BOŠNJAČKE FAMILIJE OPĆINE SREBRENICA: ANTROPOGEOGRAFSKA ISTRAŽIVANJA (I)

Author(s): Alija Suljić,Edina Suljić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 11/2019

This paper explores and analyzes the most important anthropogeographic characteristics of the development of the municipality of Srebrenica until the mid-1990s, especially changes in the economic and educational structure of the municipal population. Particular attention was paid to the territorial distribution, that is, the representation of certain Bosniak families in the settlements of the municipality, as well as the number of households and the total number of persons per family. In addition, the basic demographic losses of Bosniak families in the Srebrenica municipality during the aggression against the independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992-1995, are presented. and the massacres of Bosniak men after the occupation of the so-called UN Srebrenica Safe Zone, July 1995. Data on the number of widows and orphaned children as a result of the mass killing of Bosniak men during aggression and genocide were analyzed and presented by families.

Bošnjačke familije općine Srebrenica: Antropogeografska istraživanja (II)

Author(s): Alija Suljić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 12/2020

This paper explores and analyzes the most important anthropogeographic characteristics of the development of the municipality of Srebrenica until the mid-1990s, especially changes in the economic and educational structure of the municipal population. Particular attention was paid to the territorial distribution, that is, the representation of certain Bosniak families in the settlements of the municipality, as well as the number of households and the total number of persons per family. In addition, the basic demographic losses of Bosniak families in the Srebrenica municipality during the aggression against the independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992-1995, are presented, as well as the massacres of Bosniak men after the occupation of the so-called UN Srebrenica Safe Zone, July 1995. Data on the number of widows and orphaned children as a result of the mass killing of Bosniak men during aggression and genocide were analyzed and presented by families.

Broj umrlih tokom opsade Sarajeva, od aprila 1992. do decembra 1995: studija smrtnosti zasnovana na osam obimnih izvora podataka

Author(s): Ewa Tabeau,Jakub Bijak,Neda Lončarić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Report on the expertise in the case of SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ / BOSNIA (IT-02-54).

Broj žrtava u opsadi Sarajeva od aprila 1992. do decembra 1995. - Studija o stopi smrtnosti na osnovu osam velikih izvora podataka

Author(s): Neda Lončarić,Jakub Bijak,Ewa Tabeau / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Predmet ovog izveštaja jeste ukupan broj žrtava opsade Sarajeva od aprila 1992. do decembra 1995. Podaci navedeni u ovom izveštaju dobijeni su za područje koje smo nazvali Sarajevo šest, a obuhvata teritoriju šest sarajevskih opština: Centar, Ilidža, Novi Grad, Novo Sarajevo, Stari Grad i Vogošća. Te opštine su analizirane na osnovu teritorijalne podele Bosne i Hercegovine pre rata (od 1991).

Changing Frames of Reconciliation: The Politics of Peace-Building in the Former Yugoslavia

Author(s): Heleen Touquet,Peter Vermeersch / Language(s): English / Issue: 01/2016

In this article, we examine reconciliation as a category of political practice. More particularly, we explore the ways in which the term reconciliation has been employed and invested with meaning in the recent legal, social, and political discussions on transitional justice and EU accession in the former Yugoslavia. Much of the literature on the former Yugoslavia highlights the need for reconciliation and envisages it as the ultimate goal of a process of societal and political transformation. But what does reconciliation mean? Our assertion is that reconciliation is a dynamic term; its meaning varies across discursive fields and according to the implicit assumptions associated with it. This article investigates a number of ways in which the term reconciliation has been given meaning in the former Yugoslavia through an exploratory analysis of three related fields of political discussion: (1) transitional justice, in particular the arena of discursive interaction surrounding the completion of the activities of the ICTY in The Hague; (2) the human rights and enlargement agenda of the EU; and (3) local and regional civil society initiatives, including the RECOM initiative, which calls for the establishment of a mechanism for truth-telling and reconciliation across all the countries of the former Yugoslavia. On the basis of an analysis of public statements by politicians and activists, as well as some interviews with key actors in these three fields, we show that reconciliation is mobilized in varying and often conflicting ways.

