BROJ SANDŽAČKIH BOŠNJAKA U TURSKOJ

Author(s): Saša Mrduljaš / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2019

A territory that is colloquially called Sandzak represents one of those South Slavic regions that remained under Ottoman rule for the longest time. Merely in 1912/13, the northern part of this territory became part of Serbia and southern part of Montenegro. Then commence and the mass migration of Sandzak Bosniaks to Turkey (untill 1923, the Ottoman Empire), which lasted until the late 1960s. Migrations led to the emergence of a strong Bosniak-Sandzak diaspora in that country. However, its number is not really known. Due to that, there are numerous speculations and even those that calculate with millions of immigrants. The paper, using primarily the data from the Yugoslav censuses from 1921 and 1971, and insight into the demographic growth of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as the growth of the Turkish population we tried to determine the approximate number of Sandzak Bosniaks in Turkey. Primarily the number of those who had emigrated between the two censuses i.e. their descendants.

Brunnbauer, Ulf. Globalizing Southeastern Europe. Emigrants, America, and the State since the Late Nineteenth Century. New York, 2016

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova,Petia Bankova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

Constitutional Development to 1914

Author(s): Malbone W. Graham / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

The military conquest and partition of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia by Germany and its Axis partners in the spring of 1941 was a tragic event for the South Slavs. But in the long perspective of history it can be viewed as an far less enduring in the lives of these heroic peoples than the aftermath of the Battle of Kosovo. Although it marked a major dislocation, a hiatus in constitutional development, it was not the end of the juridical pattern created by the Yugoslav people. The fabric woven throughout fifteen hundred years of common historical experience was not so delicate that a break in the thread of its continuity, even the temporary discontinuance of portions of the design, could permanently destroy the intricately woven tapestry. This is a fitting time to analyze the constitutional evolution of the Yugoslavs. The patterns for collective behavior (which we call constitutions) are complex. Constitutionalism is principally of nineteenth-century origin. Except for a relatively small part of the English-speaking world, whose continuity in legal structure and institutions stretches back into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the great political movement resulting from the convergence of the American and French revolutions was, par excellence, a nineteenth-century phenomenon. It reached its zenith in the second decade of the twentieth century.

Contesting the Old Order: Greek Orthodox and Muslims in Izmir welcome the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution

Author(s): Vangelis Kechriotis / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2007

In 1908, after thirty three years of autocratic rule and following the successful course of the Revolution organized by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti), which was set up by dissident young officers and bureaucrats better known as Young Turks, the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II was urged to restore the Constitution that he had suspended in 1878. The news triggered enthusiasm among all communities, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, and preparations for the parliamentary elections soon began. As a matter of fact, this period entailed a totally new experience in the way Ottoman subjects, particularly in the urban centers, contemplated their relations with the authorities, in the sense that decision-making and mobilisation of populations took place mainly in the major urban centers, Izmir, Salonica and the capital Istanbul. Thus, to begin with, our interest revolves around the urban space and the ways the urban population perceived and responded to the new challenges. In this paper, our aim is to address some of the questions generated by our study of the Greek-Orthodox community in a major urban center like Izmir (Smyrna). To what extent, for instance, did the urban experience of an ethno-religious community in a particular city of the Empire bear the marks of its specifi c geographical coordinates? Moeoer, to what extent was this experience determined by the ethno-religious background of its population? To what extent, fi nally, can this experience be comprehensible to outsiders? [...]

Das albanische Problem / Die Beziehungen zwischen Serbien und Österreich-Ungarn

Author(s): Stojan Protić / Language(s): German / Publication Year: 1913

German edition published in 1913 under the pseudonym „Balkanicus“ by Otto Wigand mbH, Leipzig The booklet offers two essays of Stojan Protić who, after WW I, became the first Prime-Minister of Yugoslavia.

DEMOGRAFSKE PROMJENE NAKON BERLINSKOG KONGRESA (1878) U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Zećir Ramčilović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 2/2019

The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.

