Čedomir Antić i Nenad Kecmanović: Istorija Republike Srpske
Review of: Čedomir Antić i Nenad Kecmanović: Istorija Republike Srpske, Beograd: NIP Nedeljnik, treće izdanje, 2016.
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Review of: Čedomir Antić i Nenad Kecmanović: Istorija Republike Srpske, Beograd: NIP Nedeljnik, treće izdanje, 2016.
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The author is a Czech lecturer at the department of the military academy in Brno, using this article he wanted to point out to the local people the circumstances that prevailed in a part of Croatia from the year 1991 to 1995. He believes that the local public there is still not sufficiently informed about all the war events that the members of the Czech national minority experienced living in the area of today’s Bjelovar and part of the Požeška County. Within such a frame, a large part of Czechs was temporarily part of the „SAO west Slavonia“, although most of these areas were not occupied. The author of this text knows the situation in this area well. Recently he published a book about the Czech and Slovak participation in the Second World War, where he covered the combat path of the 1st Czechoslovak brigade „Jan Žižka z Trocnova“. For him, writing about the Domovinski (Homeland) War was more demanding even though the issue is closer to him because he was a part of the Czech battalion UNPROFOR stationed in Croatia. The position of the Czech minority in Serbia (Vojvodina) significantly differed from that in other areas in which members of the Czech minority lived at the time. The author wanted to avoid all dilemmas, so he focused on describing the war in the Daruvar area. The Daruvar area has always been a great example of good coexistence between people of different nationalities. The coexistence was accepted by the Czechs hence why they were equally surprised when they were attacked by their former friends and acquaintances. They did not want a war, it was imposed on them, they could not leave their rural households because they had nowhere to go. The way out was for the younger to join the Croatian military while the older, mostly barehanded, protected what their ancestors had provided for generations. The author did not forget to mention that since September of 1991, the Czech Republic had accepted over a thousand children from kindergarten to high school age and mothers with young children from Croatia. During the first semester, classes were organized for them. Among the students were not only members of the Czech nationality but also Croatian, Serbian, and other nationalities. The war took about 50 lives of the Czech minority members, which is a large percentage of their total population. They weren’t heroes but ordinary people and victims of war!
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This paper presents an anthropological review of the two concerts of sevdalinka songs that were held at the Sava Center in Belgrade, in November of 2010 and 2011. First, sevdalinka is placed in the context of the Yugoslav cultural heritage, and then, using the analysis of these two concerts, the attempt is to show that from a purely musical “genre” it can become the mean of “overcoming the past” – referring to the last ethnic conflict in the former Yugoslavia.
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I tako, Srbija je ponovo jedinstvena po nečemu. Ona nema samo jedan već dva anti-fašistička pokreta, a u budućnosti će možda imati i još po koji. A to je sve samo dokaz velikog idejnog bogatstva, šarolikosti, pravičnosti i demokratičnosti elite našeg naroda. Ta elita Srbe kandiduje za nagradu za naj-postmodernističkiju naciju, onu koja rehabilitacijom đenerala potvrđuje visok stepen postignutog pluralizma mišljenja.
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Studija slučaja „Španovica/Novo Selo/Španovica“ bavi se istraživanjem memorije o ratnim stradanjima i životu u ratu i miru u selu dvojnog imena: Španovica/Novo Selo, smještenom u blizini gradića Pakraca, tradicionalnog administrativnog i kulturnog središta zapadne Slavonije. Razdoblje koje studija obuhvaća relativno je dugo i traje od nastanka sela, 1886. unutar Austro-Ugarske Monarhije do danas. U tom razdoblju selo je prošlo kroz nekoliko masivnih povijesnih promjena: raspad Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, nastanak i nestanak tzv. prve Jugoslavije (Kraljevine Jugoslavije), kroz Drugi svjetski rat, novu socijalističku Jugoslaviju (SFRJ) i na kraju, rat u kojem se raspala i ta država. Selo je od 1991. godine u državnom kontinuitetu Republike Hrvatske.
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Od 59 mesta u britanskom parlamentu, koliko ide na poslanike iz Škotske, Škotska nacionalna partija (SNP) osvojila je 48 uzevši na nedavnim izborima nešto manje od polovine glasova izašlih birača – 45 odsto. To su anomalije jednokružnog većinskog sistema, koji, iz meni nepoznatih razloga, neki akteri iz opozicije ponovo traže da se uvede i u Srbiji, kao da smo sasvim zaboravili iskustvo iz decembra 1990, kada je SPS uzeo dve trećine parlamenta sa manje od pola glasova izašlih birača, u dvokružnom većinskom glasanju.
