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“Prijelomna” i “sudbonosna” 1918: obilježavanje stogodišnjice stvaranja ugoslavije

“Prijelomna” i “sudbonosna” 1918: obilježavanje stogodišnjice stvaranja ugoslavije

Author(s): Branimir Janković / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 1/2019

U tekstu se obrađuje obilježavanje stogodišnjice stvaranja Jugoslavije 1918 — 2018. godine. Iako je naglasak na hrvatskim medijima i javnosti, društvu i historiografiji, u tekstu se govori i o načinu na koji se o Jugoslaviji govorilo u Sloveniji, Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji, Crnoj Gori i Makedoniji. Pritom je u svim državnim politikama bivših jugoslavenskih republika moguće primijetiti zajednička obilježja, ali i određene specifičnosti u njihovom sadašnjem odnosu prema Jugoslaviji. Stvaranje Jugoslavije i jugoslavensko iskustvo naime u cjelini uvelike doživljavaju “prijelomnim” i “sudbonosnim”, uz dominiranje negativnog bilanciranja i nerijetko postavljanja pitanja je li se ono uopće moralo dogoditi. No i tijekom stogodišnjice bila su o tome vidljiva vrlo različita i suprotstavljena mišljenja, kako među povjesničarima tako i u medijima i javnosti, čineći temu Jugoslavije i dalje polemičnom i interpretativno otvorenom.

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„Oko w oko z światem”. O wierszach Kazimierza Wierzyńskiego pisanych „w wojsku austriackim i w niewoli rosyjskiej”

„Oko w oko z światem”. O wierszach Kazimierza Wierzyńskiego pisanych „w wojsku austriackim i w niewoli rosyjskiej”

Author(s): Jakub Osiński / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2016

The article is devoted to poems by Kazimierz Wierzyński written during World War I, and published in the volume The Great Bear, 1923. During the war the poet served in the Austrian army and was taken prisoner by the Russians; in 1915–1918 he stayed in a POW camp in Ryazan. There he met Yelena Maslova, who he fell unhappily in love with. In this unhappy love the author of the article tries to find the key to understanding the analyzed poems. They were created at the same time as the vitalistic verses from the volume Spring and Wine, but are kept in a completely different, pessimistic tone. In his detailed analysis of poems “A Letter Home” and “To My Mother,” the author uses anthropological works concerning home (Mircea Eliade, Gaston Bachelard, Martin Heidegger) and findings of Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalysis, and thus, on the basis of the biographical context, he demonstrates that the unrequited love of the young poet was related to the lack of maternal love in early childhood.

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„Малката Франция” и приемането на България в Обществото на народите 1920 г

„Малката Франция” и приемането на България в Обществото на народите 1920 г

Author(s): Ludmil Spasov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2012

The present article analyzes the relations between Bulgaria and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSCS) through the prism of the accession of Bulgaria to the League of Nations (LN) in 1920. By tracing the specific steps of Bulgarian and international diplomacy, the article throws light on the real nature of the Balkan model of interrelations between victor and defeated and highlights the circumstances in which the post-war foreign policy of Bulgaria was formed. The arguments adduced in the article justify the claim that KSCS behaved like a “little France” in the Balkans and, unlike Romania and Poland, was unwilling to listen to and follow Paris in everything.

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Утвърждаване и разширяване на българското екзархийско ведомство в Македония след Берлинския конгрес
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Утвърждаване и разширяване на българското екзархийско ведомство в Македония след Берлинския конгрес

Author(s): Rositsa Lelyova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2017

This study researches the Church problems of the Bulgarian municipalities during the last decade of the 19th century, related to the receiving of berats for bishops, who organized and lead the overall church and educational activities of the Bulgarians in the Eparchies. The main role in solving the problems, which were incredibly important for the preservation of the national identity of the Bulgarian population, was that of the representatives of the Bulgarian Exarchate, mainly of Exarch Joseph I, the Bulgarian bishops and priests, and the local municipal authorities. The actions of the Bulgarian governments for the protection of the Bulgarians in Macedonia and their religious and national rights, are also presented in this study.

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Участие России в формировании болгарской государственности
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Участие России в формировании болгарской государственности

Author(s): Sergey Murtuzaliev,Mesedu Magomedova / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1-2/2014

At the end of the nineteenth century Russian civil administration governed the liberated territories of Bulgaria. It actively dealt with issues related to the restoration of Bulgarian statehood: the formation of an administrative apparatus, preparation of “Organic Chart” which later became constitution; the development of “Organic Statute” in Eastern Rumelia. It also ministered to the formation of the army and the education system of Bulgarian Principality. Russia prepared the ground for the later unification of the two parts of Bulgaria in one state.