Civilne žrtve rata u Hrvatskoj

Pravo na pravni lijek i reparaciju za žrtve teških kršenja međunarodnog prava o ljudskim pravima i ozbiljnih povreda međunarodnog humanitarnog prava - Potrebe, praksa, preporuke.

Author(s): Emina Bužinkić,Eugen Jakovčić / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 2012

Svaki rat za sobom ostavlja žrtve. Žrtve su namjerna ili slučajna meta svakog ratnog razaranja koja munjevito mijenjaju sliku stanovništva. Prema riječima bivšeg glavnog tajnika UN-a Kofija Annana ‘u mnogim današnjim sukobima civili su postali primarne žrtve nasilja’. U drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća sve su više u središtu političke i društvene pozornosti žrtve i teška stradanja u svjetskim i drugim ratovima i nizu etničkih sukoba. Prema Europskoj sigurnosnoj strategiji od 1990. naovamo gotovo 4 milijuna osoba stradalo je u ratovima, a od toga su 90% bili civili. Izvještaji Ujedinjenih naroda navode da je broj civilnih žrtava u ratovima devedesetih godina dramatično porastao, otprilike s 5 na 90% ukupnog stradanja. Unatoč ovoj procjeni, egzaktan broj civilnih žrtava rata nije poznat. Iako brojke nisu u toj mjeri sigurne, brojni izvještaji, kako službeni tako i akademski te oni međunarodnih organizacija za ljudska prava, govore o visokim postocima civilnih stradanja.

Civilno stanovništvo daruvarskog i grubišnopoljskog područja u zbivanjima 1990. - 1991. godine

Author(s): Vjenceslav Herout / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 8/2014

The civil population in the Daruvar and Grubišno Polje areas shared in 1990 and 1991 all the wartime sufferings that other parts of Croatia were struck by as well. In this area, civilian victims outnumbered the ones who actively participated in wartime actions within military and police units. The events that marked the year of 1990 and the first half of 1991 should be regarded as political; therefore, they belong to the civil sector. The military component should be set in the background, especially after the arms belonging to the territorial defence were, mid 1990, stored in the Polom arsenal near Daruvar. This was, however, only a deceit; soon the civil population of Serbian nationality began to arm itself, and thereby commenced the realisation of the well-prepared military scenario regarding the fate of these areas. Political battles that started by forming new non-communist parties, which entered into a conflict in connection – to the most part – with the reorganisation of the state, marked this period. The Serbian Democratic Party and the majority of Serbian population in the areas of Daruvar and Grubišno Polje were followers of the policy of centralism, and later, of the expansion of Serbia, which Milošević advocated. The rest of the population expressed their opinion at the referendum conducted in May 1991; the choice for the future was – for the vast majority – Croatian independence and sovereignty. Though harsh words had been used for some time in political battles, this remained within tolerable limits. In both municipalities, the Social Democratic Party held the power in its hands, caring more about how to lower the political tensions in the areas, and believing that most problems would be solved at the state level and subsequently stilled. Due to such an atmosphere, civil population was confused, finding it hard to cope in the midst of the political turmoil. Not being used to living in a multi-party system, the majority did not enter the membership of any of the parties. This, however, does not mean that they did not prefer one to the others. Such events ceased when arms took over the place of the table in tackling political issues. Even if killing three police officers in Daruvar in July 1991 was intended to be presented as an act of terrorism, which was condemned by all parties, the attacks on Daruvar and Grubišno Polje in the second half of August 1991 completely disclosed the welldeveloped Belgrade scenario intended for these areas. In the Daruvar and Grubišno Polje municipalities, the unarmed civilians contributed immensely in performing numerous tasks during wartime operations, and were thus a major support to Croatian defenders. Among them, there were many educational and health workers, peasants, as well as men and women who provided food and clothing to the defenders. Civilian victims and contribution have so far remained inadequately valorised.

