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‘We Were Refugees Ourselves!’ Discursive Framing of the ‘Refugee Crisis’ in Croatia and Collective Memories of the 1990s War

Author(s): Tamara Banjeglav / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2022

This paper focuses on the discursive framing of the ‘refugee crisis’ in Croatian online media in order to examine the extent to which discourses about refugees crossing borders in 2015/2016 were informed by Croatia’s recent history and collective memory of the 1990s war. The paper is particularly interested in the local population’s perception of and reactions to the arrival of refugees. The analysis shows that the so-called refugee crisis, which dominated the European and world media in 2015/2016, triggered memories and narratives of the Croatian population’s own experience of displacement and forced migration, due to its own - not so distant - experiences of war. These local discourses defy the usual pro- and anti-refugee discourses that were present in other societies in Europe where refugees were arriving, due to a different historical memory and experience.

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“Genocide”, “Hate-Speech”, and “Peace as War”: From the Dayton peace implementation to a July 11, 2018 Srebrenica-related tweet

Author(s): Dražen Pehar / Language(s): English / Issue: 18/2019

This essay deals with all key responses to the tweet about the Srebrenica “genocide” Rajko Vasić published on 11 July 2018, interpreting those as a mini-model to elucidate the entire period of the Dayton peace implementation. The essay demonstrates that the international community, including primarily the US and the UK, relates to the peace implementation as a process of continuing war in Bosnia-Herzegovina by other means. “Hate speech” perspective and ICTY Genocide indictments/ verdicts are explained here as an auxiliary tool to achieve the very same purpose. Most importantly, it is argued here, and supported through a number of examples, that the issue of meaning as attributed to one’s political interlocutor, or a treaty or legislation, is preponderant in politics. Lastly, the author presents details from the UN Security Council July 8, 2015 session to illustrate the key conclusions of his analysis.

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„Kristalna noć” u Zadru. Činjenice i mit

Author(s): Darjan Godić / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 1/2022

On 2 May 1991, Serbian property in Zadar and its surrounding area came under attack. The attacks took place after months of tensions between Croats and Serbs, and later became known as the ‘Night of Broken Glass’. These tensions were the direct consequence of the Serbian armed rebellion that erupted in northern Dalmatia, Lika, and the hinterland of Zadar in August 1991. The public security system that met the rebellion was created in January 1990, when the Secretariat of the Interior for the area of the Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac, Pag, and Zadar municipalities was established in Zadar. In this area, Croats were an absolute majority in the Biograd na Moru and Zadar municipalities, and the Serbs in the Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities. The rebellion prompted divisions not only among the population, but also among the police. By January 1991, most policemen of Serbian nationality had left the Zadar police force and joined the rebels. Despite being weakened in terms of manpower, the Zadar police for the most part managed to successfully preserve public safety. The security situation worsened after a skirmish between Croatian police and rebel Serbs at the Plitvice Lakes on 31 March 1991. A significant increase in shootings, setting of bombs, road blockades, and other forms of criminal activity, mostly nationally motivated, was recorded. In addition to the rebel Serbs, the instability was caused by the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA), which deployed its forces in Zadar’s hinterland in early April 1991, causing alarm among the Croatian population. This deployment was part of a broader plan through which the YPA sought to set up a ‘buffer zone’ in order to close off the areas held by rebel Serbs and prevent the Croatian police from interfering. On 2 May 1991, the security situation throughout Croatia, and therefore in the area under the jurisdiction of the Zadar police, collapsed. Serb rebels killed 12 Croatian policemen in Borovo Selo near Vukovar, and severely wounded Zadar policeman Franko Lisica in Polača near Biograd na Moru; he soon died of his wounds. Despite the Croatian authorities’ calls for peace, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout Croatia, and Serbian property and companies were attacked. Furthermore, there were incidents involving the YPA. The mood of the Croatian population in Zadar after the murder of the policeman Lisica was similar to that in other parts of Croatia. Despite the municipal authorities’ calls for peace and their organising of a peaceful protest march, various uncoordinated groups demolished and plundered Serbian property on 2 May. The Zadar police failed to stop them because most of the policemen were engaged in the area affected by the Serb rebellion, while others were busy protecting the residential buildings in Zadar in which members of the YPA and their families resided. Soon, due to a feeling of insecurity, a mass exodus of Serbs from Zadar took place; these Serbs took refuge in the areas occupied by the rebels. Apart from the Zadar Serbs, Croats in the areas held by Serb rebels also began to leave their homes in early May 1991. On 1 May 1991, rebel Serbs drove many Croats from the areas around Knin. On the night of 6 to 7 May, as an act of revenge for the events in Zadar, the property of Croats, Albanians, and Croatian companies was attacked and plundered. Different sources give different data regarding the extent of the damage caused to Serbian property. Criminal charges raised by the Croatian police against unknown perpetrators on 2 May 1991 mention that 175 catering establishments, commercial premises, stands, kiosks, and automobiles were damaged. Apart from the property of Serbs, property belonging to Croats, Muslims, Roma, and Croatian companies was also damaged. There are numerous prejudices and controversies regarding the ‘Night of Broken Glass’, which mostly ignore the then security-political context. Certainly, there were those among the Croats who did not consider the attacks on Serbian property and their exodus from Zadar as anything controversial, but available sources clearly point towards the conclusion that the destruction of Serbian property was not organised and was not a part of the policy of the Croatian leadership.

