Kolektivna traumatizacija logori u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992−1995.

Author(s): Hikmet Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2019

Having in mind that anyone genocide is similar but unique, it is necessary to look at the elements of genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina that make this crime special. The pattern of action of perpetrators of genocide during 1992-95 has showed that the criminals aimed, among other things, even the psychological destruction of Bosniaks. The camps in Bosnia and Herzegovina were a key segment of the ethno-religious cleansing project of Bosniaks from the territory in accordance with the Six strategic objectives of the Serb people in Bosnia and Herzegovina of May 12, 1992. The camps and other detention facilities were localities of torture, executions, rape and sexual abuse, as well as theatrical-ceremonial brutal killings as the rule of behaviour of criminals. The treatment in the camps, together with the systematic destruction of religious and cultural monuments, the hiding of killed persons bodies in mass graves, and a variety of other activities were what I call „collective traumatization“ which had one main purpose − to disgust the Bosniak hometowns to such an extent that Bosniaks never think of coming back.

THE ALBANIAN COMMUNITY IN SOUTH SERBIA AND ITS LEADERS (2010-2014)

Author(s): Biser Banchev / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

The political life of the Albanian minority in Serbia in the period 2010-2014 abounded in local level micro-conflicts motivated by numerous family, interpersonal and career confrontations. They reflected the differences existing among the three municipalities with considerable numbers of Albanian population usually referred to collectively as the “Preševo Valley”. The influence of the historical leader Riza Halimi was challenged by various powerful figures on a local scale and particularly by the faction of the former fighters from the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac. “Preševo” Albanians have alternated moments of cooperation with the Serbian government with moments of boycott, without ever discontinuing informal and behind-the-scene contacts. In 2012 the Albanian minority parties participated in the local, parliamentary and presidential elections, thereby ultimately fitting into the Serbian political system.

CROATIA’S “LONG JOURNEY” TO THE EU

Author(s): Irina Ognyanova-Krivoshieva / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

What marked the Croatia’s history from the 1990s to the beginning of the 21st century was its accession to the EU after long and difficult six-year membership negotiations (2005-2011). It was the only state from the Western Balkans region that so far had succeeded alone and not in a group in joining the Union as its 28th member on July 1, 2013. Unlike Slovenia, Croatia lagged dramatically in the 1990s, possessed by a strong nationalism, hostile to the very idea of a united Europe. Only when the nationalistic Croatian Democratic Union lost power in 2000, the foreign policy of the country became pro-European and pro-NATO. But Croatia faced many difficulties on its road to EU. It had to solve its border issues with Slovenia. The cooperation with the Hague tribunal for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia was also very painful for the Croats. The country officially entered the Union in 2013 but that happened in a moment when Europe was in a deep economic crisis and it had no chance to gain sizeable economic benefits from its membership. So, the Euroscepticism became quite popular among Croats soon after their country became part of the huge European community.

TWO SIEGES, TWO EXPERIENCES

Author(s): Gojko Berić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2020

I am eighty years of age and still enjoy the privilege of writing, as this text is witness. Ever since my wife died almost four years ago, I have lived by myself in a large apartment in a Austro- Hungarian building constructed on the eve of the Great War and located on the most popular street in Sarajevo, Ferhadija, a pedestrian zone in the centre of town. The windows in the two largest rooms have a view of Trebević, a legendary hill that enfolds the southern side of the city. It’s spring, but I cannot feel its scent because a tiny virus from Wuhan has me under house arrest, which the authorities have merely legalised through regulations requiring all citizens older than 65 to remain in so-called self-isolation. I don’t feel lonely. On nice days I open my windows wide, and, exposed to the beneficent action of the sun, I watch the rare passers-by in their masks and gloves. The isolation itself is bearable and for many even welcome. People are taking stock and dealing with things outstanding for years. Difficulties, fear, and uncertainty lurk outside your home’s walls, because nobody can say what is happening or how long it will last.

