How Europe Went to War in 1914

Author(s): Dušan Kováč / Language(s): English / Issue: 5/2016

The study is devoted to the question of the outbreak of war in August 1914. The author analyses the imperial aims of the individual great powers and their war aims. He takes a critical view of the attempts of some authors to transfer the blame for the war to all the participants. According to the author, having imperial aims and starting a war are two different things. The Central Powers played the key role in starting the war in the summer of 1914. Germany used various channels to put pressure on its ally Austria-Hungary to start the war quickly.

Hrvatska Seljačka Stranka u službi hrvatskog naroda

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 1987

The booklet, published in 1987 by "Središnji odbor Hrvatske Seljačke Stranke" (Central Committee of the Croatian Peasant Party) with office in Brussels (Belgium), is a report on the "World Meeting of the Croatian Peasant Party and Croatian Workers' Union" (Toronto, May 1987) with contributions by: Juraj Krnjević, Lovro Črep, Josip M. Torbar, Eugen Laxa, Tihomil Rađa, Mehmed Bašić, Đuro Đurković, Mirko Vidović, Dorothy Obradović, Krešimir Butković, Zvonko Mustapić, Stjepan Golubić, Juraj Boljkovac, Stjepan Košutić, Ivo Tomić, Ferid Salihović,

Hrvatski klub i nastanak Stranke prava u Dalmaciji

Author(s): Marina Diklić / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Dissatisfaction with the politics of the National Party in Dalmatia, which played an important part in the national awakening in Dalmatia, appeared at the end of the 1870s, and culminated at the end of the 1880s and beginning of the 1890s. At the head of the politically disaffected, those who tended to be especially oriented toward Croatian nationalism and Rightist ideas, was first and foremost Don Mihovil Pavlinović, and after his death in 1887, Don Juraj Biankini. At the end of the 1880s and the beginning of the 1890s, several conflicts broke out among the members of the National Party which led to a change in its name to the National Croatian Party in 1889 and even to a split in the party in 1892. Disappointed by a lack of success in economic and political affairs a group of National Party representatives led by Biankini decided to break from the Representative Club of the old National Croatian Party and form their own club, the Croat Club. At the beginning of the 1890s a process began in Dalmatia whereby all the Rightists and the Rightist oriented groups began to unify into a united Party of Right. The main instigators of the process were Don Ivo Prodan, who led the religious- Rightist grouping, and Dr. Ante Trumbić and Frano Supilo, who led the liberal Rightist grouping. They would soon be joined by Biankini’s Croat club, which took upon itself the task of key organizer, leading ultimately to the unification of all three Dalmatian Rightist groupings and the formation of a Party of Right in Zadar in 1894. The President of the Croat Club, J. Kazimir Ljubić, became the first president of the newly established Dalmatian Party of Right.

Hrvatskosrpska koalicija

Author(s): Arsen Wenzelides / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 08/1932

Osamstotiina-i-šesnaest godina, od 1102 do 1918, kraljevina Hrvatska i kraljevina Madžarska sačinjavale su državnu zajednicu. Nakon izumrća doma Arpadova, Madžari su birali za kraljeve inostrance, te tako otvarali vrata tudjinstvu koje je nanijelo velikih šteta i Madžarima i Hrvatima, i svim narodima zemalja pod Krunom Svetoga Stevana. Od godine 1527, pa sve do 1918, mjesto madžarsko-hrvatskih kraljeva zauzimali su austrijsko-hapsburški nadvojvode, koji su u posljednjim stoljećima redovno nosili i čast careva Saveza Germanskih Država, kojemu su pripadale i kraljevina Češka, pokrajine Moravska i Šleska, slovenačke zemlje Kranjska, Gorička, Koruška, i Štajerska, te Istra. Glavni cilj hapsburške politike bijaše, da germaniziraju Slovene i druge svoje negermanske narode.

