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AMERIČKI KONGRESMEN I SRPSKI LOBI U SAD-u: SLUČAJ DANA BURTONA, 1992–1995.

Author(s): Hamza Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2021

The aim of this paper is to analyze the foreign policy activism of former Republican Congressman Dan Burton during the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia. Based on Burton's newly accessible congressional papers, this article traces the Indiana Republican's efforts to influence US policy towards Bosnia. Opposed to any US involvement in Bosnia, Burton's views reflected the Serbian-American diaspora's policy positions on Bosnia. Though ultimately unsuccessful, Burton's efforts in the early 1990s provide a glimpse into how opponents of American intervention in Bosnia operated.

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GENOCID NAD BOŠNJACIMA SREBRENICE 1995. GODINE – PRETPOSTAVKA ZA NJEN POSEBAN DRUŠTVENO-RAZVOJNI STATUS

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2021

A small town Srebrenica, located in the eastern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina became globally known after the genocide of 8.372 Bosniaks in July 1995. Three months before the Dayton peace agreement was signed, in November of 1995, the Army of Republika Srpska troops led by General Ratko Mladic committed genocide. Other than killing over 8.000 Bosniak men, they persecuted thousands of Srebrenica inhabitants. Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić have been sentenced to life in jail for the crime of genocide committed in Srebrenica. While the international institutions and the European Union recognize this crime and work proactively on remedying its consequences, the Republic of Serbia and Republika Srpska are facing deep social and political negation of the Srebrenica genocide. This denial has been an obstacle for rebuilding the trust between Serbs and Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the West Balkans in general. Meanwhile, Srebrenica and its adjoining villages lack wide and systematic support for the durable return of its displaced inhabitants. There was a failed attempt in 2007 to give the city a special administrative status as a way towards reviving it. This paper will critically analyze the approach of the Bosnian and Herzegovinian, EU, and international institutions as well as that ofneigh-boring countries towards a durable and sustainable return to Srebrenica, its economic and cultural development between 1996. and 2020. This paper argues for giving Srebrenica a special status in order to promote its development supported by a law that would ensure a solidarity fund for its development.

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Uloga JNA-a u velikosrpskom projektu

Author(s): Miljenko Brekalo,Anamarija Lukić,Ivana Jurčević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 4/2020

Greater Serbia is a colloquial term for a nationalist and irredentist concept made by a part of the Serbian intelligentsia, originated in the early 19th century. However, the project of Greater Serbia dates back to 1557, that is, after the re-establishment of the Serbian Patriarchate of Peć, when Serbian Orthodox clergy began to promote the idea of re-establishing the Serbian (Dušan) Empire, which had stretched over the territory of nine sovereign states of today. The revival of the Greater Serbia project, that is, the homogenization of Greater Serbia circles, started again during Tito’s lifetime, and it became even more dynamic after his death, followed by the re-opening of Serbian issue in Kosovo. This revitalization of the process was not meant to resolve the Kosovo issue, but to re-homogenize and mobilize the Serbian people in the whole of Yugoslavia. The most significant factor in the operationalization of the Greater Serbia project was the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA), which was supposed to be its very guarantor. Therefore, at the beginning of the 1980s, the systematic Serbization of the command staff began, where Serbs and Montenegrins took the dominant positions. In 1990/1991, the Yugoslav People’s Army was the key factor in arming Serbian rebels. In this paper, the authors give an analysis of the military power of the Yugoslav People’s Army on the territory of the Đakovo-Osijek Archdiocese, where it was actively engaged in the disintegration of the Republic of Croatia. Namely, such an analysis has not yet been systematically done for this area. The analysis was made based on the reduced written sources and the personal experience in the defense of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Croatia in the area.

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POLITIČKE I VOJNE PRILIKE U TUZLANSKO-PODRINJSKOM KANTONU U GODINI DEYTONSKOG MIRA

Author(s): Izet Hadžić,Ahmed Hadžić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 6/2021

