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Die orientalisierende Architektur als ein stilistischer Ausdruck des offiziellen Bauprogramms der k. u. k. bosnisch-herzegowinischen Landesregierung 1878-1918

Author(s): Alexander Zäh / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

The orientalizing architecture of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of the official building policy for this province under the Habsburg administration from 1878-1918. It was executed by a team of architects, members of the building department of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian “Landesregierung” (provincial administration) at Sarajevo. This introductory paper surveys and gives an overview of its most important monuments. It displays the building types and their functions and shows the distribution of this distinctive building style in the country, which became the last significant territorial acquisition of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the official annexation of the province in 1908. The architectural style was clearly chosen by the administration for political reasons to underline the Islamic traditions and heritage of the country, to strengthen the local identity of its citizens and to support them with and artificial, new, often very pseudo-Islamic “genius loci”. It was also chosen as an answer in the field of the material culture against the pan-slavic movements of the time, which were especially active in this province. Other aspects were economically motivated, e.g. to create a pseudo-oriental impression as an attraction for visitors of the country to support the young, prospering tourism industry within the Habsburg Empire, promoting the identity of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a “near”, but still “oriental” and “new”, exotic travel destination within Austria-Hungary’s borders. Internationally the detected orientalistic building style is part of the architectural historicism and the many related “revival” styles that other European powers used in their colonial dominions in related contexts (e.g. the “Indo-saracenic” style of British-India). The downfall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy ended this progressive architectural experiment, which would have corresponded very well with a reformed multicultural Empire in the sense of a proposed (and visionary) “United States of Greater Austria“. Most of the discussed monuments were recently declared national monuments of the young independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Droga Legionów

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 17/1995

Powszechna mobilizacja Związków i Drużyn Strzeleckich w Galicji. Pierwsza Kompania Kadrowa Strzelców dowodzona przez Tadeusza Kasprzyckiego wyrusza z Krakowa do Królestwa Kongresowego. Józef Piłsudski ogłasza „Manifest” Rządu Narodowego (który de facto nie istniał), wzywający Polaków do powstania przeciwko Rosji. Wobec bierności ludności w Królestwie plany powstańcze kończą się fiaskiem.

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Evropský Středoevropan Bedřich Loewenstein

Author(s): Miloš Havelka / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 1-2/2018

In his article, the author presents, in a concise and condensed fashion, the foundation, contours, principal features, and themes of the thinking of Bedřich Loewenstein (1929–2017), a modern and contemporary history historian spanning a multitude of disciplines. He finds the deepest layer of Loewenstein’s thinking in historical anthropology, in his interest in specific human beings and their actions, motivations, and orientations, explaining the historian’s “frame of mind” by his personal, lived experience of a Central European intellectual confronted with dramatic turns of history in the twentieth century. This also the reason behind Loewenstein’s understanding for the diversity of identities (in Central Europe mainly ethnic and national) and their coexistence, as well as his sensitivity to historical location and conditionality of individuals. According to Havelka, Loewenstein was representing a viewpoint (fairly rare in the Czech environment) which regarded “spiritual sciences” as sciences on creations of the collective and individual human spirit, focusing also on historical forms and influences of these creations, no matter whether his research topic was Fascism, “Bonapartism”, civic society, development and progress, or, more generally, history of ideas. The author points at Loewenstein’s skepticism toward constructions of great theories and his pronounced terminological nominalism refusing to grant essential validity to collective entities such as nations and cultures. This is related to Loewenstein’s conviction about the openness of history, both to the past and to the future, toward potential alternative interpretations. The historical pessimism is counter balanced by Loewenstein’s complementary perception of historical processes of disciplination and emancipation, or the formation of order and human freedom, although he was also a historian of nationalism, violence, and mass manipulation. The author pays special attention to Loewenstein’s concepts of modernity, civilization, and mainly belief in progress, which is viewed in his works in diverse manifestations of its ambiguity. In the end, Havelka emphasizes Loewenstein’s Europeism as a perspective of his historical view and as an integrating civilization principle which is associated with trust in intellect as a means of understanding, tolerance, and consensus.