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„Wszystko zaczyna się od słów […]”. Filip David i Mirko Kovač: listy o wojnie w byłej Jugosławii

Author(s): Grażyna Maroszczuk / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 6/2020

In the essay the author analyses the problematics of genocide based on correspondence between Filip David and Mirko Kovač Kiedy kwitnie zło. Książka listow 1992–1995 (When evil flourishes. A book of letters 1992–1995) to later juxtapose it with studies on Shoah. She ponders the generational perspective of people whose lives were tarnished by the Nazi-Germany occupation (Filip David – born 1940, Mirko Kovač – born 1938). The article most of all aims at reconstructing the stances of the two authors of letters and showing genocide as a realm of incessant discussion, vague affects, unsystematized knowledge. The author undertakes an attempt to reconstruct only some of the topics and contexts accompanying the issues discussed in David’s and Kovač’s letters, particularly: the soul-searing descriptions of the Bosnian War of 1992–1995. She shows that the language facet of violence proves to be a challenge to reflecting on literature in the correspondence between the two intellectuals. When faced with the disintegration of hitherto social order in the former Yugoslavia, the nationalist discourse, as social studies and research on genocide suggest, prepares the ground for activation of violent behaviours, justifies them, and plays a key role in fomenting the genocidal repression. As a result of the said processes, the authorities create and reinforce nations’ cultural self-images, tighten the control over ethnic purity of collective identity, instigate conflicts between neighbours based on “the blood and soil myth,” cherry-pick the xenophobic discourse of the past, and force through with ethnical interpretations of culture.

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Приказ: Руси и Други светски рат у Југославији: утицај СССР-а и руске емиграције на догађаје у Југославији 1941–1945

Author(s): Milan Terzić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2011

Prikaz/The review of: Алексеј Тимофејев, Руси и Други светски рат у Југославији: утицај СССР-а и руске емиграције на догађаје у Југославији 1941–1945, ИНИС Београд, 2011, 460. стр.

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Приказ: Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године

Author(s): Rade Ristanović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2014

Prikaz/The review of: Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године, Институт за новију историју Србије, Музеј жртава геноцида, Институт за славистику руске академије наука, Београд, 2014, стр. 631

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Приказ: Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године

Author(s): Srđan Mićić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2015

Prikaz/The review of: ур. др Драган Алексић, Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године, Институт за новију историју Србије, Музеј жртава геноцида, Институт славяноведения Российской Академии Наук, Београд 2014, 631 стр.

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ПРИКЛЗИ

Author(s): Milan Koljanin,Dragomir Bondžić,Danilo Egelja,Aleksandar Marinković,Ljubomir Petrović,Ivana Dobrivojević Tomić,Bojan B. Dimitrijević,Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2002

Review of: 1. Iris Chang, THE RAPE OF NANKING. THE FORGOTTEN HOLOCAUST OF WORLD WAR II, Basic Books, New York 1997, 290. Review by: Milan Koljanin 2. Мишел Фуше, ЕВРОПСКА РЕПУВЛИКА , ИЗМЕЂУ ИСТОРИЈА И ГЕОГРАФИЈА, ЕСЕЈ, Стубови културе, Веоград 2000, 172. Review by: Dragomir Bondžić 3. Norman Davies, THE ISLES - A HISTORY, Papermac 2000, VII-XLI, 1078. Review by: Danilo Egelja 4. Небојша Joвaнoвиh, ЛЕКСИКОН ЛИЧНОСТИ У УЏБЕНИЦИМА ИСТОРИJE, Нови Сад 2001, 449. Review by: Aleksandar Marinković 5. Петер Вартл, АЛВАНЦИ ОД СРЕДЊЕГ BEKA ДО ДАНАС, Клио, Веоград 2001, 321. Review by: Ljubomir Petrović 6. E. Горди, КУЛТУРА ВЛАСТИ У СРВИЈИ, B 92, Веоград 2001, 236. Review by: Ivana Dobrivojević 7. Никола Анић, HJEMAЧKA ВОЈСКА У ХРВАТСКОЈ 1941-1945, Хрватски институт за повијест, Дом и Свијет, Загреб 2002, 256. Review by: Bojan Dimitrijević 8. Давид С. Паинтер, ХЛАДНИ РАТ - ПОВИЈЕСТ МЕЂУНАРОДНИХ ОДНОСА, Средња Еуропа, Загреб 2002. стр. 182 Review by: Bojan Dimitrijević 9. Збигњев Вжежински, ВЕЛИКА ШАХОВСКА TABLA, ЦИД, Подгорица, 2001, стр .210 Review by: Ivana Dobrivojević 10. Филип Лонгворт, СТВАРА Њ Е ИСТОЧHE ЕВРОПЕ: ОД ПРЕИСТОРИЈЕ ДО ПОСТКОМУНИЗМА , Clio, Веоград 2002, стр .471 Review by: Natasa Milićević 11. Питер Берк, ИСТОРИЈА И ДРУШТВЕHA TEOPIJA , Еквилибријум, Веоград 2002, стр .202 Review by: Ljubomir Petrović