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Review of: Željko Karaula, Političke prilike i Domovinski rat u Daruvaru (1990.–1995.) - kratki pregled, Matica hrvatska Daruvar, Daruvar, 2020.
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In order to take control of the entire Prijedor Municipality, Serbian military and police forces conducted attacks on areas in which Bosniaks or Croats were the majority population. Thus, Kozarac and its surroundings were attacked on 24 May 1992, soon followed by the Ljubija area. From 24 to 26 May 1992, the Serbian authorities formed the camps Omarska, Keraterm, and Trnopolje as well as several other places of internment. Captive Bosniaks and Croats from the city and municipality of Prijedor were brought and imprisoned there. The municipality was completely conquered in the second half of July 1992, when the Bosniak and Croat villages on the left bank of the Sana were attacked. According to data gathered thus far, 3,173 Bosniaks and Croats were killed on the territory of Prijedor Municipality.Victims of all the mentioned crimes included children and minors, killed exclusively due to their national or religious affiliation. In addition, many were subjected to imprisonment, expulsion, or other forms of crime. This paper is focused on the murders of 102 children and minors, based on records of missing and exhumed persons. The dates of their disappearances were recorded based on when their families reported them, which does not necessarily mean they were killed on those dates. The discovery of their remains during the exhumations and the fact that these bodies, and those that have yet to be exhumed, have been recorded in the database of the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) are proof of the murders of said children and minors.
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The paper gives priority to the importance of cultural and historical heritage as a source of knowledge for any scientific research - under which dominant historiographical research is most often too simplistic. This type of sources on which historical truth is based has not been given adequate attention during and after the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such non-civilizational behaviors (authorities of all kinds and levels, institutions of culture and science, political centers of power, etc.) are contrary not only to the provisions of international, but also to the fragmented, legislation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the scientific interpretation of the causes and motives of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995), official documents of civilian and military authorities directly or indirectly involved in war events, committing numerous war crimes and genocide crimes, are fundamental sources for the historical elaboration of centuries-old hegemonic and aggressive Great Serbian policies towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially towards Bosniaks as the largest indigenous people. All other sources of information are also of great importance: testimonies of event participants, mass graves of victims, photos and videos of individuals, confessions of perpetrators of war crimes, videos and written records of the enormous suffering of cultural and historical heritage - especially those of Probosnian and Bosniak provenance , as well as all other types of evidence that are only partially preserved and partly stored in institutions of culture and science. This paper points to the need to protect, collect, preserve and use all sources of knowledge about war events, especially war crimes committed, as a first-class obligation of the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina and all its administrative levels of government, academic and cultural and scientific institutions, respectively, each of her loyal citizens, because it is, among other things, their civilizing duty and obligation.
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The Homeland War is the most important event in the recent Croatian history. The Republic of Croatia succeeded in gaining its independence and sovereignty, following, however, having suffered vast human and material losses. As nineteen years have passed since the end of the War, it is of major importance for us to learn from historical facts, so that we may avoid making mistakes in future. Young generations, who have, luckily enough, not been affected by the Homeland War, ought to become familiarised with the course, results and consequences thereof. Therefore, a poll-based research was carried out in order to evaluate the eighth-grade-student knowledge of the Homeland War before this topic was to be studied in history classes. The poll was conducted in two primary schools in the Bjelovar area. Poor knowledge was shown locally, which however does not exclude the possibility that the general state is the same in Croatia on the whole. The paper discusses natural factors that should result in gaining a better knowledge of the Homeland War: the meaning of the War and its consequences; wartime events in the Bjelovar area; active participation of the inhabitants of this area in battles, as well as in military and police operations during the War; and the wide-range availability of information via modern means of communication. The paper further discusses probable causes for the established poor knowledge – it is possible that family and close surroundings; school; social institutions and organisations; and popular culture have failed in this respect. It is evident that teaching school children of the Homeland War is at all levels inadequate – both quantitatively and qualitatively – and that positive activities that have positive results in this regard should be continually conducted throughout Croatia.