Dvije Opsade, Dva Iskustva

Author(s): Gojko Berić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 3/2020

I am eighty years of age and still enjoy the privilege of writing, as this text is witness. Ever since my wife died almost four years ago, I have lived by myself in a large apartment in a Austro- Hungarian building constructed on the eve of the Great War and located on the most popular street in Sarajevo, Ferhadija, a pedestrian zone in the centre of town. The windows in the two largest rooms have a view of Trebević, a legendary hill that enfolds the southern side of the city. It’s spring, but I cannot feel its scent because a tiny virus from Wuhan has me under house arrest, which the authorities have merely legalised through regulations requiring all citizens older than 65 to remain in so-called self-isolation. I don’t feel lonely. On nice days I open my windows wide, and, exposed to the beneficent action of the sun, I watch the rare passers-by in their masks and gloves. The isolation itself is bearable and for many even welcome. People are taking stock and dealing with things outstanding for years. Difficulties, fear, and uncertainty lurk outside your home’s walls, because nobody can say what is happening or how long it will last.

VIŠEGRADSKI ZLOČINAČKI KRVAVI PIROVI – JUČER, DANAS, SUTRA

Author(s): Ermin Kuka,Hamza Memišević / Language(s): Bosnian,Serbian Issue: 4/2020

Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that goal. Highest point of those crimes happened during the second world war 1941-1945, also in the time of aggression on Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. Numerous mass and individual killings, extermination, enslavement, deportations and / or forcible transfer of the Bosniak population, imprisonment and other forms of deprivation of liberty committed in violation of basic rules of international law constitute a long and sad list of criminal and genocidal acts committed against Bosniaks in the Drina Valley, and in the name of the so-called project Great Serbia. In this cycle and history of chetnik misery and inhumanity, the culmination of human malice, evil blood and moral dishonor was against the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia. Thanks to the hard work of the community and people of the country this evil plan and evil intentions of Serbs ideologists did not come through. Yet they do not give up, furthermore they use new means and methods. In that contest targeting wider area of Visegrad, as a starting point for commencing Great Serbian goals and ideas. That gave birth to the idea that Visegrad is continuously in focus to the leaders and actors of the ideology of Great Serbia, therefore creation of ethnically clean Serbian areas. All this, for a consequence, had a permanent acts of numerous crimes against humanity and international human rights among Bosnians in wider area of Visegrad, from the period of World war 2 and in the time of aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this area number of heinous crimes were committed. One of the consequences of the horrific crimes committed against Bosniaks is a radical change in the ethnic structure of the population in the Visegrad area during the 1992-1995 aggression. In relation to the 1991 Census, when there were 13,471 Bosniaks, according to the 2013 census, 1,043 Bosniaks have registered residence in Visegrad. Still, the area wasn’t ethnically cleansed as in accordance to Serbian ideologists, so this shameful project that’s grounded on crime, continued by new means and methods. Analysis confirmed key marks of aggressive attempts of ideology and policy in creating ethnic clean Serbian territory within area of Visegrad. Research is focused and timely determined on three periods: First during the Second world war 1941-1945, Second, Aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, third period after signing of Dayton’s 1995. still this day. For the purpose of proving the general hypothesis of the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method will be used, and for the purposes of obtaining data, the method of analysis (content) of documents and the case study method. Serbian ideologist still tries to remove all Bosnians from the wider area of Visegrad and by doing so make that town the starting point for the next phases of ethical cleansing of non-Serbian population from walleyes of Drina Conclusion would be under any price secure at first economic conditions for survival of Bosnians on those areas, take a set of measures on economically strengthening Gorazde, as a center of gathering non-Serb population in the walleye of Drina.