Der Erste Weltkrieg in der modernen deutschen und russischen Geschichtsschreibung

Author(s): Nikolay Baranov / Language(s): German / Publication Year: 0

The author gives a comparative analysis of the positions and prospects of the main problems in the history of World War I in the contemporary historiography of Germany and Russia (in the last 20 years). The author concludes that not only do German historians focus on historical events but also mentality in the context of contemporary research approaches: anthropological history, the history of everyday life, history from „below”, the history of experiences (emotions) and suffering, history of violence and imprisonment. In Russian historiography as mainstream remains to study on World War I in the context of the political, military, diplomatic, and social history.

Der Erste Weltkrieg und seine Auswirkungen auf die bosnisch-herzegowinische Bevölkerung

Author(s): Rüdiger Malli / Language(s): German / Issue: 40/2010

In diesem Beitrag wird versucht, die Bedeutung des Tagebuches von Thallóczy für die Beleuchtung des Ersten Weltkrieges, besonders für Bosnien und Herzegowina darzustellen. Es wird der Forschungsstand hinsichtlich der Quelleneditionen und der zugehörigen Literatursituation behandelt. Gleichzeitig werden Editionskonzepte und Publikationsvorschläge angeboten. Der zweite Teil beschäftigt sich mit der Person auf Grund seines Tagebuches und mit der Bewertung der Quellen.

Didysis karas (1914–1918) lietuvių memuarinėje literatūroje: atminties diskursų spektras, nepriklausomybės „byla“ ir užmaršties kontekstas

Author(s): Eugenijus Žmuida / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 2/2018

The article analyses memoirs by Lithuanians dealing with the Great War (1914-1918). The events of the early 20th century led to the emergence of Lithuanian independent state. They affected the lives of every Lithuanian, and shaped the most important part of individual and collective memory. Many famous political and cultural figures of that time left behind their memoirs. A variety of memoir literature opens a broad panorama of historical events and personal experiences, expressed in a wide diversity of forms. The article presents examples of the most notable memoirs from different fields. Aleksandras Uspenskis served in the Russian Army, Teodoras Reingardas in the Russian Navy, and Jurgis F. Jonaitis fought on the side of the Entente. The situation in occupied Lithuania is told by such authors as Gabrielė Petkevičaitė-Bitė (from North-Eastern Lithuania), priest Pranciškus Žadeikis (from North-West Lithuania) and Antanas Gintneris (from Southern Lithuania). Priest Pranas Bieliauskas writes about life during the war in Vilnius in his Diary of Vilnius. Memoirs by Martynas Yčas, who was the deputy of the Russian State Duma and a chairman of the Lithuanian War Relief Society, provides a detailed account about lives and affairs of Lithuanians who evacuated to Russia and views of Lithuanian intellectuals on the future of their homeland. The article, using methodological concepts of memory discourses (Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann, Aleida Assmann, and etc.), aims to return this significant part of literature to the horizons of historical and cultural memory, and to analyse the interplay of memory vs. forgetfulness as political and social constructs in the context of historical cataclysms of the 20th century.

Die Familie Coburg und die Slowakei König Ferdinand von Bulgarien und seine „geliebten Leute und Berge“

Author(s): Roman Holec / Language(s): German / Issue: 3-4/2014

The article of prof. R. Holets presents new and unknown moments in the life of the Bulgarian Tsar Ferdinand after his abdication and departure from the country. Based exclusively on documents with which Bulgarian researchers were unable to work, it presents his life in an environment very different from that in Bulgaria, in a new role, unlike the one he played until 1918. The study adds new and unknown touches to the image of Tsar Ferdinand.

Die Internationale Kontrollkommission Albaniens und die albanischen Machtzentren (1913/1914). Beitrag zur Geschichte der Staatsbildung Albaniens

Author(s): Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics / Language(s): German / Issue: 73/2014

The best guarantee of protecting the rights of Christian minorities on the European territory of the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century was nothing else but the establishing of own nation-states, where the Christian population could lead his life without being ruled or controlled by the Ottoman Empire. This process found support and was assisted by the Great Powers. It means, that one form of the humanitarian intervention was the state-building instructed or assisted from abroad. One of the unexpected experiences of the Balkan Wars 1912/1913 was that the members of the Balkan League committed genocides and other kinds of mass violence against other Nationalities and the Muslim population of the peninsula. Among other things the Albanian state-building project of the Great Powers aimed to prevent further genocide and other acts of violence against the Albanian population and other refugees from Macedonia and to put an end to the anarchy of the country. Th e main international organisation to directly represent the great powers in the new Albania and to be responsible for the state-building process was the International Commission of Control.