At the beginning of the paper we explain the territorial differences between the Washington and Dayton Peace Solutions, which especially refers to the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton and focuses only on the Tuzla region and its specifics in relation to other regions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We then present the basic elements of the Washington Agreement, the meetings that preceded it, the content of the agreement, the principles of the Vienna Agreement important for the organization of the canton, as well as active monitoring and consideration of the agreement by the Tuzla District Assembly and its views on international community plans.We also monitor the implementation and importance of the implementation of the Washington Agreement in the Tuzla region and the creation of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, explain the name of the canton and use demographic data based on the 1991 census to indicate that Podrinje is a Bosniak-majority region. Then we give an overview of how the implementation of the Washington Agreement reflected on the normalization of food prices, the situation in the canton and the strengthening of the combat power of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the II Corps of the Army of B&H.The paper describes the jurisdiction of the President of the Canton, the Government of the Canton, national representation by agreement of SDA and HDZ, the composition of the government, the reasons for non-participation of Serbs in implementation and talks with the Serb Civic Council to participate in organizing ministries. We especially present the activities of the President and the Government of the Canton on supporting the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, II Corps and strengthening defense, budget funds for these purposes: action: „We are all B&H Army“, support for displaced persons and improving living conditions in protected areas of Srebrenica and Žepa We also describe the activities of the authorities during the fall of the protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa, for the care of the displaced population, as well as the requests to the institutions of the international community to stop and prevent genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica. We especially emphasize the activity of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton Ministry of the Interior in preserving public order and peace.We are especially dealing with the military situation in the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, presenting significant military successes through the liberation of Lisača on the Kalesija front, Vis near Gračanica, Vijenac near Lukavac, Greda on Majevica, as well as the crushing of enemy offensives „Spreča-95“ and others. In this paper, we argue the support of Russian diplomacy to the aggressor and link Russia's diplomatic activities through the contact group and other accomplices of the conspiracy group towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a complex situation such as that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a Serbian aggressor with the support of insurgent Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina commits genocide, a joint criminal enterprise with the support of the Croatian state led by Tuđman and Croats mainly from Herzegovina win over Fikret Abdić to organize a quisling creation „autonomous region of Western Bosnia“ and opening a conflict with the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The support of the Tuzla District Assembly to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to stop the war and find a peaceful solution was significant. Also, the authorities of the District of Tuzla vigorously condemned the divisions on the national principle as well as the division of the territory of the District of Tuzla. In this paper, we have processed the proposals of the Assembly of the District of Tuzla to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to individual peace solutions. The inadmissibility of the Dayton Peace Solution for the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton authorities and the SDA Cantonal Committee was specifically addressed as well as the reasons and request to President Alija Izetbegović and the negotiating team of Bosnia and Herzegovina to leave the Dayton negotiations, and then the request to Izetbegović to clarify the reasons for accepting such an unjust peace agreement.

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POSTDEJTONSKO TRAGANJE ZA PRAVDOM: SUĐENJA ZA RATNE ZLOČINE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI PRED NADLEŽNIM SUDOVIMA

Author(s): Vedad Gurda,Dževad Mahmutović,Maja Iveljić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 6/2021

The armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, which ended with the conclusion of the so-called The Dayton Peace Agreement was marked by serious violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms and the commission of horrific war crimes. Prosecution of defendants for these crimes takes place at several levels, ie before: a) the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), b) domestic courts and c) courts of certain foreign states. The paper analyzes certain indicators related to the prosecution of these crimes, their scope and structure, as well as the ratio of convictions and acquittals for certain war crimes, the scope of application of conventional and summary forms of ending criminal cases and court policy of sanctioning perpetrators. It was learned that by the end of 2020, hundreds of criminal proceedings against approximately a thousand defendants had been completed. Most of the accused were prosecuted before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Court of B&H), followed by the ICTY, and a slightly smaller number before the courts of the former SFRY and some Western European countries.The research established that before the ICTY, out of the total number of accused for war crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as many as 90.2% were convicted of some of these crimes, while the rate of convicted in relation to accused before the Court of B&H was 67.2% , and before the courts in the Republic of Serbia 70.2%. It is interesting that before the ICTY as many as 24.3% of the accused were convicted in summary proceedings on the basis of a plea agreement, while before the Court of B&H 13,3% of the accused were convicted using a plea bargaining as a consensual model for ending criminal cases. So far, 22 people have been convicted of the crime of genocide as the most serious crime before the ICTY, the Court of B&H and German courts, and all convictions related to the activities of the Army of Republika Srpska during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes. Finally, it was found that certain courts, especially Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes.