Fragmenti iz crkvene i svjetovne povijesti Podgorja u 19. i 20. stoljeću

Author(s): Željko Holjevac / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2017

On the basis of available sources and selected literature, the author presents some information and insights about the insufficiently researched ecclesial and lay past of Podgorje in the modern and contemporary period. Until demilitarisation in 1873 and the return of the Military Frontier under the administration of the ban in 1881 Podgorje was divided between the Smiljan company in the Lika and the Sveti Juraj company in the Otok regiment. Only Karlobag was a military community,a ‘castellanat’ and free port. From 1809 to 1813 Podgorje was under French rule within MilitaryCroatia as part of the Illyrian Provinces, and then again under Austrian (Habsburg) rule. The local people were Croats, mostly Catholics and speakers of Štokavian. They were poor peasants who during the Military Frontier period also served military service. They cultivated the poor land, bredcattle on the slopes of Velebit, made clothes and simple footwear, cut trees for masts, fished, begged and were rarely involved in any small business. Inhabitants along the sea dressed "po gradsku" ("in the town style"), whilst those in the hills "po bunjevačku" ("like the Bunjevci"), as Podgorje priests wrote in 1850. Between the two world wars, the majority of the people of Podgorje still lived the established pastoral life according to the ways that were passed from generation to generation.Always in need, more hungry than full, they lacked drinking water, e.g. in Cesarica in 1937 there was one well for the one thousand inhabitants. The developmental lagging behind of Podgorje during the time of the monarchical Yugoslavia continued after the ordeals of the Second World Wart hrough the stagnation of the place during socialist Yugoslavia. The completion of the construction of the Adriatic highway – the magistrale – in 1965 helped the development of tourism, particularlyin Karlobag which gained a motel and ferry dock, however the lack of drinking water, the dumping of rubbish into the sea, the illegal construction of buildings and other problems hindered this development. At the same time political life was under the monopoly of the party, the Catholic Church was separate from the state and socially marginalised, and the emigration of people and the fall in the birth rate took on cataclysmic dimensions. Under such conditions Podgorje faced the Homeland War and the state independence of the Republic of Croatia.

Od istorije do sudnice i nazad: Šta istoriografija može dobiti od presuda za zločine u ratovima u bivšoj Jugoslaviji

Author(s): Ivan Jovanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 5/2015

An Analysis of The Contents of History Textbooks in Serbia Regarding the Wars in the Former Yugoslavia in the Light of the Facts Established Before the ICTY

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2015

Sisak 1990. — 1991.: ratni zločini nad Srbima

Author(s): Tihomir Ponoš / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2020

The article describes war crimes committed against Serb civilians in Sisak during the 1991 war. It describes the circumstances and events that turned the multiethnic environment of Sisak into a place of death for more than a hundred Serb civilians. It also describes the aggravation of the political situation in Banija and Croatia in the period from the 1990 elections until the outbreak of the war, and as part of that it analyzes in more detail the aggravation and the policy of confrontation and separatism led by the SDS. It analyzes the role of the state in the liquidation of Serbs, especially the police and police units involved in the abduction and liquidation of Serbs, and the slowness and inefficiency of the judiciary in prosecuting perpetrators.

Pismo izlišnog neprijatelja: u „Politika povijesti ili politika laži…” su kratke noge

Author(s): Mesud Šadinlija / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2021

U Časopisu za suvremenu povijest broj 3 za 2020. godinu objavljen je tekst Davora Marijana pod naslovom „Politika povijesti ili politika laži – povodom jednoga prikaza u Preporodovu Journalu”, kao reagiranje / pismo uredniku na moj prikaz njegove knjige Rat Hrvata i Muslimana u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1992. do 1994. godine, štampan pod naslovom „Podrigivanje sukoba” u časopisu Preporodov Journal. U prikazu Marijanove knjige nastojao sam skrenutipažnju na nekoliko karakterističnih spornih mjesta u njegovoj interpretaciji političkih i vojnih odnosa i događaja u Bosni i Hercegovini, uključujući i oružani sukob.

Powracające ludobójstwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej i Rosji (1894-1995)

Author(s): Adam Lityński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2020

