,,Urodził się na swoje własne i całego świata nieszczęście" – biografia Adolfa Hitlera, która wpłynęła na losy ludzkości

Author(s): Katarzyna Sygulska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 6/2016

The article presents the biography of Adolf Hitler with an interpretation. The author describes his life from birth to joining the Nazi party: life in the family home, after leaving home education and relationships with other people. The Development describes the critical events in Hitler's life - the death of his father and mother, inaccessibility to study the outbreak of the First World War and becoming a soldier, and participation in a Nazi meeting and joining the DAP. The author also presents impact of Hitler on German history and the world's story. She says that dealing with the topic of Nazism is important. The conclusions derived from history can help create a better reality.

August Ritter von Kral. Aktorikryesor i Austro-Hungarisë në trojet shqiptare

Author(s): Kurt Gostentschnigg / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 03-04/2016

The diplomat August Ritter von Krai has been the main actor of Austria - Hungary in the Albanian territories. This article on his contribution begins with notes on the reconstruction of the political field.Then it deals with the main activities of Krai in Albania concerning the topics as follows: The Congress of Alphabet in Manastir in November 1908, the action for Albania in 1908 -1909 against Montenegro, the rebellion of 1914 in Middle Albania, the action for Albania in 1914 against Serbia and Montenegro, the Albanian Literary Commission of Shkodër in 1916 -1918, sending of ancient monuments to Sarajevo or the building of an Albanian national museum and the command of the corps against Krai in 1918, the argue on the separation of the civil commissary’s agenda from that of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ representative.In the end, you find the analysis on Krai’s activity in Albania according to Pierre Bourdieu’s praxeology referring to crucial terms: economic capital, cultural capital, social and symbolic one, as well as an analysis of the circle of friends and connections of Kral.

Az új orosz állami történetfelfogásról. Három historiográfiai ujjgyakorlat

Author(s): Gyula Szvák / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

BALKANLARDA DENGE OYUNU-1914

Author(s): Ökkes Narinç ,Mustafa Ekincikli / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 10/2017

The Balkan States being in a situation quite different than that before the Balkan Wars, dis not pay off the old scores after war yet.While Serbia was making plans for dream of Great Serbian Kingdom, Bulgaria was calculating possibility taking back the areas lost in Macedonia and the Dobruca captured by Romania. On the other hand, Romania and Greece were following policy for preservation of existing stuation. The politic of “preserve existing, never stop to obtain” was dominant in Ottoman State. While still feeling the temperature of the Balkan Wars, emerging of first spark of Great War that will reach global dimensions in this territory, it is enough to understand how deep unpaid off old scores. The upcoming war gathered the Colonial Powers and paved the way for struggle with each other. The area of war again was Ottoman and Eastern European geography. In this work, after forced alliance agreement that Ottoman State being direct target, signed with Germany on August 2, 1914, alliance planned to be constituted with Bulgaria and Romania, and steps taken towards this alliance has been tackled. Also, how being carried out of these steps intensively through diplomacy, and served all these efforts to single purpose has been tried to be explained.

BARBARIANS, CIVILIZED PEOPLE AND BULGARIANS. Definition of Identity in Textbooks and the Press (1830–1878)

Author(s): Dessislava Lilova / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2011

Are Bulgarians barbarians or civilized? Answering this question consumed a considerable part of the intellectual energy of the Bulgarian elite in the 19th century. The dilemma was first put up for discussion at the beginning of the century and ever since then, each new generation has been joining a fresh round of the debate. Interest in the topic has been sufficiently lively to lend legitimacy to the "barbarism-civilization" taxonomy as the main framework within which the nation builds its identity. This research aims to explore the origins of this process. The analysis covers the period from the 1830s to the rise of the independent Bulgarian state in 1878. This is the chronological framework in which the intellectual elite imported and promoted the ideological grammar of modernity and the taxonomies of progress. The objective is to shed light on the history, mechanisms and results of their transfer.

Biser Georgiev. Die parlamentarische Opposition und die Innenpolitk der bulgarischen Regierungen (August 1887 – Januar 1908). Universitätsverlag „Bischof Konstantin Preslavski”, Schumen, 2014, 607 S.

Author(s): Rumyana Parvanova / Language(s): German / Issue: 1-2/2016

Book Review

Bogdan Morfov (1870–1948) et son engagement à la cause Bulgarie de la mer Égée

Author(s): Rumen Karaganev / Language(s): French / Issue: 3-4/2014

Along with his interesting, diverse and successful career (of civil engineer, Director of Railways, minister plenipotentiary), Bogdan Morfov was directly engaged tied with Bulgaria’s cause of achieving an outlet to the Aegean Sea. He experienced the vicissitudes in this national aspiration both as an ordinary citizen of the kingdom and a direct participant in the formation of its changing in time configurations. In particular, the author reveals B. Morfov’s perceptions and efforts to implement them before the Balkan War (1912–1913); Expert activity in the early post-WWI period and his participation in the Bulgarian delegation at the conference in Lausanne (1922–23); later, his efforts in the respective direction as minister plenipotentiary in Paris and his activities in the preparation of the conference in Montreux (1936) as well as in the dramatic 1940 in connection with the anticipated return of Western Thrace within the borders of Bulgaria

Borderland Identities of Bratislava: Balancing between Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians in the Second Half of the 19th Century

