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The Serb Flight from Sarajevo: Dayton's First Failure
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The Serb Flight from Sarajevo: Dayton's First Failure

Author(s): Louis D. Sell / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2000

On 20 March 1996, exactly 90 days after the Dayton Agreement took effect, Bosnia's interior minister planted his country's delicate white and blue lily flag atop a ruined tower overlooking Sarajevo. The event marked the transfer to Bosnian control of Grbavica, the last of six Sarajevo districts seized by the Serbs at the beginning of the war. From Grbavica, literally only a stone's throw across the narrow Mlijecka River from Sarajevo's center, Serb gunmen had turned the city's main streets into "snipers' alley," while from the hills above Grbavica, Serb artillerists had had a clear field of fire on the city spread helplessly below. Now, jubilant Sarajevans surged through Grbavica's shattered streets, some heading for apartments from which they had been expelled at the beginning of the war almost four years ago, and others simply reveling in their ability to walk freely through what had been until recently a zone of death. For Sarajevo, reclaiming Grbavica meant that the long nightmare of siege was finally and truly over. [...]

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Beyond Journalism
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Beyond Journalism

Author(s): Nick Miller / Language(s): English Issue: 03/1999

The review of: 1) Tim Judah. The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997). 350 pp. 2) Chuck Sudetic. Blood and Vengeance: One Family's Stary of the War in Bosnia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998). 393 pp.

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War, Memory, and Education in a Fragmented Society: The Case of Yugoslavia
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War, Memory, and Education in a Fragmented Society: The Case of Yugoslavia

Author(s): Wolfgang Hoepken / Language(s): English Issue: 01/1999

Wars everywhere have always played a major role in historical memory. "Even the oldest myths and traditions deal with fighting and killing," the German novelist Hans-Magnus Enzenberger said recently, recalling this simple but no less basic historical fact. While collective memory in premodern societies was largely based on wartime experiences, the advent of nationalism in the late eighteenth century increased the importance, the political role, and the cultural significance of war memories in societies everywhere, not only in the Balkans. War memorials, celebrations, cemeteries, and other symbolic, expressions of memory were not only "sites of mourning," but, more important, they became the means of fostering a collective national identity; education, textbooks, and public discourse all combined to remind people of the duty of sacrificing for one's own nation by recalling former wars. [...]

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Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Crisis of the Post-Cold War International System
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Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Crisis of the Post-Cold War International System

Author(s): Mujeeb R. Khan / Language(s): English Issue: 03/1995

The war in the former Yugoslav republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina has lasted nearly three years and ranks as the bloodiest conflict in Europe since the Second World War. The fighting has threatened not only the stability of the Balkans but also has undermined NATO and the UN and exposed the failure of the European Union's attempts to fashion a coherent and common security and foreign policy. The war has also significantly, and often adversely, involved the interests of the United States, Britain, France, the Russian Federation, and a number of lslamic countries. Finally, while many were expecting the spread of peace and prosperity to follow the end of the cold war, the world has witnessed instead the resurrection of an evil in Europe, which many assumed had been exorcised by the defeat of Nazi Germany. The conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina has involved the deliberate and systematic use of genocide, with its familiar death squads, sealed cattle cars, and concentration camps, against one of Europe's last remaining populations of indigenous Muslims. [...]

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The Yugoslav Crisis and the West: Avoiding “Vietnam" and Blundering into “Abyssinia"
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The Yugoslav Crisis and the West: Avoiding “Vietnam" and Blundering into “Abyssinia"

Author(s): Sabrina Petra Ramet / Language(s): English Issue: 01/1994

East Europeans have repeatedly looked to the West with expectations that proved to be unrealistic. In 1848, for example, the revolutionary government of the secessionist Republic of Hungary hoped to secure diplomatic recognition from the Western powers, beginning with England, but was immediately rebuffed by Whitehall. Fifteen years later, Polish insurgents in the so-called Congress Kingdom of the Russian Empire were buoyed up by hopes that the signatories of the Vienna treaty of 1815 would intervene on their behalf. Instead, France, Britain, and Austria registered some protests in March and April, backed off in embarrassment, and finally produced a six-point denarche in June 1863 which largely disappointed the Poles. After London and Vienna blocked a French effort to convene an international conference to discuss the Polish situation, the Powers essentially left Russia alone to deal with the Poles as it saw fit. [...]