Die orientalisierende Architektur als ein stilistischer Ausdruck des offiziellen Bauprogramms der k. u. k. bosnisch-herzegowinischen Landesregierung 1878-1918

Author(s): Alexander Zäh / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

The orientalizing architecture of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of the official building policy for this province under the Habsburg administration from 1878-1918. It was executed by a team of architects, members of the building department of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian “Landesregierung” (provincial administration) at Sarajevo. This introductory paper surveys and gives an overview of its most important monuments. It displays the building types and their functions and shows the distribution of this distinctive building style in the country, which became the last significant territorial acquisition of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the official annexation of the province in 1908. The architectural style was clearly chosen by the administration for political reasons to underline the Islamic traditions and heritage of the country, to strengthen the local identity of its citizens and to support them with and artificial, new, often very pseudo-Islamic “genius loci”. It was also chosen as an answer in the field of the material culture against the pan-slavic movements of the time, which were especially active in this province. Other aspects were economically motivated, e.g. to create a pseudo-oriental impression as an attraction for visitors of the country to support the young, prospering tourism industry within the Habsburg Empire, promoting the identity of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a “near”, but still “oriental” and “new”, exotic travel destination within Austria-Hungary’s borders. Internationally the detected orientalistic building style is part of the architectural historicism and the many related “revival” styles that other European powers used in their colonial dominions in related contexts (e.g. the “Indo-saracenic” style of British-India). The downfall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy ended this progressive architectural experiment, which would have corresponded very well with a reformed multicultural Empire in the sense of a proposed (and visionary) “United States of Greater Austria“. Most of the discussed monuments were recently declared national monuments of the young independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Droga Legionów

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 17/1995

Powszechna mobilizacja Związków i Drużyn Strzeleckich w Galicji. Pierwsza Kompania Kadrowa Strzelców dowodzona przez Tadeusza Kasprzyckiego wyrusza z Krakowa do Królestwa Kongresowego. Józef Piłsudski ogłasza „Manifest” Rządu Narodowego (który de facto nie istniał), wzywający Polaków do powstania przeciwko Rosji. Wobec bierności ludności w Królestwie plany powstańcze kończą się fiaskiem.

Evropský Středoevropan Bedřich Loewenstein

Author(s): Miloš Havelka / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 1-2/2018

In his article, the author presents, in a concise and condensed fashion, the foundation, contours, principal features, and themes of the thinking of Bedřich Loewenstein (1929–2017), a modern and contemporary history historian spanning a multitude of disciplines. He finds the deepest layer of Loewenstein’s thinking in historical anthropology, in his interest in specific human beings and their actions, motivations, and orientations, explaining the historian’s “frame of mind” by his personal, lived experience of a Central European intellectual confronted with dramatic turns of history in the twentieth century. This also the reason behind Loewenstein’s understanding for the diversity of identities (in Central Europe mainly ethnic and national) and their coexistence, as well as his sensitivity to historical location and conditionality of individuals. According to Havelka, Loewenstein was representing a viewpoint (fairly rare in the Czech environment) which regarded “spiritual sciences” as sciences on creations of the collective and individual human spirit, focusing also on historical forms and influences of these creations, no matter whether his research topic was Fascism, “Bonapartism”, civic society, development and progress, or, more generally, history of ideas. The author points at Loewenstein’s skepticism toward constructions of great theories and his pronounced terminological nominalism refusing to grant essential validity to collective entities such as nations and cultures. This is related to Loewenstein’s conviction about the openness of history, both to the past and to the future, toward potential alternative interpretations. The historical pessimism is counter balanced by Loewenstein’s complementary perception of historical processes of disciplination and emancipation, or the formation of order and human freedom, although he was also a historian of nationalism, violence, and mass manipulation. The author pays special attention to Loewenstein’s concepts of modernity, civilization, and mainly belief in progress, which is viewed in his works in diverse manifestations of its ambiguity. In the end, Havelka emphasizes Loewenstein’s Europeism as a perspective of his historical view and as an integrating civilization principle which is associated with trust in intellect as a means of understanding, tolerance, and consensus.