I pred njima jezdi sandžački muftija (Muftija Šemsekadić u bitkama i narodnim pjesmama)

Author(s): Avdija Avdić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 75-76/2017

Markantna ličnost, gazija, vatreni govornik, vatreni agitator, izvanredan strateg, der heilige mufti (muftija svetac), izvanredan taktičar, izuzetno hrabar, energičan, sinonim borbe, rodoljub, buntovnik, ohole naravi, drzovit… - to su osobine koje historiografi daju Mehmedu Nurudinu Šemsekadiću, jednom od najvećih protivnika austro-ugarske okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine (1878) i zaposijedanja Novopazarskog sandžaka (1879). Ustao protiv odluke Berlinskog kongresa kojom je Austro- Ugarska dobila pravo da okupira Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Novopazarski sandžak, vatrenom agitacijom podizao narod na otpor okupatoru, vještom borbenom taktikom nanosio neprijatelju žestoke poraze. Odlučnost stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine, pretežno Bošnjaka, da se odupre sporazumu u Berlinu i bori za svoju slobodu, kao i snaga otpora, iznenadili su cijelu Evropu.

I. Dünya Savaşı’nda Marne Cephesi ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin Savaşa Girişi

Author(s): Refik Arıkan / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2016

World War I became one of the most important breaking points that changed the course of history. After the war, while borders of the defeated countries were undergoing a great change, Ottoman Empire, with great loss of lands, disappeared from the history scene. This war, as its consequences triggered World War II, caused to other political and socio-economic problems that continue today, especially in Balkans and Mid-East. With regard to Ottoman Empire, this study aims to analysis the motives of Ottomans’ participation to this war and the effects of Marne Campaign that affected the course of the war absolutely. Even though Germans, after the defeat in Marne Campaign, lost their hopes, depending upon the changing of their expectations from the war, the fact that Ottomans were involved in a war whose result was deceive, also, constitutes the starting point of this study.

Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

Impact of the Great War on the conditions for the development of the hospitality industry in Gorizia/Görz/Gorica and its surroundings

Author(s): Metod Šuligoj / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2016

This paper attempts to promote awareness of the Great War and its impact on the tourism and hospitality industry in Gorizia and its surroundings. With review and analysis of archival materials and secondary sources, and finally formulation of the results we fill an identified void in the past research. We find out that Gorizia and its surrounding area was an attractive tourist destination of the Austrian Littoral, with exceptional natural and socio-cultural predisposition, good transport links, tourism infrastructure and superstructure. However, the way of doing business and structure of guests changed during the Great War (Isonzo front), because of constant bombardment, damaged buildings and other infrastructure; economic chaos and similar circumstances had great implications. In addition, we also find out that the recovery immediately after the war and development of the tourism and hospitality industry in the new Italian region was also very difficult and gradual.

İngiltere’nin Arap İsyanı Tertibi (1914-1918): İsyanın Cumhuriyet Dönemi Hükümet Programlarındaki Dış Politika Yansımaları

Author(s): İsmail Köse / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 14/2017

Arabian peninsula was brought under Ottoman rule after the conquest of Egypt by Sultan Selim the Grim in 1517. From this date onward it was ruled by Ottomans about 400 years. The only exception of Ottoman rule, were Egypt’s invasion by French under Napoleon Bonaparte (1798-1801) and later annexation by Britain in 1882. Ottoman existence in Arabian peninsula ended due to the revolts during the first years of World War First. Arab revolts were the last uprising against the Ottomans that they had to face with. The revolts were plotted during the most difficult days of World War First during the Dardanelles Wars, because of which Turkish soldiers confronted considerable losses and damages in Arabia. Therefore after the very foundation of Turkish Republic, World War First experiences, fueled by politicized Arabian nationalism also paved the way to mistrust of Turkish decision makers. Despite a few periodical betterments of the relations between both sides due to hesitant approaches, for a long time it could not be possible to establish mutual confidence building measures in diplomatic relations.

Is war declining: why and where?

Author(s): Azar Gat / Language(s): English / Issue: 16/2019

Most people are very surprised by the claim that we live in the most peaceful period in history. Are we not flooded with media reports and images of conflicts around the world today, some of them very active and bloody, and others seemingly waiting to happen? Have the United States and its allies not been involved in a series of messy wars over the past few decades? Scholars, for their part, ask themselves, if there has indeed been a decline in belligerency, when exactly did it begin: with the end of the Cold War, in 1945, or perhaps earlier? And what exactly caused it?