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The Demise of Yugoslavia. Introduction

The Demise of Yugoslavia. Introduction

Author(s): Ivo Banac / Language(s): English Issue: 03/1992

On June 13, 1992, with the help of the Joint Committee on Eastern Europe of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council, this journal sponsored a small conference on "The Demise of Yugoslavia." The editor's intention was not to provide any grand synthesis on the causes, course, and consequences of Yugoslavia's sanguinary end, which would in any case be premature, but rather to hear some preliminary views on these matters by a group by distinguished scholars and commentators. We were guided by the need to hear responsible voices of various provenances. Indeed, the intellectual rubbish wrought by the Yugoslav conflict, often from the cabinets of people with scholarly pretensions, simply defies comprehension and constitutes a separate chapter in the conflict's history. [...]

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U.S. Policy Toward the Demise of Yugoslavia: The “Virus of Nationalism"
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U.S. Policy Toward the Demise of Yugoslavia: The “Virus of Nationalism"

Author(s): Paula Franklin Lytle / Language(s): English Issue: 03/1992

The demise of Yugoslavia has occasioned much handwringing and no small amount of confusion among U.S. policymakers. Declarations of independence first by Slovenia and Croatia and then by Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia were disregarded, and the war itself was marginalized. Until May 1992 the concern for "stability" manifested itself chiefly in admonitions and the subsuming of the war under the category of "ethnic conflicts." The reluctance to identify Milosevic's aggression as the proximate cause, the omission of any assessment of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), and the balancing of Serb and Croat nationalism in an equation of hate followed from this posture. [...]

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The Bosnian Genocide and the Srebrenica massacre

The Bosnian Genocide and the Srebrenica massacre

Author(s): Marko Attila Hoare / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This paper aims to place the Srebrenica massacre in its broader context, both in terms of its place in the Bosnian war, and theoretically. The Srebrenica massacre is the only war crime of the Bosnian war that has, in legal terms, been solidly confirmed to have constituted genocide. In the ICTY, 2001 convicted Radislav Krstic of complicity in genocide for his role in the Srebrenica massacre, thereby establishing the fact of the Srebrenica genocide. The ICJ, in its ruling of 2007 in Bosnia vs Serbia, explicitly stated that the Srebrenica massacre was an act of genocide. However, the ICJ in the same ruling stated that other massacres of the Bosnian war, in particular those of 1992 when Bosnian Serb military forces were formally under Belgrade’s command, were not genocide. The ICTY has so far failed to convict any suspect of genocide except in relation to the Srebrenica massacre. Consequently, the Srebrenica massacre has assumed the status of a crime apart in the Bosnian war.

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Коста Николић, Југославија, последњи дани (1989–1992), књига 1: Сви Срби у једној држави

Коста Николић, Југославија, последњи дани (1989–1992), књига 1: Сви Срби у једној држави

Author(s): Marko B. Miletić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2020

Kosta Nikolic, Yugoslavia, last days (1989–1992), book 1: All Serbs in one states, Belgrade, Službeni glasnik, 2018, 530 pages.

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Crveno vs. crno – Utjecaj politike na život stanovnika lovinačkog kraja kroz prizmu kolektivnog sjećanja

Crveno vs. crno – Utjecaj politike na život stanovnika lovinačkog kraja kroz prizmu kolektivnog sjećanja

Author(s): Mihovil Gotal / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2010

Presented in this paper are ethnological materials on the collective memory amongst the residents of the Lovinac region towards conflict and division in the period of WWII and their consequences in the periods of the Social Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Croatia. Collected from the personal narratives of interviewees the structure emphasises the vision and interpretation of past events by the local population and especially their political opinions and thoughts which are very strongly linked to memory. The transfer of these memories is initially explained through analyses of family, local, ethnic/national and religious Catholic mnemonic communities with which our interviewees belong to or with which they identify and so take their dominant narration of the past. Besides this, also observed here are the memories and influences in shaping the political identity of the local community especially through mentioning memories of deceased members of the community. It also observes the way in which this collective memory is reflected in the contemporary political context of the Republic of Croatia from its establishment in the 1990s. The accent is particularly emphasised on changes in the official political narratives of the past, which from 1990 changed and which enabled the political mobilisation of voters within the examined community. Political mobilisation alone with reference to party affiliation in a new political context becomes a part of the political identity in a way that is tightly connected to earlier established, collective memories.