There have been numerous publications on genocide, which provides evidence that this topic is up-to-date, important and still insufficiently researched. The author of the legal concept of "genocide " is Rafał Lemkin, a Polish scholar of Jewish nationality: "Father of Genocide Convention". In 1948, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a convention on the prevention and punishment of genocide crime. During the hundred years (1894-1995), genocide repeatedly occurred in Central and Eastern Europe. The greatest genocide in human history is the extermination of the Jews (the Holocaust). The author also recalls the genocide of the Armenians (1894-1915) in the Ottoman Empire (although it goes beyond Central and Eastern Europe and Russia). There were numerous genocide cases in the Soviet Union, and it is only about them that it is possible to accumulate substantial literature. Namely, the author reminds: the Cossacks genocide following the Bolshevik revolution; genocide in the countryside in connection with the collectivization process; Great Famine in Ukraine; the extermination of entire national minorities (so-called national operations 1937-1938); the most massive such operation was the "Polish operation." The author also recalls genocide in the countries of former Yugoslavia: especially in the fascist so-called Independent Croatian State [Nezavisna Država Hrvatska - NDH). The genocide of Ukrainian nationalists on Poles (1943-1946) closes the text. The article describes the largest genocidal operations carried out in Central and Eastern Europe over the course of a century and outlines their historical and political background, the manner in which they were carried out and their relationship with the international law and individual national regulations in force at the time.

Srebrenica is not a Metaphor. The Significance of the Srebrenica Memorial Center - Potočari for Understanding Genocide

Author(s): Sarina Bakić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The author will emphasize the importance of both the existence and the further development of the Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center, in the context of the continued need to understand the genocide that took place in and around Srebrenica, from the aspect of building a culture of remembrance throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). This is necessary in order to continue fighting the ongoing genocide denial. At first glance, a culture of remembrance presupposes immobility and focus on the past to some, but it is essentially dynamic, and connects three temporal dimensions: it evokes the present, refers to the past but always deliberates over the future. In this paper, the emphasis is placed on the concept of the place of remembrance, the lieu de memoire as introduced by the historian Pierre Nora. In this sense, a place of remembrance such as the Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center is an expression of a process in which people are no longer just immersed in their past but read and analyze it in the present. Furthermore, looking to the future, they also become mediators of relations between people and communities, which in sociological theory is an important issue of social relations. The author of this paper emphasizes that collective memory in the specific case of genocide in and around Srebrenica is only possible when the social relations around the building (Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center) crystallize, which is then much more than just the content of the culture of remembrance.

The Denial of Genocide in Srebrenica in the Context of Strengthening Neo-fascism and Relativization of the Holocaust in Europe

Author(s): Sabahudin Šarić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The denial of the 1995 genocide against Bosniaks in the UN security zone of Srebrenica, has continued uninterrupted for 25 years. This denial has taken various forms and manifestations during that time; from denying the extent and character of crimes and the number of victims, to not accepting relevant court verdicts and especially, ignoring the consequences of genocide. As time passes, we are beginning to get the impression that an additional phase to the denial of the genocide in Srebrenica has emerged, in which, through the glorification of convicted war criminals and their affirmation in society, genocide is affirmed as an acceptable procedure and activity.We believe that this 25-year period of persistent denial, and even celebration of the genocide in Srebrenica, largely corresponds to the strengthening of neo-fascist and right-wing ideas and movements in European countries, which has been accompanied by an increasingly louder denial and relativization of the Holocaust.In this paper, we intend to analyze the connection between these phenomena, because we believe that the ideas pedaled by deniers of the genocide in Srebrenica, are significantly suited to strengthening the neo-fascism and Holocaust denial and are using this atmosphere to intensify genocide denial against Bosniaks and yet paradoxically, affirm the genocide, by glorifying the convicted war criminals and their ideas.

Geopolitical Configurations after the Former Yugoslavia and Kosovo Independence

Author(s): Genc Mekaj / Language(s): English Issue: 12/2020

The disintegration of the former Yugoslavia marked the end of the armed conflicts, bringing the region's geopolitical configurations in which it lay. This article gives details the geopolitical designs following the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. It also provides details about foreign geopolitical influences and their interests in the region. In the vortex of the former Yugoslavia's disintegration, the most sensitive case in all framework is Kosovo's case. The problematic past between Albanians and Serbs poses a significant challenge. The Albanian factor in the Balkans is also a problem that brings general challenges in the region without solving it in the right way. In this article, we have tried to elaborate Kosovo Independence's case to bring stability and consolidation of security for the country and the region. We have tried to present that the former Yugoslavia countries should learn from the past and cooperate for a general future. Through cooperation and overcoming classical thinking to orient towards the end, it should bring peace and stability, especially for each country and the Balkan region.

