Promene u etničkom sastavu u Opštini Višegrad, 1991. i 1997.
Testimony report in the LUKIĆ and LUKIĆ case (IT-98-32/1)
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Testimony report in the LUKIĆ and LUKIĆ case (IT-98-32/1)
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How many times in my life have I heard “Why do you interfere?!”, or “Let it be, you can’t do anything about it!”. And, certainly, the most frequent phrase: “As if my voice would change anything”. I keep asking myself what is the matter here? Do people underestimate themselves and clearly say “I’m just a nobody”, or willingly sink into a collective molasses, saying: “That’s the way we are”. In my case, the problem with identification emerged for the first time in the first grade of elementary school, when records on nationality began to be kept. The ones asked before my turn answered: “Yugoslavian”, “Turkish”, “Serbian”, Hungarian”…I have a surname which corresponds to the nation quoted last, and to the fact that my grandfather speaks Hungarian fluently. Until then, I probably haven’ seen Hungary even in the pictures, and as I admitted knowing how to count up to ten in my grandfather’s language (I could also count in English, but that wasn’t a part of my dilemma), I declared myself as a citizen of Zrenjanin.
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Of all the misfortunes that happen to my people, but also to all the other peoples, without exception, I am most upset with those involving children. I don’t justify wars, which are begun by the adults, not by children who are completely innocent, but perish without even beginning to live. I think there is no punishment harsh enough to which I’d sentence such people. This is a true story about the destiny of some people, which made a strong impression on me and made me think.
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90’s are gone forever. We are 10 years older, poorer, and truly. That is the price of our stupidity and of our irresponsibility.” In the 90’s I was six years old. I did not know what the society was, what a political party was, what a President was. I was unaware of existence of those things, and of the fact that some people, other than my parents, influenced my life. But I knew that the following year I would start going to school
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Cilj ove studije je analiza uloge Operativne grupe Jug Oružanih snaga SFRJ (Gardijske motorizovane brigade i dodatne jedinice) tokom dejstava u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu u cilju zauzimanja Vukovara, i nakon tih operacija (od septembra do 24. novembra 1991). - Dva su bitna aspekta ove analize. Prvo, u izveštaju se istražuje struktura oružanih snaga SFRJ, doktrina komande i kontrole (nad oružanim snagama i unutar njih), disciplina i ostali važni aspekti. Drugo, u izveštaju se analizira na koji način je Operativna grupa Jug oružanih snaga SFRJ u jesen 1991. izvodila operacije u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu (i Vukovaru), uključujući odnose između Gardijske motorizovane brigade i drugih oružanih grupa koje su dejstvovale na vukovarskom području pre, za vreme i posle evakuacije vukovarske bolnice. - Da bi postigla svoj cilj na najefikasniji način, studija je podeljena na dve velike celine. Svaka ceklina se sastoji od više delova. Da bi se olakašalo čitanje, svaki deo počinje sažetim prikazom. Skraćenice su navedene i objašnjene posebno u Glosaru.
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The world order constitutes, it is true, the environment in which the Bosnian state, after it had been internationally recognized, was brought to its destruction, but this only where the aggressors achieved it, having been confronted to unexpected resistance from Bosnian forces from within. The analysis of this situation therefore also represents a definition and interpretation of its logic model on a global scale. The events in question bear witness to the intention to destroy Bosnia by all means, including the total annihilation of the Bosnian being, through extermination and genocide. Their consequences today can be summed up as follows: the Bosnians survived only where they defended themselves, and the state of Bosnia, for the sole reason that the aggressors failed to break down the relentless resistance and unexpected from those whose disappearance they had programmed. The effects of this destruction have brought to light the enigma posed by the character of the Bosnian struggle for survival. We would like to give to the whole of this resistance, both outside and inside, a content that would not be Bosnian, in order to reduce the idea of the protection of the Bosnian state to just one of its components, thus confirming the deformation and degradation of the Bosnian being himself. // PUBLISHED IN 2005 BY DURIEUX PUBLISHING HOUSE BASED IN ZAGREB