FIN DE SIÈCLE У РУСИЈИ: ПОЛИТИКА И УМЕТНОСТ

Author(s): Branislava Trifunović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 174/2020

In this research paper, author discusses artistic responses to political turmoil from 1850 to 1917. This period in the Russian Empire was marked by a gradual striving for a radical and total social transformation initiated by, sometimes even violent, social reactions to the existing autocratic form of government in the mid-19th century, and completed by the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. The article dwells upon historical problems of social and cultural transformations of the Russian society and highlights artistic contribution in strive for modernization. In exploring the mode of adaptation of Russian society to the challenges of modernity, the possibility arose for the setting of three chronologically conditioned, but complex, cause-effect correlations of art and socio-political change: national-imperial, then (paradoxically named) larpurlartist-democratic and avant-garde-socialist correlation. These political and, at the same time, cultural platforms, are recognized as suitable for creating and strengthening a revolutionary climate in imperial Russia. Referring to the revolutionary nature of the artistic movements that preceded the Russian avant-garde, we insist that pluralism of styles and aesthetics in the socio-cultural sphere, as well as social engagement of artists, are factors that are of utmost importance in the preparation of the October Revolution in 1917.

Geopolitical position of Poland - from time of partitions to the independence

Author(s): Jowita Brudnicka / Language(s): English / Issue: 23/2016

To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the time of the fall of the First Republic and partitions. Sketch of Polish geopolitics is well composed into the broader plan of European thought. This is not just a simpple analitycal exercise. Article contains the suggestion, that the events, experiences and geopolitical configurations may exhibit amazing repeatability.

GRADITELJSKA OSTAVŠTINA ITALIJANA CORDIGNANO I CANDOTTI U TUZLI

Author(s): Tihomir Knežiček / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 6/2013

Cordignano and Candotti are Italians in origin civil engineering entrepreneurs who designed and built significant number of government and private building in Tuzla during Austria Hungarian empire. The buildings are built in romantic and neoromansa stiles, and represent the grandeur of ornaments and new living styles initiated by appearance of Austria-Hungarian empire in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Tuzla was considered as the center of North-east Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the locality closest to the empire's border towards Serbia. This causes intensive movement of citizens from the Europe, the parts of the Monarchy, and among them masters for construction and civil engineering works. Those masters were invited to build buildings for various purposes, for government and citizens needs. Established construction company “Cordignano and Candotti”, owned by Tuzla civil engineering entrepreneurs Cordignano and Candotti, was imposed by their quality and speedy dynamics of works. Their presence in Tuzla they remarked by designing and building Grand gymnasium in Donja Tuzla (Tuzla), County post office, Catholic church, Trade academy – school, and a number of building for combined business and private purposes. They upgrade the monastery in Plehan near Derventa, build own family houses, and houses for important persons in Tuzla during that time.

GRANICA KRALJEVINE SHS S ALBANIJOM

Author(s): Živko Avramovski / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1+2/1992