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Između kultura: Životni put i literarno stvaralaštvo autorice u egzilu

Author(s): Safeta Obhođaš / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 2/2021

1992. sam dospjela u Njemačku, u meni do tada nepoznatu zemlju, gdje sam imala sreću brzo naučiti jezik i kroz nova saznanja dalje razviti moje literarno stvaralaštvo. Moja prva faza u Njemačkoj 1992-95. bila je izbjeglička agonija: preko dana sam bila opterećena poslom, radila sam u nekoliko domaćinstava kao čistačica, brinula se o domaćinstvu i porodici, a onda sam trčala u učionicu jedne narodne škole da nekoliko sati učim njemački. Pri tome je u glavi neprestano bila ratna katastrofa u Bosni, ubijanje, umiranje, glad i bijeda mojih sunarodnika. Bosna je bila prisutna u svim medijima. Njena tragedija je svakog dana prenošena uživo u dnevne sobe širom cijelog svijeta. Mnogo Nijemaca se angažiralo i sakupljalo humanitarnu pomoć za narod u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ti ljudi su trebali nekoga da ih iz prve ruke izvijesti o tome, nekoga ko je upravo bio došao iz Bosne. Pomažući taj humanitarni rad shvatila sam koliko je važno znanje njemačkog jezika, i koliko se sama bolje osjećam kad se mogu javiti za riječ na istom nivou kao i drugi saradnici i domaćini.

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In-between Cultures: Living and Writing as an Author in Exile

Author(s): Safeta Obhođaš / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2021

My native country is Bosnia and Herzegovina. I did not want to leave my land. In 1992, Serbs carried out their genocidal action called “ethnic cleaning” in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many Muslims had to leave, or they would be destroyed and executed. I immigrated with my family to Germany. Although it was an unknown culture for me, I was happy to be in a free country, where I could work and, at the same time, learn. German became my second language through which I developed my writing. My first phase in Germany was from 1992 to 1995; it was a refugee’s agony. During the day, I was burdened with work: I worked in several households as a cleaner, took care of both the household and the family, and then I ran to the classroom of a public school to learn German for a few hours. At the same time, the painful war in Bosnia and Herzegovina with the killing, dying, hunger and misery of my compatriots was constantly in my head. The war was present in all the media. Bosnia’s tragedy was broadcast live every day to living rooms around the world. Many Germans become engaged and collected humanitarian aid for people in Bosnia. These people needed someone to inform them first hand, someone who had just come from Bosnia. By helping with this humanitarian work, I realized how important knowledge of the German language was. I felt much better when I could use a word at the same level as other collaborators and hosts.

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Sjećanje na genocid u Srebrenici 1995

Author(s): Senadin Lavić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2021

U Bošnjačkom institutu u Sarajevu 8. jula 2010. godine u organizaciji BZK „Preporod“ održan je čas sjećanja na genocid u Srebrenici 1995.-2010. To veče govorili su predsjednik BZK „Preporod“ Senadin Lavić, profesorica Edin Bećirević, profesori Ćazim Sadiković, Šaćir Filandra, Asim Mujkić i Dino Abazović.

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Remembering the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide

Author(s): Senadin Lavić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

At the Bosniak Institute in Sarajevo on July 8, 2010, BZK “Preporod” (“Renaissance”) organized a lecture on remembering the Srebrenica genocide 1995-2010. The speakers that evening were the president of BZK “Preporod” Senadin Lavić and professors Edina Bećirević, Ćazim Sadiković, Šaćir Filandra, Asim Mujkić and Dino Abazović.

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Podcast 2020, Sjećanje na Srebrenicu

Author(s): Aleksandra Bilić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2021

Sredinom ljeta u julu 1995 je za sedmicu dana sistematski ubijeno više od 8000 muškaraca i dječaka u malom bosanskom gradu koji se zove Srebrenica. Untold Killings kroz glasove preživjelih, govori o ne toliko poznatoj priči o genocidu i etničkom čišćenju koje se desilo u samom srcu Europe. To je priča o izdaji, nepravdi i o posljedicama svjetske nezainteresovanosti za etničko čišćenje.

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Podcast 2020, Remembering Srebrenica

Author(s): Aleksandra Bilić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

Over the course of a mid-Summer week in July 1995, more than 8,000 men and boys were systematically killed in a small Bosnian town called Srebrenica. Untold Killing tells the little-known story of genocide and ethnic cleansing right in the heart of Europe through the voices of those who survived it. It’s a tale of betrayal, injustice, and what the world’s willful ignorance towards ethnic persecution leads to.