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Pred nama je Knjiga o ljubavi. Knjiga i svjedočanstvo o stradanju, još jedna u nizu istorijskih lekcija koja opominje, a takvih u našoj prošlosti stanuje već previše. Ibrahim Čikić kroz svoje tekstove provlači istorijske paralele, veže pojedinačne sudbine sa sudbinom Bošnjačkog naroda, afirmiše nacionalno, Bošnjačko, ali uz vapaj za poštovanjem ljudskih prava i sloboda i priznanje njihove univerzalnosti. Stradanje Bošnjaka Ibrahim Čikić smješta u nekoliko kontekstualnih pravaca. Prvi je brutalnost zločina izvršenog nad Bošnjacima-Muslimanima iz Crne Gore ili na prostoru Crne Gore. Od Šehovića do Štrbaca, Ibrahim Čikić prati krvavi voz pružajući otpor zaboravu. Ibrahim je glas mučenika koji traži neumorno pravdu, koji jasno slika svoje mučitelje u liku najviših crnogorskih zvaničnika od kojih su neki i danas na vlasti ili bliski strukturama vlasti. Drugi je odnos prema kulturnom, vjerskom i imovinskom naslijeđu Bošnjaka, nadograđen inicijativom da se spomen-obilježja o stradanju Bošnjaka postave na mjestima koja u jednom simbolišu sve zločine prema ovom narodu. On slika karakter nekoliko različitih vlasti i vladara i njihove metode zatiranja kulturnog, vjerskog i imovinskog nasljeđa Bošnjaka. Zato drži bitnim da se spomenici postave na mjesta koja imaju punu simboliku i koja pozivaju na kajanje. Treći je odnos prema karakteru države Crne Gore, gdje Ibrahim Čikić osnov za zaštitu i razvoj Bošnjaka-Muslimana vidi u regionalizaciji, što je velika tema o kojoj se mora ozbiljno i odgovorno voditi društveni dijalog. Postavlja se pitanje od sudbinske važnosti za Crnu Goru: da li ona kao građanska država daje potrebne odgovore i odražava interese naroda koji je čine? Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) podrškom i konceptom izdavaštva i ovaj put želi dati doprinos unaprijeđenju društvenog dijaloga, tako neophodnog za prevazilaženje razlika, unaprijeđenje demokratskih mehanizama i održivost zajednice. CGO svoju misiju afirmacije građanskog društva vidi kao potrebu da javnost uvijek bude prisutna, upoznata, da ima priliku dati svoj sud. Diskriminacija je i praviti se gluv i slijep pred temama koje opominju, pate, imaju svoj legitimitet. Diskriminacija je i stvarati društveni kontekst u kojem se ne može čuti druga strana. Pred ogledalo javnosti mora se staviti zajednica u cjelini, jer vjerujemo da se samo na taj način može i konstituisati istinsko građansko društvo.
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The significance of the celebration on November 25, 1969, is that the date of that year was officially recognized on the state holiday of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The marking of this important date from the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in the context of important political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in the Yugoslav state wich have been gradually taking place since the mid-60s, when they gave major political powers to the republic goverments. As this process has proceeded in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it can be analyzed as an example of marking the 26th anniversary of ZAVNOBiH. On this festive days in Sarajevo on November 29th, on the Day of the Republic, Josip Broz Tito attended the premiere of the film Battle of Neretva in the newly opened modern center of Skenderija. A day after, at the solemn session of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he was awarded the first honorary member of these most scientific institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, this was the time of strog sensivity of the Yugoslav public towards Bosnia and Herzegovina after the devastating earthquake in Banja Luka and Bosanska krajina, which occured only a month earlier (October 27, 1969). The postponed population Tito visited the day later and promised them the assistance of the entire Yugoslav community. The significance of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the constitution of the Yugoslav state Tito also emphasized on November 29 for the premiere of the film with a well-known theme from the Second World War and a reminder of the heroic battles that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s territory. Otherwise, the association with the events of the National Liberation War was an integral part of all introductory speeches on the occasion of marking socialist holidays. The joint celebration on 25 and 29 November 1969 in Sarajevo was also the last with great hopes and expections in the coming 70s.
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1.1. Methodological Preliminary Remarks 1.2. Settlement history 1.3. The role of the state and the church 1.4. The Ethnic Map of the Middle Ages 1.5. The impact of the Ottoman conquests 1.6. The consequences of modernization
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4.1. From Slavic Tribal Societies to Feudal Rule 4.2. Bosnia as part of the Ottoman Empire 4.3. The Austro-Turkish Wars and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire 4.4. The end of Ottoman rule and the occupation by Austria-Hungary 4.5. epilogue
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6.1. Middle Ages 6.2. Turkish rule 6.3. Uprising against the Turks 6.4. Serbian autonomy in the Ottoman Empire 6.5. The Kingdom and the Struggle for Modernization 6.6. Until the end of the First World War
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7.1. Middle Ages 7.2. Ottoman period 7.3. Self-government and bishopric 7.4. Secular domination and expansion 7.5. From the Balkan Wars to the Loss of Independence
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9.1. Middle Ages 9.2. Under Ottoman rule 9.3. In the twentieth century 9.4. State Independence
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10.1. Prehistory and founding of the state 10.2. The »Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes« 10.3. The royal dictatorship 10.4. The downfall
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16.1. Dynamic diversity 16.2. The dialects 16.3. The minority languages 16.4. Linguistic-historical processes
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28.1. The difficult path to change of power 28.2. Tuđman and the HDZ 28.3. The opposition and the alternatives
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31.1. Security policy situation and military potential 31.2. Political-military relations 31.3. The effects of the NATO mission 31.4. Conclusions: Security Prospects
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