Collective Guilt, Collective Responsibility and the Serbs

Author(s): Janine Natalya Clark / Language(s): English / Issue: 03/2008

Can an entire nation be collectively guilty for crimes committed in its name? Focusing on the case of Serbia, this article argues that collective guilt is a morally flawed and untenable concept that should be rejected. It presents various moral and practical objections to both the generic notion of collective guilt and the more specific idea of Serbian collective guilt and contends that the latter is a fundamental impediment to peace-building and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. On what basis might it be argued that the Serbs are collectively guilty? To claim that they are collectively guilty for having supported Milošević both exaggerates levels of support for the former Serbian leader and does a major injustice to those individuals who bravely fought against the Milošević regime. Drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers, the article concludes by suggesting that perhaps we can speak of Serbian collective responsibility.

Conflict in Kosovo: Failure of Prevention? An Analytical Documentation, 1992-1998

Author(s): Stefan Troebst / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 1998

The editorial deadline for this documentation was 9 March 1998--the day the Contact Group on Bosnia-Herzegovina emerged as the main international forum to deal with the Kosovo problem in its »new” and much more pressing form. The term Kosovo refers to the administrative unit in the South-western corner of the Republic of Serbia within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) – a territory of 10,887 square kilometres called Kosova or Kosova dhe Rrafshi i Dukagjinit in Albanian and Kosovo or Kosovo-Metohija (abbreviated Kosmet) in Serbian. The author is indebted to colleagues in three institutions and networks dealing with the Kosovo conflict he has been or is part of: (1) The »International Commission on the Balkans,” founded in 1995 by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Aspen Institute Berlin; (2) a group of contributors to a »Kosovo Policy Study” in the framework of the Conflict Prevention Network of Directorate General 1A of the European Commission at Brussels set up in 1997; and (3), a group of intellectuals from Prishtina and Belgrade as well as external experts brought together for the first time in 1996 by the Bertelsmann Science Foundation and the Research Group on European Affairs at the Centre for Applied Politics of the Ludwig-Maximilian University of Munich. Farimah Daftary, Kinga Gál, Priit Järve, and William McKinney of ECMI have been supportive—and creative--in searching for documents and materials

CRIMINAL LIABILITY IN THE PRACTICE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA

Author(s): Sabina Subašić-Galijatović / Language(s): English / Issue: 8/2019

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established to determine the responsibility of individuals for committing crimes. In their practice, various court panels of this tribunal met with issues inherent in mass crimes, such as crimes against humanity and the crime of genocide - the participation of several persons in the planned and jointly conceived collective criminality, in a large number of cases without explicit norms in its Statute, which would adequately respond to the determination of liability. In the field of determining individual responsibility, the ICTY significantly developed its jurisprudence, which is the subject of this paper.

CROATIA’S “LONG JOURNEY” TO THE EU

Author(s): Irina Ognyanova-Krivoshieva / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2020

What marked the Croatia’s history from the 1990s to the beginning of the 21st century was its accession to the EU after long and difficult six-year membership negotiations (2005-2011). It was the only state from the Western Balkans region that so far had succeeded alone and not in a group in joining the Union as its 28th member on July 1, 2013. Unlike Slovenia, Croatia lagged dramatically in the 1990s, possessed by a strong nationalism, hostile to the very idea of a united Europe. Only when the nationalistic Croatian Democratic Union lost power in 2000, the foreign policy of the country became pro-European and pro-NATO. But Croatia faced many difficulties on its road to EU. It had to solve its border issues with Slovenia. The cooperation with the Hague tribunal for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia was also very painful for the Croats. The country officially entered the Union in 2013 but that happened in a moment when Europe was in a deep economic crisis and it had no chance to gain sizeable economic benefits from its membership. So, the Euroscepticism became quite popular among Croats soon after their country became part of the huge European community.