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Фактори в международната дейност на БКД до началото на ХХ век
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Фактори в международната дейност на БКД до началото на ХХ век

Author(s): Tzvetan Radulov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3/2019

In 1869 a Bulgarian Learned Society in Braila was finally founded, as realization of an idea of the Bulgarian Revival community from the 1850s. From the begging the Bulgarian Learned Society and its leaders are actively involved in European scientific life, using the experience of the work of similar institutions. Thanks to the efforts of several leading figures, a network of contacts is quickly established, which contributes to the further development of the Society. This article provides information on the BLS‘s connections with various individuals and foreign scientific organizations at the its initial stage, and aims to present and analyze the various factors that influence the development of such relationships.

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Фриц Фишер или немачко суочавање са историјом

Author(s): Andrej Mitrović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1-2/2015

Године 1977. уједном осврту на дело Фрица Фишера (Fritz Fischer), професора историје на Универзитету у Хамбургу, угледни минхенски историчар Нипердај (Thomas Nipperdey), поред другог, написао је и ово: „Током шездесетих година није само еснаф историчара био узбуркан Фишеровом контроверзом, него и јавност заинтересована за политику и историју [...]. Својим тезама да далекосежни и анексионистички ратаи циљеви нису били пангерманске фантазије, него саставни део и израз континуираних тежњи за светском моћи, Фишер је у нерв погодио немачку историјску свест и тиме сложену ситуацију историјске науке [...]. Више нико не може и неће да изостане за Фишером. Његова књига је уистину отворила епоху, он је на основу нових извора и нових тумачења једно укорењено мишљење ревидирао, штавише револуционарно га изменио ...]. Више него иједан други немачки историчар постао је глава једне школе." [...]

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Цветан Тодоров (1939–2017) – апостолът на хуманизма, мечтателят за свобода

Цветан Тодоров (1939–2017) – апостолът на хуманизма, мечтателят за свобода

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

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Циганите и изселванията на „българските турци“ (1948–1989)
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Циганите и изселванията на „българските турци“ (1948–1989)

Author(s): Plamena Stoyanova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2017

“The Gypsies are our own, domestic problem” is a phrase attributed to the long-term former head of the old communist Bulgarian government, Todor Zhivkov. The government policy towards the Gypsy minority in communist Bulgaria is one of inclusion to the Bulgarian way of life, and its implementation is carefully tailored to the specificities of Bulgaria as a country.It is a little known fact that towards the end of the 1940’s, the Bulgarian Gypsies suddenly turn from a “domestic problem” to something much larger and thus become part of the great confrontation between the two world political camps divided by the Iron Curtain. This takes place during the emigration of the ethnic Bulgarian Turks which starts in 1948, and during which, applications for emigration are filed by both Bulgarian Turks and Muslim Bulgarian Gypsies. It is this latter ethnic minority that becomes the cause for a serious conflict between ‘communist Bulgaria’ and ‘capitalist Turkey’.This paper aims at following the events from the end of the 40’s until end of the 80‘s of the previous century as well as analyzing the consequences of the confrontation between the two neighbouring Balkan countries.

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Четническата акция на ВМОРО от 1907 г.
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Четническата акция на ВМОРО от 1907 г.

Author(s): Slavi Slavov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2019

In the summer of 1907, the Inner Macedonian-Odrin Revolutionary Organization (IMORO) undertook a large-scale rebels’ action in Macedonia to expel Serbian and Greek troops from the area. The most significant manifestation of this action was the battle at Nozhot Peak, Prilep region, which ended with a heavy defeat for the Bulgarian bands. The main focus of the article is the fact that the rebels’ action was carried out thanks to the funds of the Bulgarian government, which provided IMORO with an impressive amount of weapons and ammunition. The failure was due both to faults in the overall strategic plan and to the vigorous resistance of Serbia, which coordinated its activities with the Ottoman Empire at various levels. After the defeat at Nozhot Peak, the IMORO campaign weakened significantly, but the continued dispatch of bands and weapons aided the Bulgarian population in Macedonia in its fight against foreign armed propaganda.

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ヨーゼフ・レートリヒのみた ボスニア・ヘルツェゴヴィナ併合問題 ― 二重制における自治をめぐって ―