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Human Rights in the Remnants of a Conflict: Has the Legacy of Dayton Impaired Minority Inclusion in Bosnia-Herzegovina?

Human Rights in the Remnants of a Conflict: Has the Legacy of Dayton Impaired Minority Inclusion in Bosnia-Herzegovina?

Author(s): Adriana Michilli / Language(s): English Issue: 22/2019

More than two decades following the end of civil conflict made possible via Dayton Peace Accords (DPA) instated in 1995, Bosnia-Herzegovina still utilizes this international legal instrument as the sovereign’s official constitution. This paper addresses the impact that the international community’s failure to implement the appropriate locally considerate solutions needed to sustain peacebuilding has left behind. To this end, the paper highlights the quotidian ways in which the socio-cultural landscape of the Bosnian Federation and Republika Srpska remain stratified along ethno-religious divisions. Directing its’ attention on the practical aspects where minorities face discrimination and remain excluded from social spheres the paper calls for a necessary advancement on the human rights protection of safeguarding minority members in both of the country’s de-facto territories. In closing, it argues that society’s schism from the residual consequences of the DPA can be achieved through the practices of change-drivers taking advantage of their training and capacity-building skills in the forms of: inter-ethnic dialogue, inter-cultural reconciliation and inter-religious peace. Constructing competences which demonstrate respect for human rights, encourage co-existence and the equal integration of minority members in society also bear the potential to strengthen the currently fragile relations with the out-group community, reducing a society’s propensity for conflict regression.

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DEJTONSKI MIROVNI SPORAZUM I POLITIČKE REFORME U TRANZICIJI BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKOG DRUŠTVA

DEJTONSKI MIROVNI SPORAZUM I POLITIČKE REFORME U TRANZICIJI BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKOG DRUŠTVA

Author(s): Hoda Dedić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2021

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in December 1995, the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina has undergone specific processes of social and political development. In the period of post-Dayton political development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, important reforms were carried out which enabled not only the consolidation of peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the past 25 years, but also the building of institutions of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this process, the role of the international community and the European Union, expressed through the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU Special Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, appears as a special form of international intervention within the geopolitical framework for building and consolidating peace under the Dayton Peace Agreement. In the first years of the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, important elements of Bosnian statehood were established by decisions and laws imposed by the High Representatives for Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Bonn powers. Bosnia and Herzegovina has been given national symbols: a flag, a single currency, as well as common license plates. The constitutions of the entities are harmonized with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established. Defense and intelligence reforms have been implemented in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The competencies of state-level institutions have been expanded and the number of ministries in the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina has increased. Comprehensive reforms have also been implemented in the process of meeting the criteria for BiH's full membership in the European Union. The process of European integration, through broad political, economic and reforms in the field of justice and the rule of law has in itself generated positive social changes. In the further integration process, Bosnia and Herzegovina will implement 14 priorities from the Opinion of the European Commission. Due to the complexity of building a political consensus on important issues that determine the stable political development and European future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the political and technical assistance of the EU Special Representative is necessary in order for Bosnia and Herzegovina to receive a recommendation to open accession negotiations by the end of 2021.

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Bosna i Hercegovina 1990.-2020.: Rat, država i demokracija

Bosna i Hercegovina 1990.-2020.: Rat, država i demokracija

Author(s): Višeslav Raos / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 18/2021

Review of: „Bosna i Hercegovina 1990.-2020.: Rat, država i demokracija“ by Mirjana Kasapović, Školska knjiga, Zagreb, 2020. Review by: Višeslav Raos

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Antifašistička tradicija kao čuvar političkog jedinstva naroda u BiH

Antifašistička tradicija kao čuvar političkog jedinstva naroda u BiH

Author(s): Senadin Musabegović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2021