Crveno vs. crno – Utjecaj politike na život stanovnika lovinačkog kraja kroz prizmu kolektivnog sjećanja

Author(s): Mihovil Gotal / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 1/2010

Presented in this paper are ethnological materials on the collective memory amongst the residents of the Lovinac region towards conflict and division in the period of WWII and their consequences in the periods of the Social Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Croatia. Collected from the personal narratives of interviewees the structure emphasises the vision and interpretation of past events by the local population and especially their political opinions and thoughts which are very strongly linked to memory. The transfer of these memories is initially explained through analyses of family, local, ethnic/national and religious Catholic mnemonic communities with which our interviewees belong to or with which they identify and so take their dominant narration of the past. Besides this, also observed here are the memories and influences in shaping the political identity of the local community especially through mentioning memories of deceased members of the community. It also observes the way in which this collective memory is reflected in the contemporary political context of the Republic of Croatia from its establishment in the 1990s. The accent is particularly emphasised on changes in the official political narratives of the past, which from 1990 changed and which enabled the political mobilisation of voters within the examined community. Political mobilisation alone with reference to party affiliation in a new political context becomes a part of the political identity in a way that is tightly connected to earlier established, collective memories.

Dan pobede nad antifašizmom

Author(s): Dejan Ilić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2018

Podsetimo se – sramotni srpski zločinački poduhvat iz devedesetih stajao je na nedvosmislenom odbacivanju jugoslovenskog (jer srpskog gotovo da i nije bilo) antifašističkog nasleđa. Uporedo sa negiranjem tog nasleđa, najmanje dve decenije pre 1990. radilo se i na revizionističkoj revalorizaciji srpskog kolaborantskog fašizma iz 2. svetskog rata. U tom revizionističkom pretumbavanju, izvrtanju i brisanju činjenica, umesto sada prokazanih partizana, četnici postaju simbol antifašizma a izdajnički zločinački Nedićev režim vidi se kao mudri i praktično jedini ispravni odgovor „biološke supstance srpskog naroda“.

De Gaulle – Tito – Mihailović

Author(s): Predrag Matvejević / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 2010

Nacionalna svijest teško izlazi na kraj s mitovima koje joj suprotstavlja ili nameće nacionalizam. Kritička povijest, osobito u malih naroda, često je osuđena na poraz ili na izgnanstvo. Srpska historiografija pokušavala je odavno već prikazati četništvo kao nacionalni i oslobodilački pokret. Nedavno je ono priznato čak kao oblik antifašizma. Javno mnijenje je u takvim prilikama izloženo obmanama, ponekad ih samo proizvodi ili podržava.

Demografska obilježja Bjelovarsko-bilogorske županije u međupopisnom razdoblju 1991. - 2001. godine nastala kao posljedica ratnih zbivanja

Author(s): Marin Sabolović,Goran Vuković / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 8/2014

The last census in the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was conducted mid 1991, and the “critical moment” of establishing the state took place on 31st March 1991. The results of this census demonstrate the pre-war demographic features present within the transitional administrative and territorial division, which was confirmed by the later introduced, and partly changed, county organisation of the Republic of Croatia (in 1992). The period between censuses was marked by the aggression on the Republic of Croatia and the occupation of a part of its territory. The result thereof was a changed population structure, which became evident in the 2001 census data; this was the first post-war census conducted in Croatia. Further demographic oscillations occurred as a result of the operations by which – in the wider territory of north-western Croatia – the temporarily occupied parts thereof, primarily the Bilogora area, were liberated; due to the non-efficient international peacekeeping forces, preconditions for the continuance of the liberation of the occupied territory, which were realised in the 1995 operations, had been created. The objective of this paper is to present – based on the cartographic presentations drafted by using the Geographic Information System, as well as by the means of the cartographic visualisation methods and the statistical data analysis methods based on two censuses – the special arrangement and the interdependence between the demographic features of the population in the Bjelovar–Bilogora County and the Great-Serbian aggression together with the effects thereof on the demographic situation following the end of the Homeland War.

