event was also of strategic importance, because it was one of three successful defences from April 1992 that enabled territorial and political survival of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Despite its significance, archive sources for these fights are very modest and fragmented, because of what there are many unknowns regarding the fights. Thus, this paper is written with the intention to shed light on the event crucial for the course of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and end of war in Croatia in 1994 and 1995.

Borbeno djelovanje Posebne jedinice policije Policijske uprave Bjelovar Omege 1991. godine

Author(s): Jakša Raguž / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 8/2014

The Special Police Task Force of the Police Administration Bjelovar – Omega – was formed on 23rd February 1991 as the first regional unit of the Special Police Forces in Croatia. It covered the territory between western Slavonia and Podravina. Its commanders were Miralem Alečković and Hamdija Mašinović, and during the War, Omega numbered 302 active and 418 reserve members. The unit carried out its first operation on 2nd March 1991 in Pakrac, and became thereby the first Croatian army unit that was to operate actively in the Homeland War. After a series of interventions in Pakrac, the defence of Glina followed, and the tragic ambush in Sirač, where two members were killed and seven wounded. The next was the tragedy in Kusonje, where the unit attempted to rescue the Bjelovar guardsmen. Battles for Daruvar and Doljani followed, as well as the freeing of Pakrac by breaking out through Kukuljevac. In September, the unit played the crucial role in overtaking the barracks of the Yugoslav National Army in Doljani and Bjelovar. Omega had continued its warpath on the Pakrac–Lipik stretch, where it had carried out as many as nine interventions until the end of 1991. The unit was further one of the crucial success factors in Otkos 10, the Bilogora liberation operation. Omega further participated in the liberation operations Papuk-91 and Alfa. During the Homeland War, six members of the unit were killed, while 43 were wounded.

Boris Begović, Zoran S. Mirković (ur.), Pravni poredak Nezavisne Države Hrvatske

Author(s): Ljubodrag D. Dimić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2019

Boris Begović, Zoran S. Mirković (ur.), Pravni poredak Nezavisne Države Hrvatske, Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu, Beograd 2017, 356.

Bosna i Hercegovina 1990.-2020.: Rat, država i demokracija

Author(s): Višeslav Raos / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 18/2021

Review of: „Bosna i Hercegovina 1990.-2020.: Rat, država i demokracija“ by Mirjana Kasapović, Školska knjiga, Zagreb, 2020. Review by: Višeslav Raos

Bosna i Hercegovina 1992-1995. i međunarodna diplomatija

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 37/2007

U svom prilogu autor analizira djelovanje međunarodne diplomatije u vezi sa situacijom u Bosni i Hercegovini i tokom rata na tlu Bosne i Hercegovine i razlaže odnos te diplomatije prema njoj kao državi i njenim institucijama. Autor ukazuje na nejedinstvo međunarodne javnosti i politike u tom pogledu i na kompromise koje je ona iznudila da bi ostvarila nešto što jeste stanje mira, ali nije trajno stanje sigurnosti i normalnog života za ljude koji u Bosni i Hercegovini žive.