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The editorial deadline for this documentation was 9 March 1998--the day the Contact Group on Bosnia-Herzegovina emerged as the main international forum to deal with the Kosovo problem in its »new” and much more pressing form. The term Kosovo refers to the administrative unit in the South-western corner of the Republic of Serbia within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) – a territory of 10,887 square kilometres called Kosova or Kosova dhe Rrafshi i Dukagjinit in Albanian and Kosovo or Kosovo-Metohija (abbreviated Kosmet) in Serbian. The author is indebted to colleagues in three institutions and networks dealing with the Kosovo conflict he has been or is part of: (1) The »International Commission on the Balkans,” founded in 1995 by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Aspen Institute Berlin; (2) a group of contributors to a »Kosovo Policy Study” in the framework of the Conflict Prevention Network of Directorate General 1A of the European Commission at Brussels set up in 1997; and (3), a group of intellectuals from Prishtina and Belgrade as well as external experts brought together for the first time in 1996 by the Bertelsmann Science Foundation and the Research Group on European Affairs at the Centre for Applied Politics of the Ludwig-Maximilian University of Munich. Farimah Daftary, Kinga Gál, Priit Järve, and William McKinney of ECMI have been supportive—and creative--in searching for documents and materials
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In the 1990s, every historical turning point led to the creation of regional organisations in South Eastern Europe. The end of the Cold War brought the Central European Initiative (CEI), an Italian-Austrian initiative with a secretariat in Triest (1989) and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), a Turkish initiative with a secretariat in Istanbul. Following the Bosnian War, the European Council initiated the Royaumont Process (1995), soon sponsored mainly by Greece, while a US-led initiative led to the formation of the South East European Cooperative Initiative (SECI), based in Vienna (1996). In 1988, the first regional summit of Foreign Ministers of South Eastern Europe (SFMSEE) was held in Belgrade, to be followed by a summit in Tirana (1990). This tradition was revived after the Bosnian War in 1996. The Kosovo crisis led to the establishment of the Stability Pact Coordinator’s Office, in many ways only the latest, most spectacularly launched, and most ambitious regional initiative.
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published in 1992 by "Centar za antiratnu akciju"
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In the armed conflicts in Croatia (1991-95), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-95), and Kosovo (1998-99), at least 130,000 people lost their lives, millions were forced to flee their homes, and hundreds of thousands of houses were destroyed. The transition from a state of armed conflict and state repression to a period of peace and the building of democratic institutions requires these societies to decide on mass human rights violations from the recent past. The set of measures taken by the authorities and civil society to address these violations of rights constitutes a complex of transitional justice, the basic elements of which are fact-finding, trials, reparations, and institutional reform (lustration). This report deals with the consequences of the war and the crimes committed between 1991 and 1999. The report was initiated by the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC), in cooperation with the Research and Documentation Center (IDC-BiH) and Document (Croatia). It refers to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia, Kosovo, and Montenegro - hereinafter referred to as "post-Yugoslav countries".
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Reparations are measures applied by post-conflict societies to redress various types of damage suffered by victims as a result of certain crimes committed by the previous government and its institutions. The goal of reparations is justice for the victims. For a large number of victims, reparations are the most tangible manifestation of society's efforts to repair the damage they have suffered. Reparations are divided into material and symbolic. They can be individual or collective. They are realized directly on the basis of law (administratively) or through the courts. In this report, we talk about obtaining material reparations through the courts, reviewing legal regulations and the conduct of courts in cases initiated by the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC).
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In 2011, the War Crimes Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Serbia (TRZ) filed indictments against a total of nine persons, all for the criminal offense of War Crimes against Civilians under Art. 142 paragraph 1 of the FRY CC. // In 2011, 13 proceedings were conducted before the War Crimes Chamber of the High Court in Belgrade. Of these, the War Crimes Chamber handed down verdicts in six cases, convicting 17 defendants and acquitting two of them, and the remaining seven proceedings are still pending. // In 2011, the War Crimes Chamber of the Court of Appeals in Belgrade issued 11 decisions on appeals against the verdicts of the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade High Court, which convicted 12 defendants and overturned the first instance verdicts and returned the cases. on retrial. // In 2011, before the courts of general jurisdiction, two proceedings were conducted for the criminal offense of War Crimes against Civilians under Article 142, Paragraph 1 of the FRY Criminal Code - Kushnin / Kushnin case before the Higher Court in Nis, Orahovac / Rahovec case before The High Court in Pozarevac, and two proceedings for ethnically motivated murders. The case of Oto Palinkaš et al. Was conducted before the High Court in Kraljevo, and the case for ethnically motivated murder in the Emini case was conducted before the High Court in Niš. // Humanitarian Law Center (HLC), in 2011 represented the victims in four cases before the War Crimes Chamber of the High Court in Belgrade - Ćuška / Qushk, Skočić, Zvornik III / IV and Lovas, while HLC observers monitored the main hearings in other proceedings before this court, as well as the main trial in the Kushnin case.