Iseljavanje muhadžira, regulisanje njihovih prava u Crnoj Gori i naseljavanje Crnogoraca na toj zemlji

Author(s): Jovan Muhadinović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 71-72/2016

Poslije Berlinskog kongresa, muslimani su se većim dijelom odlučivali da napuste Crnu Goru, i da se nastane na teritoriji koja je pod upravom Osmanskog Carstva. Po Ugovoru kojim je završen Velji rat (1876- 1878), njima je garantovana bezbjednost svojine, članom 30.1 Pored toga oni su odlazili. Osnovni razlozi njihovog iseljavanja su bili: druga vlast, druga vjera, strah od odmazde, oduzimanje imovine. Tako da po njima nije bilo nikakvog razloga da na svojoj zemlji ostanu. Engleski konzul u Skadru smatra da je najveći razlog to što bi ostankom, sada u crnogorskoj ržavi, morali da idu u crnogorsku vojsku.

Islam i muslimani u pravaškoj ideologiji: o pokušaju gradnje “pravaške” džamije u Zagrebu 1908.

Author(s): Zlatko Hasanbegović / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

The attitude toward Islam and Muslims is one of the foundations of Rightist political-national ideology. It was framed in terms of the reality of the so-called Eastern Question in the second half of the 19th century, and as a key component of the Rightist concept of a multi-religious Croatian nation. The father of the Rightist attitude to Islam and Bosnian Muslims was the founder of the Party of Right, A. Starčević, who in his writings on the complexity of the Eastern Question compared the demonization of Islam and the Ottoman state in the ideology of Croatian Yugoslavism with the moral and social bases of Islamic teaching as well as an idealized view of the Bosnian Muslim aristocracy and the main Ottoman social and legalpolitical institutions. J. Frank and his Pure Party of Right held the same attitude toward Islam and the Muslims because in religious and cultural matters they faithfully followed the original Rightist liberal programme, taking a stand against religious exclusivism, the conflation of religion and nationality, and a politics founded upon confessional principles. Rightist liberal nationalism freed of all confessional ingredients magnetically drew the first post-Ottoman Bosnian Muslim intellectual generation infused with the ideal of harmonizing Islamic traditions and the main currents of modernism.

Izidor Kršnjavi and beginning of arts and crafts movement in Zagreb in the 1880s

Author(s): Igor Vranić / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

Aim of the paper is to show development of arts and crafts movement in Zagreb. Main idea behind the paper is to contextualize arts and crafts movement in Zagreb with other similar movements in the Habsburg Monarchy and elsewhere in Europe by pointing out to the political ideas behind the movement. Special emphasis is given to Arts Society and its founder Izidor Kršnjavi, Arts and Crafts Museum, Crafts school, and the first art exhibition in Zagreb. Members of the Art Society considered themselves to be at the crucial turning point of national history. Their role was to preserve the rapidly disappearing national culture which was believed to represent authentic voice of the nation, and to have economic benefits from it. Such ideas were a mixture of (alternative) modernism and antimodernism; antimodernism in terms that there was an idea of decline of national culture in previous times which should be restored. The restoration was imagined to be done in an alternative way by the creation of a small wealthy class of craftsmen and artists, unlike in the West where the big factories dehumanized people and created proletariat. In order to fulfill their duty, the Arts Society established institutions, organized exhibitions and lectures, so they could educate the wider population and a new class of artists and craftsmen. The Arts Society promoted ideals of patriotism and morality through its projects, institutions and education, with the main aims to representing the nation and to legitimize the Monarchy. The Arts and Crafts museum, and the Craft school were following more or less the official policy of the Monarchy in establishing multi-national nation of various cultures, that is, multicultural political nation. One piece of evidence for such claim surely are awards that Kršanjavi and Bolle received from Franz Jozef for their efforts in establishing the School and the Museum. Also, they were sponsored by ban Hedervary who was working on the pacification of the Triune Kingdom. Kršnjavi, as many other intellectuals from the Monarchy previously schooled in Vienna, can be seen as some kind of liberal monarchic patriot with the aim to establish economically and culturally self-sufficient nation which would peacefully coexist with other nations and cultures of the Monarchy.