Demografske posledice sukoba u Opštini Vlasenica, maj-septembar 1992.

Author(s): Ewa Tabeau,Marcin Żółtkowski / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

NIKOLIĆ (IT-94-2-PT) Report on Discourse

Demografske posljedice sukoba u Opštini Vlasenica, maj-septembar 1992.

Author(s): Ewa Tabeau,Marcin Żółtkowski / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 0

Ja sam demograf na radu u Demografskoj sekciji (Demographic Unit – DU) pri Tužilaštvu Međunarodnog krivičnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju (MKSJ). Sažetak mojih profesionalnih kvalifikacija i iskustva u oblasti demografije dat je u Dodatku A ove izjave. Moja glavna oblast rada pri Uredu tužitelja je izučavanje demografskih posljedica sukoba devedesetih godina u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, a posebno u Bosni i Hercegovini. Glavne teme koje se izučavaju u DU su sukobima uzrokovane promjene veličine i etničkog sastava stanovništva, pomjeranja stanovništva i izbjeglice, mortalitet uzrokovan sukobom i nestale osobe. Pouzdani izvori podataka na individualnom nivou, kao što su npr. popis stanovnika, druge velike ankete ili detaljni spiskovi ubijenih ili nestalih osoba, kao i široko priznate standardne statističke metode, čine osnovu demografskih izučavanja koja se vrše u Demografskoj sekciji. Naš cilj je da pružimo pouzdanu statistiku koja će omogućiti ocjenu tipa i opsega demografskih posljedica sukoba. Studiju o kojoj je riječ u ovoj izjavi pripremila sam ja, uz pomoć Marcina Žóltkowskog saradnika istraživanja u Demografskoj sekciji. Osnovni cilj te studije je da se utvrde demografske brojke za promjene etničkog sastava u opštini Vlasenica u srednje-istoþnom dijelu Bosne i Hercegovine tokom perioda 1991–1997., kao i za raseljene osobe i izbjeglice (priručna mapa Vlasenice data je na kraju ovog odjeljka). Drugo, razmatramo i osnovne demografske profile osoba koje su nestale u opštini Vlasenica tokom sukoba od maja do septembra 1992. Izučavanje nestalih osoba teži da utvrdi apsolutan broj i etnički sastav onih koji su nestali između maja i septembra 1992. i da utvrdi da li je bilo nekih konkretnih perioda kada su ljudi nestajali. U našem izvještaju analiziramo tri izvora podataka: popis stanovništva iz 1991., koji je izvršen u Bosni i Hercegovini kao dio popisa iz 1991. u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, birački spiskovi koje je sačinila Organizacija za sigurnost i suradnju u Evropi (OSCE) za izbore 1997. i 1998. godine, te spisak nestalih osoba koji je utvrdio Međunarodni komitet Crvenog krsta (MKCK). Uporedili smo spiskove osoba koje su obuhvaćene biračkim spiskovima i spisak nestalih osoba MKCK-a s imenima i podacima za osobe obuhvaćene popisom iz 1991. Potraga za jednom istom osobom u dva ili više različitih izvora naziva se povezivanje individualnih podataka i takva potraga povečava koliþinu informacija o osobama. To povezivanje nam je omogućilo da zajedno analiziramo podatke koji su dolazili iz više izvora.