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Geopolitical position of Poland - from time of partitions to the independence

Author(s): Jowita Brudnicka / Language(s): English / Issue: 23/2016

To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the time of the fall of the First Republic and partitions. Sketch of Polish geopolitics is well composed into the broader plan of European thought. This is not just a simpple analitycal exercise. Article contains the suggestion, that the events, experiences and geopolitical configurations may exhibit amazing repeatability.

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GRADITELJSKA OSTAVŠTINA ITALIJANA CORDIGNANO I CANDOTTI U TUZLI

Author(s): Tihomir Knežicek / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 6/2013

Cordignano and Candotti are Italians in origin civil engineering entrepreneurs who designed and built significant number of government and private building in Tuzla during Austria Hungarian empire. The buildings are built in romantic and neoromansa stiles, and represent the grandeur of ornaments and new living styles initiated by appearance of Austria-Hungarian empire in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Tuzla was considered as the center of North-east Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the locality closest to the empire's border towards Serbia. This causes intensive movement of citizens from the Europe, the parts of the Monarchy, and among them masters for construction and civil engineering works. Those masters were invited to build buildings for various purposes, for government and citizens needs. Established construction company “Cordignano and Candotti”, owned by Tuzla civil engineering entrepreneurs Cordignano and Candotti, was imposed by their quality and speedy dynamics of works. Their presence in Tuzla they remarked by designing and building Grand gymnasium in Donja Tuzla (Tuzla), County post office, Catholic church, Trade academy – school, and a number of building for combined business and private purposes. They upgrade the monastery in Plehan near Derventa, build own family houses, and houses for important persons in Tuzla during that time.

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GRANICA KRALJEVINE SHS S ALBANIJOM

Author(s): Živko Avramovski / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1(2)/1992

The question of Albanian borders was opened towards the end of the 19th c., especially during the Berlin Congress when borders between Serbia, Montenegro and Turkey were being determined. At the time Albanians demanded autonomy for Albania within Turkey and expressed aspirations of a general sort regarding the territories of the vilayets Shkodra, Kosovo, Bitola and loannina. These aspirations were put forth with more precision during the uprising in 1912, when the following territory was demanded: the whole Shkodra vilayet, the whole loannina vilayet, the Prizren, Priština, Peć and Novi Pazar sanjaks and Tetovo kaza from the Kosovo vilayet, and the Debar, Elbasan and Когсё sanjaks from the Bitola vilayet. Burdened by problems in foreign politics, the Turkish government accepted these demands on 4 September but was prevented from fulfilling them by the outbreak of the Balkan War. After the quick victories of the Balkan allies, the Albanian leaders decided to break all ties with Turkey, having judged that it would definitely have to withdraw from the Balkans. On 1 November 1912 they declared an independent Albanian state and set up a temporary government in Valona. Austria-Hungary and Italy fully supported this move, seeing the creation of an Albanian state as the best barrier to the possibility of Serbia’s exit on the Adriatic Sea. After signing a truce, the representatives of the warring parties met in London on 16 December 1912 to begin peace negotiations. At the same time the ambassadors of the six great powers also et, supposedly to mediate between the warring parties but in actuality they dictated the terms of the peace settlement or rather, he division of Turkish territories in the Balkans. The first decision made at the conference of the ambassadors was that an independent, neutral Albanian state should be founded. The peace treaty between the Balkan allies and Turkey was signed on 30 May 1913. This treaty did not resolve the question of determining borders between the newly-founded Albanian state and its neighbors but left decisions regarding this up to the conference of the ambassadors of the great powers. Here the extreme demands of the interested parties and the different interests of the great powers became evident. However, none of the great powers challenged the question of the annexation of Kosovo and Metohia to Serbia and Montenegro. The negotiations centered on disputes over the cities Shkodra, Peć, Djakovica, Prizren, Debar and Ohrid, and were ended with a compromise according to which Shkodra was given to Albania, Peć and Djakovica to Montenegro, and Prizren, Debarand Ohrid to Serbia. An international committee was formed to mark the border lines but at the outbreak of the First World War it had still not accomplished its task. During the First World War both warring parties used the Albanian territory as bait for winning over allies to their side. In this sense Austria-Hungary planned to annex Kosovo and Metohia to Albania and then to annex the latter to itself, or put it under Austro-Hungarian protectorate. At the same time Austria-Hungary had promised south Albania to Greece, in return for Greece's continued neutrality and had hinted to Bulgaria that it might get parts of central Albania. On the other side the powers of the Entente had promised, by the London Treaty of 1915, Valona with its hinterland to Italy, with the possibility of north Albania being annexed to Serbia and Montenegro, and south Albania to Greece. After the First World War, at the Paris Peace Conference, the question of Albanian borders was discussed again but after lengthy negotiations the conference of the great powers’ ambassadors made a resolution on 9 November 1921 by which an independent Albanian state was recognized, with borders as they had been in 1913. A few minor changes were made in Yugoslavia’s favor in the regions of Debar, Prizren and Kastrat, while north of Lake Ohrid the changes were in favor of Albania. These borders remained valid after the end of the Second World War.