This paper presents the key moments in the develpment of socialist Yugoslavia, including its disingegration, that is post-socialist transition or the period when the etno-nationalist elites took over ruling power and broke apart not only Yugoslavia but socialist system that created it. The politics of socialist Yugoslavia itself oscilated between: authoritative one-party politics and democratic tendencies expressed through self-management politics; state unitarism and national separatism; priciples of equality and liberty; international socialist cosmopolitanism and antiimperial national self-determination; bolshevik exlusiveness and restrictivity and socialdemocratic openess; politics of the West and the East... It was depending on historical context that one tendency was dominant over the other. But in any case, the politics of socialist Yugoslavia was directed towards finding its own path of development of the state and socialist society, which—regardless of its internal controversies— managed to create a new political community at the same time maintain the exhisting one. In the context of development of DFJ (Democratic Federal Yugoslavia), but also FNRJ (Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia), and then SFRJ (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), Bosnia and Herzegovina had a very important role. Bosnia and Herzegovina was constituted through the decisions of ZAVNOBiH (the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) presented on its founding meeting on November 25, 1943 in Mrkonjić Grad and recognized as one of the Republics within State Federation of Yugoslavia that same year on the Second Session of AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council for the People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia) which took place on November 29 in Jajce. The author focuses on the significance of anti-fascism, which recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina and was based on the notion that this republic acts as a bridge that connects South Slavic community in political and symbolic sense.

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The political engagement of women in post-conflict Kosovo

The political engagement of women in post-conflict Kosovo

Author(s): Paulina Szelag / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2021

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito’s presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.

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In Search of Ways to the Balkans

In Search of Ways to the Balkans

Author(s): Natalia Ishchenko / Language(s): English Issue: 01 (15)/2019

The article gives an overview of relations between Ukraine and countries of the Balkan region from the early 1990s to present day with a focus on the former Yugoslav republics. The level of intensity and substance of Ukraine-Balkans (ex-Yugoslavia) relationship varied during this period. Ukraine’s activity in the region reached its peak with direct military-political support provided to Macedonia during the Macedonian-Albanian armed conflict in 2001. Since then, the Balkans has never been a priority for Ukrainian authorities. However, the Balkans, especially the countries of ex-Yugoslavia, is an important region for Ukraine as a source of experience in ending armed conflicts and successful Euro- and Euro-Atlantic integration.

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Post-Conflict Reconstruction in the Balkans. Lessons To Be Learnt for Ukraine

Post-Conflict Reconstruction in the Balkans. Lessons To Be Learnt for Ukraine

Author(s): Miruna Troncota / Language(s): English Issue: 03 (9)/2017

In the 2000s, Russia tried in the ex-Soviet space to replicate the same arguments (and tactics) of relativising international law that the West/ NATO used in order to justify their own intervention in the ex-Yugoslav space back in the 1990s. This strategy of so-called ‘mimicry’ manifests by changing the meanings of international norms based on one’s own preferences, but does not accept other powers to behave in the same way. This strategy of legitimisation, which lies behind recognising the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia (2008) or the annexation of Crimea (2014), mixes real elements with fake ones, and ends in distorting reality. To illustrate the political consequences of such practices, we can take a look at Russia’s strategy of invoking the Western ‘precedent’ in Kosovo in order to legitimate the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. The paper aims to argue that when analysing Russia’s actions in Crimea in 2014, there is a need for a thorough analysis of the main legitimacy claims used to justify external intervention to outline potential lessons that could be learnt by Ukraine from the experiences of the Balkans.

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Crisis Management in Ukraine or Why Is There Really No Need for Another Dayton

Crisis Management in Ukraine or Why Is There Really No Need for Another Dayton

Author(s): Olena Bordilovska / Language(s): English Issue: 01 (1)/2015

The Ukrainian crisis was unpredictable for many politicians and experts from its very beginning, and it continues to be a complicated issue for analysis and solution management. Eminent politicians and experts are trying their best to come up with various scenarios, including examples of peaceful accords and arrangements such as Finlandization or Bosnization. In this article, the author compares the situation in Ukraine and in Bosnia after 1995, including the Dayton Peace Agreement’s impact on its further development, and what lessons Ukraine can learn from this process and its results.