DENACIONALIZACIJA, ISELJAVANJE I GENOCID NA BALKANU U TOKU DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA

Author(s): Dušan Lukač / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1+2/1988

This supplement gives in a concise form, based on the data obtained from primary sources and abundant literature, all aspects and forms of the denationalization and genocide measures which were exercised by the enemy and domestic quislings during World War II against discriminated individuals as well as peoples in the south-east of Europe, firstly towards Jews, Serbs, Slovenes and Gypsies. The first chapter deals with the initial phase of the war, in the south-east also known as the arbitrage period in which the Axis powers, Germany and Italy, acting as judges, used the quarrels between Hungary and Rumania over the mixed inhabited Transylvania, to strengthen their influence in these two countries. The second chapter is dealing with various forms of forced emigration or rough turning out of homes of entire nationalities into other regions and countries. This system of racial purification of certain countries or regions was most roughly and massively applied in parts of Yugoslavia, especially towards Slovenes and Serbs. Stated facts bring on the conclusion that the major part of the Yugoslav citizens were, for a longer or shorter period, driven off or simply thrown out of their homes.The third chapter deals with document verified data that the German citizens also had to abandon their homesteads in especially large numbers towards the end of the war. Before the retreat of the German army in 1944, Volksdeutschers had to leave their homes and start the exodus towards the Reich. The fourth chapter is dealing with long-term measures of denationalization of certain nations: in the field of culture and education - no use of mother tongue or alphabet allowed; national schools closed down; all forms of cultural life hindered or forbidden, while the enemy's culture is forced upon the people; all forms of national tradition destroyed or erased etc; in the field of economy - confiscation of personal property; certain professions not allowed; in the field of religion - converting into the other nation's religion, as during the ,,NDH” (Independent State of Croatia) when the orthodox were converted into Roman Catholics, etc. This chapter also describes the system of race checks and administrative transferring of individuals and parts of the population into another, „higher" nation, as was done in parts of Slovenia which were included in the Reich.

DETERMINACIJA NEPRIJATELJA U DIREKTIVAMA GLAVNOG ŠTABA I VRHOVNE KOMANDE VOJSKE REPUBLIKE SRPSKE

Author(s): Mesud Šadinlija / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 3/2020

Among the numerous open questions of contemporary historiography regarding the breakdown of Yugoslavia and its consequences, the issues connected to the post-Yugoslav wars still cause the most disputes. Even in the case of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, waged from 1992 to 1995, all of the important questions concerning its causes, character and consequences, are still considered open, whereby the dubious interpretative discourses are often constructed on the basis of an approach which is founded on the narrowing of the jointly observed historical phenomena. The attempts to construct and legitimize the corresponding particular interpretations of the character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina through a narrow and selective approach applied in the identifications of the warring sides and their mutual relations are not rare. In such situations the most reliable methodological approach in the framework of historical science is to return the focus from the level of interpretation to the historical sources, their analysis, determining the authenticity and relevance for the collection of issues in question. In this work we will dedicate our attention to the directives of the Main Headquarters and the High Command of the Army of Republic of Srpska issued during 1992-1995 in those parts in which these documents perform the identification and determination of the enemy.

Devedesete

Author(s): Srđan Veljović / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2017

Okosnicu ove izložbe čine fotografije vezane za kontekst vojske, razvrstane u dve grupe: prva iz 1987/8. godine – period JNA i potonja iz 1999. godine – rat protiv NATO. Prostor između ova dva vremena zauzimaju predstave situacija ispoljavanja društvenosti, subjektivnosti: slučaj kluba Industrija, iliti tehno potkultura u Srbiji, splav Lukas – turbofolk, ulična akcija Saše Markovića Mikroba Žudnja za životom, Vilhelm Rajh, nedeljna spontana okupljanja – narodna veselja na Kalemegdanu. Deo radova se odnosi na saradnju sa umetničkim kolektivima Ledart i Labin Art Express (LAE). Tu su i 9. mart 1991, zatim granični kamen između Albanije i SFRJ na Prokletijama (maj, 1991) u momentu kada je postojalo izvesno da država prestaje da postoji, preko mečkara u Knez Mihajlovoj ulici u Beogradu 1993. i sve do studentskih protesta iz decembra 1996. godine i uličnog izloga venčanica u centru Beograda. Grupa fotografija koja na prvi pogled značajno odstupa od ostalih ukazuje na ono što prethodi, ono što je izgubljeno. Ukazuje na mesto odakle smo uskočili u 90-e.