Između revizije i tradicije: savremena istoriografija postjugoslovenskih zemalja o razdoblju protonacionalnog razvoja južnoslovenskih naroda (1780-1800)

Author(s): Boro Bronza / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 0

This article deals with the certain aspects of historiography on the space of post Yugoslavian countries in the matter of last few decades of 18th century (1780-1800). This period, known as period of “early national development”, has had a marginal position in the global hemisphere of former Yugoslavian historiography. The fact is that this position was not changed much during last decade. On the other hand, understanding of this short period in the term of its significance in national development on the space of former Yugoslavia is very much increased. There are two reasons for that – nationalistic explosion during 1990′s and greater level of comparative analysis of national development in Europe during the second half of 18th century which was not very present in the earlier historiography. Circumstances at the space of contemporary Slovenia and Macedonia during last few decades of 18th century were much different in the comparison with the other regions of former Yugoslavia, and for that Slovenia and Macedonia are not part of this analysis. The number of books about this problem is very much increased during last decade. Because of great influence of Habsburg Monarchy on the space of former Yugoslavia at the end of 18th century there are numerous books and articles from Austrian historians that have increased influence at the historiography of former Yugoslavia, like for example works of Karl Kaser, Harald Heppner, Ulrike Tischler etc. Their works, together with works of their colleagues from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro have led towards some new definitions and conclusions. The emphasis is still on the war between Habsburg Monarchy and Otto¬man Empire 1788-1791. Policy of Habsburg Monarchy towards West Balkan in the last few decades of 18th century was, among other things, marked with the cooperation between Austrian Court and Christians from the space of Ottoman Empire. This kind of cooperation was very present especially in the north-western parts of Bosnia, because of its geographical position and tradition of Austrian military campaigning in this area in numerous encounters during 17th and 18th century. Beside of the offensive military approach of the emperor Joseph II (1780-1790), very significant part in the Austrian policy was political and religious influence on the Christians in the region. The problem for this cooperation and the development of political and religious intentions of local Christian inhabitants was strong confessional division between Catholics and Orthodox Christians, and especially between their religious leaders. The fact is that Austrian policy was a catalyst for faster development of “early national development”, which was speeded through crucial medium for transfer of national and political ideas at that time - religious mobilization. One of the conclusions is that there still are great possibilities in further research of this matter especially in Vienna archives (ÖsterreichischeStaatsarchiv, Abteilung Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv and Abteilung Kriegsarchiv), because some very valuable repports (like for example in series “ Aufstellungsverzeichnis des Botschaftsarchivs Konstantinopel”) are hardly seen by any earlier historian from the space of postyugoslavian countries.

Između starog i modernog pravaštva

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

This paper examines the changes which took place in the Party of Right’s approach at the end of the 19th century. The appearance of new leaders in the party (J. Frank and his collaborators) and the gradual departure of the older generation, above all A. Starčević, brought about certain changes in the tactics of the Rightists. The Party of Right’s change in direction was influenced by forces outside of the party: the constitutional system created by the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868, the crisis of Dualism, the situation in the Croatian opposition, and the change in foreign policy direction. The term ‘modern Rightism’ was first coined by opponents of the Party of Right, who wanted to belabour the new Rightists with blame for divesting themselves of authentic Starčevićism. Modern Rightism certainly transformed its approach, but not in a negative sense. Its proponents accepted modernization in the political field, and tailored their political tactics to developments in Austria-Hungary. Political modernization meant setting up an organized party structure and accepting the challenges posed by the democratization of the political system. This set in motion a reciprocal process, because while democratization created the possibility for mass parties, the creation of such a party also necessitated good organization (administration, programme, statutory documents, membership, regular financial support, promotion, a network of associations, etc.). Nevertheless, adherents of modern Rightism remained faithful to the traditions of Rightist ideology established on the basis of furthering Croatian State Right and Croatian national identity. Modern Rightists (mostly followers of J. Frank, or Frankists), supported the solution of the Croatian national question within the Habsburg Monarchy, because they estimated that within its framework they could realize specific political aims and enable the economic development of Croatia.