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GREECE’S CRETAN MOTIVE ON THE ROAD TO A BALKAN ALLIANCE AND WAR (1908 – 1912)

Author(s): Zorka Parvanova / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2018

The present study traces the evolution of Greece’s Balkan policy and the public sentiments in the Kingdom under the pressure of the escalating Young Turk revanchism on the Cretan question. The inconsistent, mutually contradictory positions of the Great Powers, performing as they were a balancing act between Constantinople and Athens, pushed the case of Crete into a cul-de-sac. The European declarations guaranteeing the Ottoman sovereignty over the island encouraged the Sublime Porte to seek a revision of the status of Crete. At the same time, their efforts to preserve the status quo after 1898, when the rights of the Sultan were reduced to a token suzerainty, fueled the unremitting struggle of the Cretan Greeks for enosis (unity). Caught between the rock of the Young Turks’ aggressive policy and the hard place of the Cretan people’s untamed aspirations for finalizing their unification with Greece, the Greek governments had no other option but to travel the long and bumpy road from the utterly pro-Ottoman, anti-Bulgarian position of G. Theotokis to Greece’s accession, under E. Venizélos, to the anti-Ottoman alliance of Slavic nations.

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How Europe Went to War in 1914

Author(s): Dušan Kovác / Language(s): English / Issue: 5/2016

The study is devoted to the question of the outbreak of war in August 1914. The author analyses the imperial aims of the individual great powers and their war aims. He takes a critical view of the attempts of some authors to transfer the blame for the war to all the participants. According to the author, having imperial aims and starting a war are two different things. The Central Powers played the key role in starting the war in the summer of 1914. Germany used various channels to put pressure on its ally Austria-Hungary to start the war quickly.

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Hrvatski klub i nastanak Stranke prava u Dalmaciji

Author(s): Marina Diklic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Dissatisfaction with the politics of the National Party in Dalmatia, which played an important part in the national awakening in Dalmatia, appeared at the end of the 1870s, and culminated at the end of the 1880s and beginning of the 1890s. At the head of the politically disaffected, those who tended to be especially oriented toward Croatian nationalism and Rightist ideas, was first and foremost Don Mihovil Pavlinović, and after his death in 1887, Don Juraj Biankini. At the end of the 1880s and the beginning of the 1890s, several conflicts broke out among the members of the National Party which led to a change in its name to the National Croatian Party in 1889 and even to a split in the party in 1892. Disappointed by a lack of success in economic and political affairs a group of National Party representatives led by Biankini decided to break from the Representative Club of the old National Croatian Party and form their own club, the Croat Club. At the beginning of the 1890s a process began in Dalmatia whereby all the Rightists and the Rightist oriented groups began to unify into a united Party of Right. The main instigators of the process were Don Ivo Prodan, who led the religious- Rightist grouping, and Dr. Ante Trumbić and Frano Supilo, who led the liberal Rightist grouping. They would soon be joined by Biankini’s Croat club, which took upon itself the task of key organizer, leading ultimately to the unification of all three Dalmatian Rightist groupings and the formation of a Party of Right in Zadar in 1894. The President of the Croat Club, J. Kazimir Ljubić, became the first president of the newly established Dalmatian Party of Right.