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РАТ И ПИТАЊЕ НАСЛЕЂА СРПСКОГ НАРОДНОГ ЖЕНСКОГ САВЕЗА НА ОСНИВАЧКОМ КОНГРЕСУ НАРОДНОГ ЖЕНСКОГ САВЕЗА СХС 1919. ГОДИНЕ

Author(s): Ana Stolić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 69/2020

The paper examines the influence of heritage of the Serbian National Women’s Union on the establishment of the National Women’s Union of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1919, its objectives, structure, humanitarian and emancipatory capacity and the process of shaping the gender-based ideology of Yugoslavism. Just after the First World War, this organisation gathered the civic part of the female movement in the new state. War experiences and contributions of women from Serbia significantly differed from the background experiences of women from other parts of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The analysis of the strategy and policies advocated by the leading representatives of the Serbian Union at the Founding Congress in Belgrade in 1919 suggests that they relied on multiple legitimacies of the state – victors in the war, sacrifices and suffering of the people, great contributions of women from Serbia to the war victory, and the long tradition of pre-war female joint humanitarian and emancipatory efforts in the Kingdom of Serbia.

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Ратови сјећањем у бившој Југославији

Author(s): Đorđe Vuković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 18/2019

The culture of remembrance that dominates national communities and states that emerged after the civil war and disintegration of the former Yugoslavia is an area of daily conflict, and different and mutually exclusive interpretations of events from the past testify that Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and other ethnic groups that share a common history remember and interpret it in completely different ways. Selective recollection, relativisation and fabrication of the past, reversal and forgetting, and falsification of facts about individual and group roles in contemporary history result in political conflicts in the present and could potentially lead to future misunderstandings and conflicts, making the Balkans even more unstable and without any perspective

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РЕЦЕПЦИЈА И РЕПРЕЗЕНТАЦИЈА ХОЛОКАУСТА У ИСТОЧНОМ БЕРЛИНУ И БЕОГРАДУ НАКОН ДРУГОГ СВЕТСКОГ РАТА

Author(s): Milena R. Nešić Pavković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 75/2021

The goal of this paper is to investigate the memory of the Holocaust, i.e. the reception and representation of the suffering of the Jewish population during the rule of the Third Reich (under Nazi rule and occupation) in the capitals of the states constituted after the Second World War - in East Berlin, GDR, and Belgrade, SFRY, during the period from 1945 to 1989/1991. Relying on the achievements of memory studies and analyzing the political moods of that time and the ways of constructing official narratives about Jewish suffering in selected post-war Communist countries, the similarities and differences in the policy of representing Jewish suffering in these two countries and the memory of Jewish victims in places of remembrance and in the practices of remembrance in their capitals will be pointed out.

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СРПСКИ ДОБРОВОЉЦИ И СОЛУНСКИ ФРОНТ

Author(s): Milan Gulić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 69/2020

When in late 1915 and early 1916 the Serbian kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro were occupied, the remaining Serbian army was in the territory of Greece. With the Allies’ help, the army recovered, was equipped and re-organised, and transferred to the Salonika Front in the first half of 1916. As the state territory was occupied, volunteers became the only source for replenishing the army. Those who withdrew through Albania together with the Serbian army were joined by thousands of new soldiers, arriving from the Eastern Front, North America and, in smaller numbers, from other parts of the world. In this paper, we follow three military formations of the Serbian army entirely or significantly consisting of volunteers, both Serbian nationals, who were not conscripts for different reasons, and foreign nationals, mainly of Serbian ethnicity, who put themselves at the service of Serbia. The paper is based on published and unpublished documents, professional literature and memoirs.