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Genocid nad Bošnjacima i demografske promjene na području Višegrada 1991-2013

Genocid nad Bošnjacima i demografske promjene na području Višegrada 1991-2013

Author(s): Muamer Džananović,Ermin Kuka / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 7/2022

Commission of individual and mass crimes against values protected by international law, including the crime of genocide, was also directed towards changes in ethnic and demographic structures of population. All these are the features of fascistic, great state ideologies and policies. The most severe and most brutal forms of the implementation of the great state projects took place in the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992-1995. Namely, the great-Serbian genocidal ideology and policy has in continuity far more than two centuries practiced mass crimes against values protected by international law, including the crime of genocide against Bosniacs. Already in 1992, and independent, sovereign and internationally recognised Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was exposed to a brutal armed aggression by the neighbouring Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). The objective of the aggression was fulfillment of several century long great stale goal, and/or final completion of the space in which Serbs would dominantly live - the great Serbia. This goal was not possible without execution of grave forms of war crimes, namely in final destruction Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state and society. Impacts of such approach are particularly visible in the aspect of changes in demographic structure of population. Strategically important space far great-Serbian genocidal ideology and policy was and is the space of Bosnian Podrinje. Crime committed against Bosniacs in 1992-1995, including those committed in Višegrad, are essential part of the enforcement of the great-Serbian genocidal plan on making ethnically "clean " territories. According to 1 991 census, there were 21,199 residents of Višegrad, of which 13,471 Bosniacs (63.54%) and 6,743 Serbs (31.80%). The Bosniacs of Višegrad were, especially in spring and summer of 1992, subjected to different forms of crimes, including mass murders, setting on fire, incarceration in camps, rapes, and persecution of civilians. Regardless of huge extent of crimes, the genocidal ideology was not given up even after the signing of the Dayton peace agreement. Adapted to peacetime conditions, even today, thirty years since the aggression, different forms of psychological and physical violence against Bosniacs have been used in Višegrad. Frequent attacks and harassment of returnees are followed by, far example line-up of members of the Ravna Gora Chetnic movement, a symbol of crimes against Bosniacs of Podrinje area in the WWII, or celebration of the Day of Russian Volunteers, who took part in the attacks and crimes against Podrinje Bosniacs during the aggression. Open discrimination and dehumanisation of Bosniacs returnees, permanent celebration of crimes and criminals are everyday events. Ali of this negatively affects continuation of the process of return of Bosniacs to their historic residence. The analysis of the contents of the relevant archives, especially two relevant censuses in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991 and 2013) shall elaborate the demographic changes, which took place in Višegrad in this relevant period. It is the fact that the Bosniacs are today the absolute minority in Višegrad, which is the result of the committed crimes, including the genocide against Bosniacs, which ultimately resulted in the altered ethnic demographic structure of population. Višegrad is also subjected to a fast process of ageing, both due to the reduced number of returnees and due to the emigration of biologically productive population. Even all the other demographic indicators suggest that Višegrad is becoming the town of old people and general societal hopelessness, which shall be also detailed in the paper. This is also one of the ways to fully implement the practice of ethnically clean "Serb" territories. Nowadays, the political leaders of the smaller BiH entity and municipality Višegrad are preoccupied with the policy of denial of Bosniacs identity markers and provision of hopelessness far returnees, which finally brings no good to population in general, regardless of their ethnic background.

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Prošlost u sadašnjosti: vrijeme i narativ o balkanskim ratovima u medijskoj industriji i međunarodnoj politici

Prošlost u sadašnjosti: vrijeme i narativ o balkanskim ratovima u medijskoj industriji i međunarodnoj politici

Author(s): Enika Abazi,Albert Doja / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2022

In this article, we explore various forms of travel writing, media reporting, diplomatic record, policy-making, truth claims and expert accounts in which different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars, both old (1912–1913) and new (1991–1999), have been most evident. We argue that the ways in which these perspectives are rooted in different temporalities and historicisations and have resulted in the construction of commonplace and time-worn representations. In practical terms, we take issue with several patterns of narratives that have led to the sensationalism of media industry and the essentialisation of collective memory. Taken together as a common feature of contemporary policy and analysis in the dominant international opinion, politics and scholarship, these narrative patterns show that historical knowledge is conveyed in ways that make present and represent the accounts of another past, and the ways in which beliefs collectively held by actors in international society are constructed as media events and public hegemonic representations. The aim is to show how certain moments of rupture are historicised, and subsequently used and misused to construct an anachronistic representation of Southeast Europe.

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