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Hrvatskosrpska koalicija

Author(s): Arsen Wenzelides / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 08/1932

Osamstotiina-i-šesnaest godina, od 1102 do 1918, kraljevina Hrvatska i kraljevina Madžarska sačinjavale su državnu zajednicu. Nakon izumrća doma Arpadova, Madžari su birali za kraljeve inostrance, te tako otvarali vrata tudjinstvu koje je nanijelo velikih šteta i Madžarima i Hrvatima, i svim narodima zemalja pod Krunom Svetoga Stevana. Od godine 1527, pa sve do 1918, mjesto madžarsko-hrvatskih kraljeva zauzimali su austrijsko-hapsburški nadvojvode, koji su u posljednjim stoljećima redovno nosili i čast careva Saveza Germanskih Država, kojemu su pripadale i kraljevina Češka, pokrajine Moravska i Šleska, slovenačke zemlje Kranjska, Gorička, Koruška, i Štajerska, te Istra. Glavni cilj hapsburške politike bijaše, da germaniziraju Slovene i druge svoje negermanske narode.

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I pred njima jezdi sandžački muftija (Muftija Šemsekadić u bitkama i narodnim pjesmama)

Author(s): Avdija Avdic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 75-76/2017

Markantna ličnost, gazija, vatreni govornik, vatreni agitator, izvanredan strateg, der heilige mufti (muftija svetac), izvanredan taktičar, izuzetno hrabar, energičan, sinonim borbe, rodoljub, buntovnik, ohole naravi, drzovit… - to su osobine koje historiografi daju Mehmedu Nurudinu Šemsekadiću, jednom od najvećih protivnika austro-ugarske okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine (1878) i zaposijedanja Novopazarskog sandžaka (1879). Ustao protiv odluke Berlinskog kongresa kojom je Austro- Ugarska dobila pravo da okupira Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Novopazarski sandžak, vatrenom agitacijom podizao narod na otpor okupatoru, vještom borbenom taktikom nanosio neprijatelju žestoke poraze. Odlučnost stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine, pretežno Bošnjaka, da se odupre sporazumu u Berlinu i bori za svoju slobodu, kao i snaga otpora, iznenadili su cijelu Evropu.

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I. Dünya Savaşı’nda Marne Cephesi ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin Savaşa Girişi

Author(s): Refik Arikan / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2016

World War I became one of the most important breaking points that changed the course of history. After the war, while borders of the defeated countries were undergoing a great change, Ottoman Empire, with great loss of lands, disappeared from the history scene. This war, as its consequences triggered World War II, caused to other political and socio-economic problems that continue today, especially in Balkans and Mid-East. With regard to Ottoman Empire, this study aims to analysis the motives of Ottomans’ participation to this war and the effects of Marne Campaign that affected the course of the war absolutely. Even though Germans, after the defeat in Marne Campaign, lost their hopes, depending upon the changing of their expectations from the war, the fact that Ottomans were involved in a war whose result was deceive, also, constitutes the starting point of this study.

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Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

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Impact of the Great War on the conditions for the development of the hospitality industry in Gorizia/Görz/Gorica and its surroundings

Author(s): Metod Šuligoj / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2016

This paper attempts to promote awareness of the Great War and its impact on the tourism and hospitality industry in Gorizia and its surroundings. With review and analysis of archival materials and secondary sources, and finally formulation of the results we fill an identified void in the past research. We find out that Gorizia and its surrounding area was an attractive tourist destination of the Austrian Littoral, with exceptional natural and socio-cultural predisposition, good transport links, tourism infrastructure and superstructure. However, the way of doing business and structure of guests changed during the Great War (Isonzo front), because of constant bombardment, damaged buildings and other infrastructure; economic chaos and similar circumstances had great implications. In addition, we also find out that the recovery immediately after the war and development of the tourism and hospitality industry in the new Italian region was also very difficult and gradual.

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İngiltere’nin Arap İsyanı Tertibi (1914-1918): İsyanın Cumhuriyet Dönemi Hükümet Programlarındaki Dış Politika Yansımaları

Author(s): Ismail Köse / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 14/2017

Arabian peninsula was brought under Ottoman rule after the conquest of Egypt by Sultan Selim the Grim in 1517. From this date onward it was ruled by Ottomans about 400 years. The only exception of Ottoman rule, were Egypt’s invasion by French under Napoleon Bonaparte (1798-1801) and later annexation by Britain in 1882. Ottoman existence in Arabian peninsula ended due to the revolts during the first years of World War First. Arab revolts were the last uprising against the Ottomans that they had to face with. The revolts were plotted during the most difficult days of World War First during the Dardanelles Wars, because of which Turkish soldiers confronted considerable losses and damages in Arabia. Therefore after the very foundation of Turkish Republic, World War First experiences, fueled by politicized Arabian nationalism also paved the way to mistrust of Turkish decision makers. Despite a few periodical betterments of the relations between both sides due to hesitant approaches, for a long time it could not be possible to establish mutual confidence building measures in diplomatic relations.