Jedan pogled na gospodarsku aktivnost pravaških vođa od 1861. do 1914. godine

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Rightist economic activity changed from case to case; it was strongly influenced by the regulations of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868. The article divides the economic management of the Party of Right into three time periods: 1. 1861-1871. Kvaternik writes his well known work Hrvatski glavničar (Croatian Capitalist) which points to the necessity of creating domestic capital and stimulating its growth with a stock exchange. His ideas did not find fertile ground because the members of the party did not recognize their importance. 2. 1878-1894 Following the quiet that descended upon Rightist ranks after the Rakovica uprising of 1871, the party activists returned to the political stage in 1878. Until 1890, F. Folnegović was the most important individual in the party concerned with economic matters. His efforts enabled the publication of official party organs and the construction of the Starčević Dom (Starčević House). 3. 1895-1914 In 1890, J. Frank joined the Party of Right. Even though he never established a particular economic programme for strengthening the Pure Party of Right, he can largely be credited for the fact that the coffers of the Party began to receive important contributions which he invested into party activities, but which he also used to initiate the development of industry and banking (for e.g., “Danica” in Koprivnica). During the term of P. Rauch as Ban, work was begun on establishing a Department of Economy for the Land Government, which in 1914 resulted in the creation of the fourth branch of this government, the Department of National Economy, which, even if it came too late, changed the very nature of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement.

Kad pravaši pođu različitim putovima: Frano Supilo i Josip Frank o “novom kursu”

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

The duality of Croatian political ideology, which in its most important aspects remains today, dates back to the 19th century. This duality did not develop into overt antagonism while the members of the National Party and the adherents of Starčević represented the opposing sides, but the antagonism becomes very apparent – and consequently fateful – from the time of the various fissures in the Rightist ranks. The antagonism in Croatian political ideology can be illustrated by comparing the ideological positions and political programmes of F. Supilo, a former Rightist, and J. Frank, a consistent, even if a somewhat radicalized and calculating Rightist. Their personal clash and the opposing quality of their respective ideologies culminated in the context of the promulgation of the Rijeka Resolution and the creation of the Croato-Serb Coalition. This review article begins by outlining the situation on the Croatian political scene in order to emphasize the unique quality of the political and ideological clash between Supilo and Frank. The next part of the review takes a look at their direct confrontation in the news reporting around the politics of the “New Course” and the Rijeka Resolution. The article ends by presenting some conclusions which should help in understanding Croatian political and ideological antagonisms in the era that followed and which are still apparent today.

Kako je došlo do Rata pre osamnaest godina.

Author(s): Čedomir A. Popović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 10/1932

Pre osamnaest godina, i nešto više, odigrali su se sudbonosni dogadjaji u istoriji Srbije. Odigrali su se dogadjaji koji su doveli do Evropskog Rata, koji je bio toliko sudbonosan za pojedine države, i čije se posledice još i danas osećaju. Rat je trajao četiri godine. Tek što je prestao, pobedjeni i pobedioci, svesni teških posledica, upustiše se u raspravljanje pitanja: kako je i zašto došlo do Rata? Bacaju se jedni na druge u pitanju odgovornosti, kao da će to moći umanjiti značajne posledice koje su usled Rata nastale.

KÁLLAY'S DILEMMA: ON THE CHALLENGE OF CREATING A MANAGEABLE IDENTITY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1882-1903)

-

Author(s): Andrea Feldman / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

This paper will explore the ideas and problems of forging a common Bosnian identity during more than twenty years of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina. To that effect the influence of Austrian “civilizing missionaries,” notably Benjamin Kállay, the Joint Minister of Finance (in effect the governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina), on the three principal Bosnian communities, political elites, and intelligentsia is overriding. This paper will examine how the idea of Bosniak identity interacted with the realities that were already put into place at the time of the Austro-Hungarian occupation in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Insights offered by a close reading of Kállay’s books and writings go a long way in explaining his intellectual formation in Hungary, the broadening of horizons that attended his first diplomatic mission in Belgrade, and the ways in which his appetite for history and culture affected his liberal worldview and statecraft. The paper discusses the circumstances that inspired Kállay to perceive Bosnia and Herzegovina as a country that, for a culturally oriented person like himself, offered a paradigm of how to “build the new upon the old…to retain the ancient traditions of the land vilified and purified by modern ideas.” The author utilizes the existing literature on the topic, most prominently Tomislav Kraljačić’s and Robin Okay’s books on Kállay, and other authors’ insights into Bosnian Muslims experience under Austrian occupation, variety of literature and sources in relevant languages of the area, as well as Kallay’s own writings.

KRALJ PETAR

Author(s): Milan Šćekić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2019

Prikaz knjige: Čedomir Antić, Kralj Petar Prvi, oslobodilac u doba srpske odiseje, „Nedeljnik”, Beograd, 2018.