The question of Albanian borders was opened towards the end of the 19th c., especially during the Berlin Congress when borders between Serbia, Montenegro and Turkey were being determined. At the time Albanians demanded autonomy for Albania within Turkey and expressed aspirations of a general sort regarding the territories of the vilayets Shkodra, Kosovo, Bitola and loannina. These aspirations were put forth with more precision during the uprising in 1912, when the following territory was demanded: the whole Shkodra vilayet, the whole loannina vilayet, the Prizren, Priština, Peć and Novi Pazar sanjaks and Tetovo kaza from the Kosovo vilayet, and the Debar, Elbasan and Когсё sanjaks from the Bitola vilayet. Burdened by problems in foreign politics, the Turkish government accepted these demands on 4 September but was prevented from fulfilling them by the outbreak of the Balkan War. After the quick victories of the Balkan allies, the Albanian leaders decided to break all ties with Turkey, having judged that it would definitely have to withdraw from the Balkans. On 1 November 1912 they declared an independent Albanian state and set up a temporary government in Valona. Austria-Hungary and Italy fully supported this move, seeing the creation of an Albanian state as the best barrier to the possibility of Serbia’s exit on the Adriatic Sea. After signing a truce, the representatives of the warring parties met in London on 16 December 1912 to begin peace negotiations. At the same time the ambassadors of the six great powers also et, supposedly to mediate between the warring parties but in actuality they dictated the terms of the peace settlement or rather, he division of Turkish territories in the Balkans. The first decision made at the conference of the ambassadors was that an independent, neutral Albanian state should be founded. The peace treaty between the Balkan allies and Turkey was signed on 30 May 1913. This treaty did not resolve the question of determining borders between the newly-founded Albanian state and its neighbors but left decisions regarding this up to the conference of the ambassadors of the great powers. Here the extreme demands of the interested parties and the different interests of the great powers became evident. However, none of the great powers challenged the question of the annexation of Kosovo and Metohia to Serbia and Montenegro. The negotiations centered on disputes over the cities Shkodra, Peć, Djakovica, Prizren, Debar and Ohrid, and were ended with a compromise according to which Shkodra was given to Albania, Peć and Djakovica to Montenegro, and Prizren, Debarand Ohrid to Serbia. An international committee was formed to mark the border lines but at the outbreak of the First World War it had still not accomplished its task. During the First World War both warring parties used the Albanian territory as bait for winning over allies to their side. In this sense Austria-Hungary planned to annex Kosovo and Metohia to Albania and then to annex the latter to itself, or put it under Austro-Hungarian protectorate. At the same time Austria-Hungary had promised south Albania to Greece, in return for Greece's continued neutrality and had hinted to Bulgaria that it might get parts of central Albania. On the other side the powers of the Entente had promised, by the London Treaty of 1915, Valona with its hinterland to Italy, with the possibility of north Albania being annexed to Serbia and Montenegro, and south Albania to Greece. After the First World War, at the Paris Peace Conference, the question of Albanian borders was discussed again but after lengthy negotiations the conference of the great powers’ ambassadors made a resolution on 9 November 1921 by which an independent Albanian state was recognized, with borders as they had been in 1913. A few minor changes were made in Yugoslavia’s favor in the regions of Debar, Prizren and Kastrat, while north of Lake Ohrid the changes were in favor of Albania. These borders remained valid after the end of the Second World War.

GREECE’S CRETAN MOTIVE ON THE ROAD TO A BALKAN ALLIANCE AND WAR (1908 – 1912)

Author(s): Zorka Parvanova / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2018

The present study traces the evolution of Greece’s Balkan policy and the public sentiments in the Kingdom under the pressure of the escalating Young Turk revanchism on the Cretan question. The inconsistent, mutually contradictory positions of the Great Powers, performing as they were a balancing act between Constantinople and Athens, pushed the case of Crete into a cul-de-sac. The European declarations guaranteeing the Ottoman sovereignty over the island encouraged the Sublime Porte to seek a revision of the status of Crete. At the same time, their efforts to preserve the status quo after 1898, when the rights of the Sultan were reduced to a token suzerainty, fueled the unremitting struggle of the Cretan Greeks for enosis (unity). Caught between the rock of the Young Turks’ aggressive policy and the hard place of the Cretan people’s untamed aspirations for finalizing their unification with Greece, the Greek governments had no other option but to travel the long and bumpy road from the utterly pro-Ottoman, anti-Bulgarian position of G. Theotokis to Greece’s accession, under E. Venizélos, to the anti-Ottoman alliance of Slavic nations.

HENNLICHOVÁ, Marcela, Entente Cordiale: Development of Anglo-French Relations on the Way to the entente, 1898–1904.

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Author(s): Alena Tíkalová / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2017

HENNLICHOVÁ, Marcela, Entente Cordiale: Development of Anglo-French Relations on the Way to the entente, 1898–1904. Prague, 2020, 282 s. ISBN 978-80-7308-976-4.