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На основу анализе 15 истраживања јавног мњења становника Руске Федерације о ратовима у бившој Југославији у периоду 1992–2004, а посебно о односу према агресији НАТО‐а против СР Југославије у марту – априлу 1999, у чланку је показано да је у првој половини деведесетих година руско друштво поново открило традиционалну симпатију према Србима (од 7,5% подршке почетком 1993, до 31% средином 1995%). Види се, такође, и да је пораст просрпских осећања (као пример наводи се и најранија пронађена изјава В. Путина о агресији НАТО‐а из априла 1999) био пропраћен нарастањем антиамериканизма и одбојности према НАТО‐у. Одлучујући утицај на формирање антиамеричких ставова у руском друштву и елити имала је агресија НАТО‐а на СР Југославију 1999. године, која је дугорочно постала фундамент тих осећања и створила општеприхваћену перцепцију те агресије као крајње неморалног чина. У смислу политичких емоција руско друштво и руска елита деле виђење догађаја у екс‐Југославији потпуно различито од западног мејнстрима, што је довело до једног ширег осећаја недовољне подршке Србији као једног од симбола кризе и слабости Русије деведесетих година.
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The article provides a brief description of the history of the Balkans in Modern and Recent times. At the beginning of this period, the Balkans became part of the pan-European international system. First as an object, and then more and more of its subject. After the Berlin Congress, many Balkan countries gained independence, and during the First Balkan War, for the first time in history, the Balkan states acted together and independently, and not to support certain actions of the great powers. The Balkan allies were even called the “seventh great power”. However, at the same time, almost all the Balkan states experienced national disasters. Their return to Europe turned out to be incomplete and the lag behind the advanced part of the continent did not decrease either then, or in the interwar or post-war periods. It remains today, despite the accession of most of the Balkan countries to the European Union.
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Чланак представља анализу дешавања у вези са бомбардовањем кинеске амбасаде у Београду 1999. године. Аутор указује на хронологију дешавања и анализира политичке потезе заинтересованих страна. Посебну пажњу аутор је посветио политичким односима Народне Републике Кине и Сједињених Америчких Државе у периоду од маја до децембра 1999. године. Рад је писан на основу литературе, објављених докумената и извештаја релевантних институција и владиних агенција, као и извештаја новинских агенција.
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У раду се анализира извештавање, у то време, најтиражнијег београдског дневног листа „Вечерњих новости” о ратном учинку Војске Југославије током НАТО агресије 1999. године, а које је било део информационог рата. Посебан акценат је стављен на анализу навода о обореним ваздухопловима Северноатлантске алијансе.
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In this article the author analyses the relation between war and national identity in the case of the Serbs in the Republic of Srpska and the role that the civil war in B&H, in the period from 1992-1995, have had in the shaping of their national consciousness.It is emphasized that the biggest part of the history of the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina had been marked by numerous wars against foreign occupiers and centuries spent under the governance of foreign powers, which, beyond doubt, have had a strong influence on the Serb national identity. However, the author believes that the role of the civil war in B&H in the affirmation of the national identity of the Serbs in this region is specific when compared to the wars that happened before it; this war has created ethnic and territorial divisions in B&H, which had never existed in this region, and which have had a huge impact on the national identities of all peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including Serbs who live in the Republic of Srpska; apart from that, the most powerful countries in the Western civilisation have had important media, political, and military role in the war, which had a profound impact on the Serb community.
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The data from the reports of the Partisan units that took part in the battles against the Četnik forces in May 1945 indicate about 6000 dead, wounded and captured members of the Četnik movement. In addition, some other data from lower military levels reveal actual numbers of those who perished, were captured or wounded. The reports are convincing evidence of ferocity of confrontation in the battles that were still going on in Yugoslavia. The question as to whether the victors could have been restrained may be raised. However, this Yugoslav case is not an exception since the similar events were taking place all over Europe in 1945. Still, it is striking that the Partisan reports often put together the total numbers of the dead and captured members of the Četnik movement, and that captives were shot dead, although this may have not been a general rule. It is also obvious that the role that a specific unit played in crushing the main force under Draža Mihailović’s command was highlighted in the reports, which indicates the motives prevailing among the Partisan units and the revolutionary zeal after the victory and international recognition. The data from the reports of the Partisan units that took part in destroying the Četnik movement in the area between the Drina and the Sutjeska rivers in May 1945 are presented in this paper. Although the presented facts confirm the destruction of the Četnik main forces, they cannot be taken as final figures of the dead and captured among the members of the movement of Draža Mihailović. The data we are presenting in order that the number of victims should not be minimized or exaggerated, are, of course, just another brick in the wall built in pursuit of historical judgment that will bring us closer to the truth about these and other events in the World War II.