Author(s): Ryo Murakami / Language(s): Japanese / Issue: 66/2019

Article 25 of the Berlin Treaty of 1878 recognized the Austro-Hungarian (Habsburg) Empire’s occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. This provisional status of the two provinces ended with their annexation in October 1908. The rationale behind the decision by Alois Lexa Aehrenthal, common foreign minister of the Habsburg Empire (1906-1912), was concern about possible repercussions of the Young Turk Revolution in July 1908 including the subsequent end of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He was also alert to the Serbian nationalistic ambition towards this territory. As these provinces were a common administrative district under a dual system (Ausgleich), the parliaments of both Austria and Hungary had to enact the Annexation Law (Annexionsgesetz) that would legitimize the new status of the provinces. Moreover, the Habsburg leadership had to tackle predicaments arising from the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution (February 1910) and from the provincial diet. They were forced to concede to local demands for self-government with a view toward reducing public discontent with the central government as well as the current state structure. In other words, the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina triggered disputes around the sustainability of the dual system and national questions, the South Slav Question in particular. The relevant scholarship, however, has not paid sufficient attention to either the legal procedure of incorporating the annexed territory into the empire or the implications of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution for the Ausgleich. To fill the lacuna of historiography, I find it useful to address the views of Josef Redlich (1869-1936), professor of public law and constitution at Vienna Technical University and a member of the Austrian Parliament. Well-informed about questions of autonomy, he recognized the importance of autonomy for stability of the Habsburg Empire. As such, he was Aehrenthal’s private adviser concerning domestic and diplomatic affairs. With his understanding of the specific ethno-religious circumstances in the territory, Redlich prepared several reports concerning the Annexation Law and memoranda to a draft of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution, which were submitted to Aehrenthal and Richard von Bienerth-Schmerling, prime minister of Austria (1908-1911). Yet many scholars have dismissed Redlich’s role in the discussions around the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina and its self-government. Using Redlich’s standpoint, I explore the impacts of disputes over the Annexation Law and the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution upon Habsburg’s dual system. Redlich had diplomatic and domestic contexts in mind. Out of diplomatic consideration, Redlich was completely in tune with Aehrenthal’s active diplomacy, namely the expansion of the Donau Monarchy to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Like Aehrenthal, Redlich was so wary of the Serbian national movement in Bosnia-Herzegovina that he determinedly rebuffed Serbia’s protest against the annexation. As concerns his domestic consideration, Redlich saw the annexation as an opportunity to reinforce the empire’s unity. His reasoning is clearly visible in his criticism of Hungarian centrifugal policies in the early twentieth century. According to him, it was Hungary that gradually undermined the solidarity of the Habsburg’s dual system. In the case of the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina, legal argumentation diverged between Austria and Hungary. The Hungarian Annexation Law argued for Hungary’s historic right to the territory, based on the Habsburg’s law of succession (Pragmatische Sanktion) for recovery of former provinces. The Austrian Annexation Law, meanwhile, basically aimed at maintaining the status quo. Naturally, Redlich opposed Hungary’s assertion. The Annexation Law was never passed in the Austrian Parliament. Redlich also proposed amendments to a draft of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution prepared by István Burián, common finance minister of the Habsburg Empire (1903-1912). Redlich’s main points were 1) the political status of Bosnia-Herzegovina in the dual system; 2) fundamental human rights of the inhabitants in the annexed lands; and 3) competence of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Diet. Redlich agreed with Burián regarding the relationship between the Habsburg Empire and Bosnia-Herzegovina overall. According to their understanding, the Diet of Bosnia-Herzegovina would be involved in decision-making on local affairs, but it would not be allowed to encroach upon imperial issues, such as military and foreign policies. There are some discrepancies between them, however. We should take seriously Redlich’s view of the strict separation of the three branches of government, the recognition of the fundamental human rights of Bosnian inhabitants, and the rejection of the Bosnian Diet’s interference in the local administrative authority. Moreover, Redlich proposed diminishing the Hungarian influence on railway policy, which had been a long-pending question for Austria. To sum up, he aimed at reinforcing the local administrative power rather than expanding the provincial diet. The motivation behind his ideas was a certain distrust of Bosnian-Herzegovinian political power and caution against Serbian nationalism. What Redlich wanted to achieve was to maintain the status quo of legal basis of the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina. While Redlich attempted to give political leeway to the annexed provinces, he intended to reconcile the empire’s dual system and the existing political status of the annexed territory. Yet he was forced to place Bosnia-Herzegovina as a third unit under the dual system in terms of railway, post, and telegraph affairs. In short, Redlich’s scheme deviated from his basic aim. From Redlich’s arguments, we can conclude that the Habsburg’s political system was incompatible with the concept of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s full self-government.

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新渡戸稲造のバルカン観 ―「慕斯尼亞の農政」の生政治的読解 ―

Author(s): Mitsutoshi Inaba / Language(s): Japanese / Issue: 66/2019

1898 年 3 月から台湾総督府民政局長(6 月から民政長官)を務めていた後藤新平の伝記 によれば、1902 年の外遊に際して台湾統治に役立つとの理由から「新植民地」ボスニア・ ヘルツェゴヴィナ(以下ボスニア)の巡視が計画された(1) 。これには、台湾総督府に奉職し ていた大内丑之助と新渡戸稲造も同行しているが、伝記はウィーンまでの出来事を述べるに とどまる。松田吉郎と新福大健は、具体的に分析していないが、1903 年に『臺灣協會會報』 に新渡戸が「慕斯尼亞の農政(以下慕斯尼亞)」と題する一文を発表していた事実を挙げて いる(2) 。故に、彼らが、バルカンあるいはボスニアをどのように見たのかに関して、新渡戸 だけが手がかりを与えてくれる。この「慕斯尼亞」は台湾協会で同年 2 月に発表された講演 に基づいている。他方でユーゴスラヴィア地域と日本との交流に関しては、少数の史的研究 が存在するが、新渡戸にも「慕斯尼亞」にも触れていない(3) 。

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