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СТВАРНИ ГУБИЦИ ЦИВИЛНОГ СТАНОВНИШТВА У БОСНИ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНИ ПРЕМА ПОПИСУ „ЖРТВЕ РАТА 1941-1945” - АНАЛИЗА СТАЊА ДЕЛИМИЧНО ИЗВРШЕНЕ РЕВИЗИЈЕ

Author(s): Dragan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2002

The work attempts to show civil losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the partially revised census „Victims of War 1941-1945”. While counting for 15.7% of the entire Yugoslav population, the losses of Bosnia and Herzegovina represented 32.3% of the total number of war victims, with the civil population accounting for 81.4% of the victims. The Serbs, representing 44% of the population, whose total number objectively decreased during the war, formed 71.9% of the civilian victims. The fact that 81.9% were victims of the Ustashi and that 70.4% lost their lives during the first two years of war clearly indicates the intention to eradicate Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Despite the fact that Muslims accounted for 31 % of the population, they represented 15.6% of the victims, which places them second according to the number of victims. Exposed to various forms of oppression from the very formation of the Independent State of Croatia, the Jewish community was practically annihilated during the first two years of war. As a result, a community accounting for 0.4% of the population represented 6.8% of the total number of victims, more than 93.8% of which were killed by the Ustashi. Of the three majority nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Croats suffered the least losses, accounting for 3.6% of the victims while representing 22% of the entire population.

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УЛОГА МЕДИЈА И КОНСТРУИСАЊЕ НЕГАТИВНЕ СЛИКЕ СРБИЈЕ У НЕМАЧКОМ МАГАЗИНУ „ШПИГЕЛ“ ТОКОМ НАТО БОМБАРДОВАЊА

Author(s): Anđela T. Vujošević / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 75/2021

In der Arbeit wird die Berichterstattung der deutschen Zeitschrift Spiegel während der NATO-Bombenangriffe auf die Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien im Jahr 1999 nach den Methoden der Diskursanalyse und der Theorien des kollektiven Gedächtnisses analysiert. Die Arbeit soll erklären, was unter dem Begriff kollektives Gedächtnis aus linguistischer Sicht zu verstehen ist, wofür Medientexte geeignet sind und inwieweit sie das kollektive Gedächtnis bestimmter Ereignisse aus der Vergan- genheit prägen, wie Wissen und negative Bilder vergangener Ereignisse durch die Medien konstruiert werden, sowie die Art und Weise, wie ein negatives Bild Serbiens in deutschen Zeitungsberichten des Nachrichtenmagazins DER SPIEGEL im Jahr 1999 konstruiert wurde. Die Hypothese der Arbeit lautet, dass das negative Bild Serbiens in der Berichterstattung des ausgewählten Magazins während des NATO-Bombenangriffs auf der Semantik des Lexems oder der sprachlichen Konstruktionen basiert, die im Diskurs auf Deutsch verwendet wurden.

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УНУТАРГРУПНЕ ПОДЕЛЕ МЕЂУ СРБИМА НА ПОДРУЧЈУ ГРАДА ИСТОЧНОГ САРАЈЕВА НАКОН ГРАЂАНСКОГ РАТА У БОСНИ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНИ 19921995. ГОДИНЕ

Author(s): Bogdan Dražeta / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2019

This paper will strive to present and perceive some of the current political, institutional, regional and other intragroup divisions between the Serbs and the Serb community in the area of the City of East Sarajevo, after the Civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992–1995. The foundation and development of Serbian Sarajevo, ie. East Sarajevo during and after the conflict, is examined along with the general geographical, economic, cultural and political context of that city. Data on the intragroup divisions of Serbs in this part of the Republic of Srpska (also called Serb Republic) and Bosnia and Herzegovina, was obtained on the basis of the fieldwork research conducted between the second half of October and the end of December 2017, as well as from mid-March to mid-May 2018. Narratives about the politics were collected through six formal and over fifty informal interviews with respondents on the current political situation and previous political developments, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina on the wider scale, as well as in East Sarajevo, on a narrower scale. Different views of the political processes and phenomena, in relation to the mainstream, have led to a gap between what has become known in the public as „the eastern and the western part of the Republic of Srpska“. The inhabitants of East Sarajevo with whom I lived, talked and participated in their everyday life, consider their region as being neglected politically, economically, and culturally. Separation among the Serbian community is not just caused by political but also institutional divisions, intertwined with each other, while regional divisions are built on the basis of cultural stereotypes about people from a particular area.

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Хагският трибунал – дипломатическо задкулисие и политическо правосъдие “ad hoc”

Author(s): Angelina Markovska / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2019

The Hague tribunal is anything but a model for the enforcement of liberal rules. Its emergence is a classic example of diplomatic impotence and clever use of a “legal ideal” to push a particular political and legal agenda.

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Шта су скривиле?

Author(s): Danilo Zec / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2021

Review of: Borković, Nikola. (2019). Šta su skrivile? Stradanje beba u Kliničko-bolničkom centru Banja Luka, u maju i junu 1992. Banja Luka: Centar za istraživanje rata ratnih zločina i traženje nestalih lica. str. 344

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