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Dušan Kovačević, a contemporary Serbian playwright better known for his comedies, gained further notoriety in 2009, when one of his dramas, Saint George Shoots the Dragon, was adapted into a film. This play describes the rather bleak fate of veterans from the Balkan Wars, who were faced with the paradoxical status of not being treated as heroes despite surviving the war, then being sent to die in the early days of the First World War. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the title and provide a satisfying explanation for the author’s choice of words: on the one hand, it focuses on the one appearance of Saint George as a character in a flashback from the First Balkan War and, on the other hand, on the dynamic between Gavrilo Vuković, one of the maimed survivors of the previous war and Đorđe Džandar, the village gendarme, who repeatedly lock horns over Katarina, Đorđe‘s wife. This love triangle also provides insight into the larger theme of the play, namely the mythization and demythization of heroism in Serbia.
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This paper presents events and facts concerning the establishment of the Republic of Srpska which was legalised and internationally and legally recognised in the Dayton Peace Agreement and in the Constitution of BH as a state-building entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Facts and events related to the creation of this state entity are given by criteria and principles of chronology as a supporting historical science, that is, following the time sequence of its creation and manifestations. The material thus presented, which is necessarily selective, clearly shows which social, historical and political processes caused and affected the genesis of the creation of Republika Srpska, that is, when and where they happened and who were their participants.
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Uglješa Šajtinac zeigt im Drama Das Banat (2007) das proble- matische Zusammenleben von Donauschwaben (Joseph, Erwin und Magdalena Wolf) und Serben (Dobrivoje, Đuđa, Svetislav) im Banat während des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Im Kontext von historischen Umwälzungen und politischen Konflikten versuchen die Figuren im Drama entweder die alte kollektive Identität zu bewahren oder eine neue zu bilden, und ihre Kohäsion mithilfe verschiedener Kategorien festzulegen: Geschlechts (Geschlechtsidentität), Territoriums (territoriale Identität), Klasse (ge- sellschaftsökonomische Identität), Religion (religiöse Identität), Nation (nationale Identität), sowie Politik (politische Identität) und Kultur (kulturelle Identität). Aus- gehend von der Theorie des britischen Historikers der Soziologie Anthony D. Smith (1939–2016), eines der Begründer der Nationalismusforschung, werden in diesem Aufsatz im Kontext des Chronotopos des besetzten Banats (1941–1945) unter- schiedliche Manifestationen der kollektiven Identität untersucht, mit dem Ziel, die Kohäsionskraft dieser Kategorien aufzuklären. Ergebnisse der Analyse zeigen dass Geschlecht, Territorium, Klasse und Nation nicht einen genügend starken Grad der Kohäsion aufzeigen und die Figuren, die auf diesen Kategorien ihre Identität auf- gebaut haben, könnten sich in den neuen Zeiten nicht erhalten, im Unterschied zu denen, die sich für Politik und Kultur entschieden haben, die die Grenzen der Zeit und des Raums überschreiten und eine stärkere Verbindung unter den Figuren her- stellen. So können Dobrivoje und seine Schwester als Kommunisten im neuen Staat fortleben, während andere Figuren sterben oder das Banat verlassen müssen, um eine neue Heimat in der Weite auszusuchen, in der die kulturellen Elemente wie Kunst (Film und Musik) und Fremdsprachen die Verbindung unter den Menschen sichern, trotz den ethnischen und anderen Unterschieden.
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The paper presents the report of members of the Sanitary Commission of the American Red Cross about the situation in Serbia and Macedonia in December 1915, prepared on the request of Lewis Einstein, chargé d’affaires of the American Embassy in Sofia. The members of the American mission pointed to a potential humanitarian disaster following the Bulgarian occupation and the need to implement urgent humanitarian measures in the occupied areas. The report is kept in the National Archives in Washington, as an annex to the letter sent to State Secretary Robert Lansing. Its importance is reflected in the fact that it sheds light on the circumstances in which the civilian population found themselves in the territory occupied by the Bulgarian army. However, the American doctors’ reports are perhaps all the more important as they significantly influenced further activities of the American Red Cross in war-torn Europe, particularly in Serbia during the First World War.
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