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In 2012, 13 proceedings were conducted before the High Court in Belgrade (War Crimes Chamber). The High Court handed down verdicts in seven cases1 in which 37 defendants were convicted and eight defendants acquitted, while the remaining six proceedings are still pending. // In 2012, the Court of Appeals in Belgrade (War Crimes Chamber) rendered four decisions on appeals against the judgments of the Belgrade High Court and the Belgrade Court of Appeals, which convicted four defendants3 and acquitted two defendants. // In 2012, two war crimes proceedings against civilians were conducted before courts of general jurisdiction - the Orahovac/Rahovec case before the Požarevac High Court and the Kushnin case before the Niš High Court. The procedure against Miloš Lukić for the crime of murder is underway before the High Court in Prokuplje. // In 2012, the OWCP filed indictments against a total of seven persons for the criminal offense of War Crimes against Civilians and / or for the criminal offense of War Crimes against Prisoners of War. In 2012, the HLC represented the victims in four cases before the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade High Court - Ćuška / Qushk, Skočić, Lovas and Tenja II, while HLC observers monitored the main hearings in other proceedings before this court, as well as main hearings in cases before the courts of general jurisdiction - Rahovec / Orahovac, Kušnin/Kushnin i Miloš Lukić.
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The mass grave in Rudnica is the first mass grave in Serbia to be discovered since the end of the ICTY's mandate to investigate crimes in the former Yugoslavia. Three mass graves with the bodies of 889 Kosovo Albanians, mostly civilians, were discovered in the spring of 2001 at three locations in Serbia - in the Belgrade suburb of Batajnica, in Petrovo Selo (eastern Serbia) and near Lake Perucac (western Serbia). In the Sainovic et al. and Djordjevic cases, the ICTY established facts about the circumstances of the killings of most civilians whose remains were exhumed from these three locations. According to ICTY verdicts, these crimes were committed as part of a joint criminal enterprise aimed at establishing effective control of the Serbian authorities over Kosovo by changing the ethnic balance and expelling Albanians from Kosovo. Also, the ICTY found that the key role in transporting and hiding corpses in the mentioned graves was played by the MUP, and that the VJ independently, or in cooperation with the MUP, participated in the collection of corpses in the field. // As no evidence has been presented to the ICTY on the crimes in which civilians found in Rudnica were killed, nor on the circumstances in which their bodies were hidden, the aim of this dossier is to make public information and evidence on the responsibility of VJ and MUP members for killing Kosovo Albanians whose remains were found in Rudnica, as well as data and evidence that indicate the participants in the operation of moving and hiding their bodies in a secret location. // The data used to create this dossier come from two basic sources. The first source is witnesses - survivors, family members of victims and eyewitnesses of crimes who gave statements to the HLC and the HLC Kosovo about the events that preceded the crimes, the circumstances of the crime, the perpetrators, their uniforms, weapons, equipment, removal of victims, etc. Another source is authentic military and police documents presented in the form of evidence in the two mentioned cases before the ICTY.3 These are orders for combat operations, defense, combat control of the territory, "rehabilitation of the battlefield", regular combat reports, control of movements within a certain area, the census of civilians, the deployment of police units in the area, etc. In addition to official documents of the VJ and MUP, the file relies on the testimony of VJ officers and MUP officials before the ICTY, Ministry of Defense newspaper - magazine " Army ", geographical maps and other sources.
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2.1. From the early days to the Reformation 2.2. Aftermath of the Reformation 2.3. Modernization and integrative processes 2.4. In the first Yugoslav state 2.5. The Second World War and the communist dictatorship 2.6. Decentralization and national antagonisms 2.7. On the way to independence
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3.1. Middle Ages and early modern times 3.2. The epoch of centralist reforms 3.3. Beginning of national integration 3.4. The Austro-Hungarian Compromise and its Consequences 3.5. The pre-war period and the First World War 3.6. Croatian historiography and politics in the 20th century
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11.1. Course and actors 11.1.1. Conquest and division 11.1.2. The Independent State of Croatia (NDH) 11.1.3. The Chetniks 11.1.4. The Partisans 11.1.5. War of Liberation and Civil War 11.1.6. Allied policy 11.2. Casualties
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12.1. Basics developed during the Second World War 12.2. The time of "administrative socialism" 12.3. The break with the Soviet Union 12.4. The expansion of self-management socialism 12.5. Yugoslavia (not) a special way to socialism
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Mass Media in the Service of Ideological Consensus 20.2. The structural change of the Slovenian public 20.3. The »freedom of the press« in Serbia 20.4. The beginning of pluralism in Croatia and its dangers 20.5. Notes on other media landscapes
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27.1. The turning point and end of the war 27.2. The Dayton Agreement 27.3. Bosnia-Herzegovina as a semi-protectorate?
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29.1. Perceptions and politics of the European states 29.2. Relaunch of classic power politics in the Balkans? 29.3. American and European Politics in Contrast
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30.1. International law in upheaval 30.2. The Military Conflict: Barbarism as "Normality" 30.3. The international legal reactions. Recognition as a design tool 30.4. The Question of Military Response: Peacemaking versus “Humanitarian Intervention” 30.5. The UN criminal tribunal 30.6. The Dayton Agreement 30.7. The Kosovo intervention 30.8. Summary
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