Fašizacija religije kao izdaja vjere: Psihopatologija etno-politizacije SPC

Author(s): Esad Bajtal / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 10/2021

The text starts from the experiential observation that, sometimes even some religions, with their national-fascist coquetry, betray the Faith and its moral postulates. That is, on the other hand, it is a question of defining fascism as a “philosophy of political monism” which derives its views from a single, for political purposes, life-humane principle. In this sense, the text considers any speech or action of exclusivity fascist, regardless of whether they find their support in religion, nation, race or skin color. That is, any other ideology of social one-sidedness that does not recognize and attack the Other and otherwise. Given the relationship between religion and fascism, historical experience shows that every fascism is religious: neither has religions resistant to fascism, nor does fascism choose religion. At the regional level, as the bloody war experience of the Greater Serbia aggression of the 1990s shows,the pathological process of fascism of religion has deeply affected the ethnoideological strata of the “heavenly people” and some high-ranking officials of the Serbian Orthodox Church.

STATUS BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U OKVIRU DRUGE JUGOSLAVIJE

Author(s): Željko Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2021

During its existence, Bosnia and Herzegovina has gone through various state, organizational and political phases. In the 20th century, Bosnia and Herzegovina was part of two Yugoslavias in which it had a completely different status, from almost complete denial of its existence to its recognition as a separate entity, with great autonomy, to the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state by the breakup of another Yugoslavia. The two Yugoslavias had completely different arrangements, one was a kingdom while the other was a socialist republic, which was reflected in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself. The foundations of the second Yugoslavia were laid in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina made a great contribution to the victory over fascism. The 20th century represents a dynamic period for Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of its state-legal development and construction as an independent international legal entity. It is in this paper that the state and legal development of Bosnia and Herzegovina within the second Yugoslavia, which will result in the creation of an independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is discussed.

A female voice from Sarajevo

Author(s): Krzysztof Czyżewski / Language(s): English Issue: 05 (48)/2021

Some time ago, when the bloody Balkan war was still raging in Sarajevo, poet Izet Sarajlić, editor Čedo Kisić and professor Zdravko Grebo were explaining their world to me. None of them is alive anymore. Neither is Isak Samokovlija, a prominent Bosnian Jewish writer, whose stories took me to the most hidden corners of Sarajevo’s historical centre, Baščaršija, as well as the Grbavica and Bentbaša districts. I was listening to the stories of the writers and artists who had left Sarajevo, but who were still under its influence. They included Dževad Karahazan in Graz, Josip Osti in Ljubljana, Miljenko Jergović in Zagreb, and Nino Žalica in Amsterdam…

Chorwackie i serbskie zbrodnie wojenne, Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny da Byłej Jugosławii oraz serbski i chorwacki wymiar sprawiedliwości

Author(s): Wiktor Hebda / Language(s): English Issue: 52/2020

The war in former Yugoslavia (1991–1995) was marked by war crimes which still affect Serbian–Croatian political relations. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which operated between 1993–2017, was supposed to pass fair verdicts on those responsible for war crimes, but its verdicts have been surrounded by controversy in Post-Yugoslav states. The article analyzes Serbian and Croatian war crimes in Croatian territory between 1991–1995 as well as the verdicts passed by the ICTY against the most prominent war criminals. The actions taken by the Serbian and Croatian judicial systems are also discussed. The analysis presented in the article indicates that the verdicts delivered by the ICTY were selective and difficult to accept for both sides of the conflict. Unfortunately, Serbo-Croatian cooperation on war crimes has been developing for only a few years and has not produced the expected results. For these reasons, war crimes and war criminals still have a negative influence on political and social relations between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia.

OD NAČERTANIJA DO SLOBODANA MILOŠEVIĆA

Author(s): Hamza Memišević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2021

Review of: Nevenka Tromp „Smrt u Hagu: Nezavršeno suđenje Slobodanu Miloševiću“ (University press – izdanja Magistrat, 2019). Review by: Hamza Memišević