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Svegeneracijski roman o jednom neželjenom putovanju Zulmira Bečevića

Author(s): Edina Murtić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 83-84/2021

Based on the novel Putovanje započeto od kraja by Zulmir Bečević, the article aims to demonstrate how the thematic complexity encompassing growing up, undesired travelling, leaving home and searching for an identity of which the adult characters are not deprived, becomes transformed through narrative memories into a hybrid text, which goes beyond the common division of literature into children’s and adult books. The article shows how the narrator succeeds in interweaving the story containing a refugee trauma told from a child’s perspective with the world of adults, while not undermining the structure of the text and thematic orientation towards all readers’ groups.

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MUZEJ JEVREJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE (JEVREJSKA ZBIRKA)

Author(s): Žanka Dodig Karaman / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 7/2010

The Jewish Museum, opened to mark the quadricentennial of the arrival of the Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is housed in the highly atmospheric setting of the old synagogue. The exhibition includes artefacts relating to Judaism, the contribution made by the Jews to the development of science and culture, and their sutfering during World War II. Lack of space has forced the Sarajevo Museum to limit and somewhat alter its permanent exhibition to create space for visiting exhibitions and its own temporary exhibitions. The exhibitions hosted by the Jewish Museum include the exhibition of Jewish wedding gowns from Vienna, Children’s Tales from Prague, and the exhibition entitled “The Jews, medical workers,” mounted by the Museum jointly with Apoteke Sarajevo.

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ZLOČINI NA MARKALAMA

Author(s): Merisa Karović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 6/2008

Unfortunately, there were couple of frightful examples which represent the synonym for this market in the city centre. Namely, citizens of Sarajevo will always remember the Markale market as the symbol of killing of great number of people in just one moment, as the symbol of extinguishing, human lives, those who had plenty to give to this city, those who could have participated in building of our future. We have partly depicted the way of interpretation of mass killing of citizens of Sarajevo in the period ot siege. We have tried to give the answer to the question: How massacres are being observed from today’s perspective? We may state, as a slashing fact, that identity is being built on the basis of speculations, ignorance, misinterpretation of events and wrongly upbringing of future generations by some people from the area of the former Yugoslavia.

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STRADANJE SARAJEVA (1992-1995) SA REFLEKSIJAMA NA OBJEKTE OBRAZOVANJA I KULTURE

Author(s): Moamer Šehović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 6/2008

Average damage on culture and education institutions in Sarajevo reached the count of 18 million euros of direct damage in period between 1992-1995. During the time of occupation of Sarajevo and it’s population of 340.000 people were constantly thrown on with artilery, hand bombs and heavy machine guns, in that way almost all culture and education buildings ot city Sarajevo were destroyed. The loss of rich library with unique and rare precious books in National library and Institude for oriental studies, whose buildings were burned, were not as well included in this study. In that way the count of this damage is impossible to say correctly, but damages on economy will be effective on further 30 to 50 years. Priceless treasure has burned. In cities Vijećnica fire has burned priceless and very rare book-which are just part of direct damage which Serbian soldiers had caused to the city. The damage is priceless, however, the one that has been caused to the people. Around 19000 people of Sarajevo, all confesions and nationalities, of those 2000 children, have been killed in the occupied city by bullets of different kinds of weapons which Serbian soldiers have shot on Sarajevo!

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REINTEGRACIJA SARAJEVA

Author(s): Edin Omerčić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 6/2008

In this work author writes about the period from nagotiation in Dayton till april of 1996 and formaly ending of reintegration of Sarajevo. Author wanted to show dramatical situations in Sarajevo and its neighbourhood in mentioned period. Archived matter for this period is mainly inaccessible, so we can use help from memoir matter of participants, relevant literature and writing in journal Oslobodjenje and magazine BH Dani. It is necessarily, for sure, to do the exploration on methods that oral history uses, so for this kind of theme we should take in consider that kind of investigations. Sarajevo supposed to be separated. That has to be done in period from 1992 till 1995. Separation of the city did not work out. Megaloman project of construction Serb Sarajevo, bigger and prettier than Sarajevo itself, did not worked out either. Military breach in city had been attended several times during siege 1992 till 1995. Sarajevo existed but we can say that after process of reintegration stayed separated. When we compare territory of Sarajevo before and after war, we can conclude that some communities are not part of the city. Such as: complete territory of Pale, small part community of Stari Grad, bigger part community of Novo Sarajevo, part of Ilidza and part community of Trnovo. Temporary occupyed communities and parts of communities and setllements of city from VRS side with Dayton arrangement they refered to goverment of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. After this report Serb population and organized bands with paljans sirection start to ignite schools., houses, communities and going away from sides that will belong to Sarajevo authorities. With process of departure and burning, process of plunder is going on methodicaly. Industrial stuff, productive machinery had been plundered from teritory where Serbs ascendent was at the point. So the damage that arised with destruction is multiplied. After more, than 15 years since completion of war destruction in Sarajevo are obscure destructins of city infrastructure while aftermath of this pillage and departure the part of population leaved seal. Consequences can be feel on economic and social field and they are almost uncountable. With this development of occasions from 1992 till 1995, consequences that came from it and problems that are not solved nor they are solving on adequate way it is going to be long way for recovering.