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Iseljavanje muhadžira, regulisanje njihovih prava u Crnoj Gori i naseljavanje Crnogoraca na toj zemlji

Author(s): Jovan Muhadinovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 71-72/2016

Poslije Berlinskog kongresa, muslimani su se većim dijelom odlučivali da napuste Crnu Goru, i da se nastane na teritoriji koja je pod upravom Osmanskog Carstva. Po Ugovoru kojim je završen Velji rat (1876- 1878), njima je garantovana bezbjednost svojine, članom 30.1 Pored toga oni su odlazili. Osnovni razlozi njihovog iseljavanja su bili: druga vlast, druga vjera, strah od odmazde, oduzimanje imovine. Tako da po njima nije bilo nikakvog razloga da na svojoj zemlji ostanu. Engleski konzul u Skadru smatra da je najveći razlog to što bi ostankom, sada u crnogorskoj ržavi, morali da idu u crnogorsku vojsku.

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Islam i muslimani u pravaškoj ideologiji: o pokušaju gradnje “pravaške” džamije u Zagrebu 1908.

Author(s): Zlatko Hasanbegovic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

The attitude toward Islam and Muslims is one of the foundations of Rightist political-national ideology. It was framed in terms of the reality of the so-called Eastern Question in the second half of the 19th century, and as a key component of the Rightist concept of a multi-religious Croatian nation. The father of the Rightist attitude to Islam and Bosnian Muslims was the founder of the Party of Right, A. Starčević, who in his writings on the complexity of the Eastern Question compared the demonization of Islam and the Ottoman state in the ideology of Croatian Yugoslavism with the moral and social bases of Islamic teaching as well as an idealized view of the Bosnian Muslim aristocracy and the main Ottoman social and legalpolitical institutions. J. Frank and his Pure Party of Right held the same attitude toward Islam and the Muslims because in religious and cultural matters they faithfully followed the original Rightist liberal programme, taking a stand against religious exclusivism, the conflation of religion and nationality, and a politics founded upon confessional principles. Rightist liberal nationalism freed of all confessional ingredients magnetically drew the first post-Ottoman Bosnian Muslim intellectual generation infused with the ideal of harmonizing Islamic traditions and the main currents of modernism.

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Izidor Kršnjavi and beginning of arts and crafts movement in Zagreb in the 1880s

Author(s): Igor Vranic / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

Aim of the paper is to show development of arts and crafts movement in Zagreb. Main idea behind the paper is to contextualize arts and crafts movement in Zagreb with other similar movements in the Habsburg Monarchy and elsewhere in Europe by pointing out to the political ideas behind the movement. Special emphasis is given to Arts Society and its founder Izidor Kršnjavi, Arts and Crafts Museum, Crafts school, and the first art exhibition in Zagreb. Members of the Art Society considered themselves to be at the crucial turning point of national history. Their role was to preserve the rapidly disappearing national culture which was believed to represent authentic voice of the nation, and to have economic benefits from it. Such ideas were a mixture of (alternative) modernism and antimodernism; antimodernism in terms that there was an idea of decline of national culture in previous times which should be restored. The restoration was imagined to be done in an alternative way by the creation of a small wealthy class of craftsmen and artists, unlike in the West where the big factories dehumanized people and created proletariat. In order to fulfill their duty, the Arts Society established institutions, organized exhibitions and lectures, so they could educate the wider population and a new class of artists and craftsmen. The Arts Society promoted ideals of patriotism and morality through its projects, institutions and education, with the main aims to representing the nation and to legitimize the Monarchy. The Arts and Crafts museum, and the Craft school were following more or less the official policy of the Monarchy in establishing multi-national nation of various cultures, that is, multicultural political nation. One piece of evidence for such claim surely are awards that Kršanjavi and Bolle received from Franz Jozef for their efforts in establishing the School and the Museum. Also, they were sponsored by ban Hedervary who was working on the pacification of the Triune Kingdom. Kršnjavi, as many other intellectuals from the Monarchy previously schooled in Vienna, can be seen as some kind of liberal monarchic patriot with the aim to establish economically and culturally self-sufficient nation which would peacefully coexist with other nations and cultures of the Monarchy.