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NIKOLA TRIŠIĆ: SARAJEVSKI ATENTAT U SVJETLU BIBLIOGRAFSKIH PODATAKA

Author(s): Todor Kruševac / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian Issue: 1/1963

Review of: Nikola Trišić: SARAJEVSKI ATENTAT U SVJETLU BIBLIOGRAFSKIH PODATAKA „Veselin Masleša“«, Sarajevo 1961.

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Ante Gotovina case: an error of law which led to innocence?

Author(s): Wiktor Hebda / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2021

The breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 30 years ago still has a substantial impact on the post-Yugoslav countries which proclaimed independence. Bearing in mind that the breakup also generated a military conflict, e.g. in Croatia, the restoration of Serbian-Croatian relations remains problematic. One of the challenges is passing a fair judgment on people responsible for war crimes or crimes against humanity. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established for this reason in particular. Ante Gotovina – a Croatian general, was one of those indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in connection with the military operation “Oluja” during which some heinous acts of crime took place. Gotovina played a clear and primary role in this operation, and therefore his actions were the main count of the indictment, firstly, for the prosecution and then for the Trial Chamber of ICTY. However, the sentence of 24 years imprisonment was never carried out following a successful appeal. The Appeals Chamber did not uphold the verdict of the Trial Chamber owing to a serious legal error and, consequently, it acquitted Gotovina of all the charges. This issue became yet another source of Serbian-Croatian conflict in connection with the most important people held responsible for the crimes committed in 1991-1995

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SEMANTIČKA ANALIZA LEKSIČKIH SREDSTAVA ZA REFERENCIJU ČINA NATO BOMBARDOVANJA 1999. GODINE U NEMAČKIM I SRPSKIM MEDIJIMA

Author(s): Anđela T. Vujošević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 24/2021

This paper analyses lexical means for the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in the German and Serbian press in 1999. The theoretical part describes the model of the three-dimensional meaning of Fritz Hermanns, according to which the functions of the linguistic sign can be realised on three levels: cognitive, emotional and deontic. The lexical means for the NATO bombing are first analysed in the empirical part, which were found in 68 thematically relevant articles in the Serbian weekly magazine NIN and in 39 articles in the German magazine SPIGEL during the NATO aggression on FRY from March to June 1999. The results have been also shown quantitatively. An important part of the work is the socio-political context of the selected event, which contributes to the semantic analysis of the found lexical means that have certain semantic meaning within the given discourse. As a starting point of the paper we used Humboldt's thesis, that linguistic diversity actually makes a diﬀerence in the world view, so the paper tries to answer the question of how language and selected lexicon form the opinion of an individual or a social group about an event, and how the conﬂict between political and military forces is presented in two diﬀerent languages and so reﬂected in the languages further inﬂuences the speakers of these languages.

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‘We Were Refugees Ourselves!’ Discursive Framing of the ‘Refugee Crisis’ in Croatia and Collective Memories of the 1990s War

Author(s): Tamara Banjeglav / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

This paper focuses on the discursive framing of the ‘refugee crisis’ in Croatian online media in order to examine the extent to which discourses about refugees crossing borders in 2015/2016 were informed by Croatia’s recent history and collective memory of the 1990s war. The paper is particularly interested in the local population’s perception of and reactions to the arrival of refugees. The analysis shows that the so-called refugee crisis, which dominated the European and world media in 2015/2016, triggered memories and narratives of the Croatian population’s own experience of displacement and forced migration, due to its own - not so distant - experiences of war. These local discourses defy the usual pro- and anti-refugee discourses that were present in other societies in Europe where refugees were arriving, due to a different historical memory and experience.

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