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Između revizije i tradicije: savremena istoriografija postjugoslovenskih zemalja o razdoblju protonacionalnog razvoja južnoslovenskih naroda (1780-1800)

Author(s): Boro Bronza / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 0

This article deals with the certain aspects of historiography on the space of post Yugoslavian countries in the matter of last few decades of 18th century (1780-1800). This period, known as period of “early national development”, has had a marginal position in the global hemisphere of former Yugoslavian historiography. The fact is that this position was not changed much during last decade. On the other hand, understanding of this short period in the term of its significance in national development on the space of former Yugoslavia is very much increased. There are two reasons for that – nationalistic explosion during 1990′s and greater level of comparative analysis of national development in Europe during the second half of 18th century which was not very present in the earlier historiography. Circumstances at the space of contemporary Slovenia and Macedonia during last few decades of 18th century were much different in the comparison with the other regions of former Yugoslavia, and for that Slovenia and Macedonia are not part of this analysis. The number of books about this problem is very much increased during last decade. Because of great influence of Habsburg Monarchy on the space of former Yugoslavia at the end of 18th century there are numerous books and articles from Austrian historians that have increased influence at the historiography of former Yugoslavia, like for example works of Karl Kaser, Harald Heppner, Ulrike Tischler etc. Their works, together with works of their colleagues from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro have led towards some new definitions and conclusions. The emphasis is still on the war between Habsburg Monarchy and Otto¬man Empire 1788-1791. Policy of Habsburg Monarchy towards West Balkan in the last few decades of 18th century was, among other things, marked with the cooperation between Austrian Court and Christians from the space of Ottoman Empire. This kind of cooperation was very present especially in the north-western parts of Bosnia, because of its geographical position and tradition of Austrian military campaigning in this area in numerous encounters during 17th and 18th century. Beside of the offensive military approach of the emperor Joseph II (1780-1790), very significant part in the Austrian policy was political and religious influence on the Christians in the region. The problem for this cooperation and the development of political and religious intentions of local Christian inhabitants was strong confessional division between Catholics and Orthodox Christians, and especially between their religious leaders. The fact is that Austrian policy was a catalyst for faster development of “early national development”, which was speeded through crucial medium for transfer of national and political ideas at that time - religious mobilization. One of the conclusions is that there still are great possibilities in further research of this matter especially in Vienna archives (ÖsterreichischeStaatsarchiv, Abteilung Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv and Abteilung Kriegsarchiv), because some very valuable repports (like for example in series “ Aufstellungsverzeichnis des Botschaftsarchivs Konstantinopel”) are hardly seen by any earlier historian from the space of postyugoslavian countries.

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Između starog i modernog pravaštva

Author(s): Stjepan Matkovic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

This paper examines the changes which took place in the Party of Right’s approach at the end of the 19th century. The appearance of new leaders in the party (J. Frank and his collaborators) and the gradual departure of the older generation, above all A. Starčević, brought about certain changes in the tactics of the Rightists. The Party of Right’s change in direction was influenced by forces outside of the party: the constitutional system created by the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868, the crisis of Dualism, the situation in the Croatian opposition, and the change in foreign policy direction. The term ‘modern Rightism’ was first coined by opponents of the Party of Right, who wanted to belabour the new Rightists with blame for divesting themselves of authentic Starčevićism. Modern Rightism certainly transformed its approach, but not in a negative sense. Its proponents accepted modernization in the political field, and tailored their political tactics to developments in Austria-Hungary. Political modernization meant setting up an organized party structure and accepting the challenges posed by the democratization of the political system. This set in motion a reciprocal process, because while democratization created the possibility for mass parties, the creation of such a party also necessitated good organization (administration, programme, statutory documents, membership, regular financial support, promotion, a network of associations, etc.). Nevertheless, adherents of modern Rightism remained faithful to the traditions of Rightist ideology established on the basis of furthering Croatian State Right and Croatian national identity. Modern Rightists (mostly followers of J. Frank, or Frankists), supported the solution of the Croatian national question within the Habsburg Monarchy, because they estimated that within its framework they could realize specific political aims and enable the economic development of Croatia.

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