Author(s): Ana-teodora KURKINA / Language(s): English / Issue: 19/2015

The article regards the urban space of Bratislava as an area contested by several national groups with their competing state-building strategies in the second half of the 19th century, when the city’s status of a cultural and social crossroad started to be challenged by its’ inhabitants and their respective political agendas. While offering a category of a “mental borderland” rather than a geographical one, the paper investigates the ways in which the three major groups living in the city attempted to claim it, presenting it as a centre of their culture, while reinterpreting its landscape and history. Although the case of Bratislava-Pressburg -Pozsony fits into the context of entangled histories, connecting the social and cultural networks of the region, the approach used in the current article is more comparative, since it regards the Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians as opposing parties, whose status of a “privileged” group was changing radically during the decades. The idea of resistance is highlighted as a driving mechanism of one’s group’s successful claim. Moreover, borders are seen as categories that are socially produced within the multinational and multicultural environment of Bratislava. The article states that the city’s diverse character and multiple legacies were successfully claimed by groups most accustomed to “resisting” its “privileged” and “better standing” opponents. Therefore, the previously widely underestimated Slovak population finally turned Bratislava into its capital in the beginning of the 20th century.

Bosnien und die Herzegowina in der österreichisch-ungarischen Orient-Eisenbahnbaupolitik

Author(s): Dževad Juzbašic / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

While the Central European issues dominated in Austrian politics, the Habsburg Monarchy was not able to get more politically engaged in the Balkans. The turning point in relation towards the Austrian construction of the Balkan railways came into being only after the historical events that have significantly changed the position of the monarchy in Europe. This turning point in the policy, which is to some extent prepared by Beust, was marked with his departure from Ballhausplatz and appointment of Julius Andrássy as foreign minister in 1871. At the Beust’s time construction of the direct rail connection with the Ottoman Empire was seen as a political and economic necessity for the Monarchy and the Turkish plan to build rail connection from Constantinople to the Austrian border near Novi in Bosnia, created in 1865, have fit the intentions of its policies. However, implementation of this plan in Bosnia ended the 1872 with construction of the normal line from Doboj to Banja Luka. Austrian and Hungarian different interests in terms of the direction of the route to the Orient and foreign policy problems were an obstacle to the connection towards the East. Andrássy’s railway policy vacillated in terms of preference over the line through Serbia or Bosnia. Hungary was firmly against the eventual construction of the Bosnian lines before establishing a connection with the Orient through Serbia. Hungarians have agreed on a connection Sisak–Dobrljin only after ensuring the main train connections via Belgrade and interests of the Hungarian railways in the Bosnian traffic with Rijeka. Hungarian government has succeeded taking the win in its conception of the realization of rail connection with the Orient and Bosnia. Hungarian interests have played a significant role in the steps undertaken by the Andrássy, while in the Austrian public, after the Berlin Congress, was present dilemma for the most rational route for the rail connection with the East. This problem will be actualized on several occasions in the late 19th and early 20th century, when new importance in the policy of the Monarchy in the relations between Austria and Hungary was gained. The Hungarian government tended more to secure themselves in relation to Austria, with more appropriate position in Bosnia for the establishing a connection with the East, than they originally had in mind as benefits of rail connection with Bosnia. The new political and economic constellation in the late 19th century re-actualized establishing normal-gauge railway connection with stripe Sarajevo–Mitrovica, which would be an extension of normal-gauge railway line Budapest–Sarajevo. The author analyzes the railway policy of Benjamin Kállay and his ideas on the strengthening of economic and political position of the Monarchy in the Western Balkans through the realization of rail links through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Kállay railway program in many issues anticipated Austro-Hungarian railway policy of the 20th century in the Balkans, which Aehrenthal and Berthold sought to realize. Railway through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar could not be taken as a world hightway and as a concurrent to the existing connection of the Western Europe with Thessaloniki. Primarily It was Austrian-Hungarian political and military interest, and only partly economical interest. Plan of the railway construction was most closely associated with the development of the international situation and they represented one of the most important elements of Balkan politics Austro-Hungarian Empire, that author follows. Since the lines in Bosnia could be built only at the expense of the country, it has been built as a narrow-gauge track line from Sarajevo to the eastern border. It remained as one torso ineligible for remodelling into the normal line, at a time just before World War when normal line through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar were plotted. Paper is focusing to the problem of the realization of the Bosnian-Serbian railway connection as well as to directing Serbian export to the port in Dalmatia. In the time before the outbreak of the Balkan War in 1912 the Austrian industrialists, inferior in international competition, sought to create a closed space in the Balkans in which they could dominate. This plan was unrealistic. The writer analyzes the Austro-Hungarian program for economic agreements with the Balkan countries adopted in February 1913, in which the railway policy was the main factor of economic penetration and political influence of the Monarchy in the Balkans. Concept Count Berthold sealed this program, by giving the role of a special political instrument to the railway connection Uvac–Mitrovica. Author also points to the opposing views of the Austrian government members who opposed to direct connection with Thessaloniki via Bosnia, in the period immediately after the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, considering the immediate Austrian interests. The opposition remained without effect on Berthold’s policy, which endured a failure. Austro-Hungarian political circles saw one of the main causes of the economic collapse of the Monarchy in the political events in the Balkans, so they gave a loud call for the solution of the situation.

Brunnbauer, Ulf. Globalizing Southeastern Europe. Emigrants, America, and the State since the Late Nineteenth Century. New York, 2016

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova,Petia Bankova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

Contesting the Old Order: Greek Orthodox and Muslims in Izmir welcome the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution

Author(s): Vangelis Kechriotis / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2007

In 1908, after thirty three years of autocratic rule and following the successful course of the Revolution organized by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti), which was set up by dissident young officers and bureaucrats better known as Young Turks, the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II was urged to restore the Constitution that he had suspended in 1878. The news triggered enthusiasm among all communities, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, and preparations for the parliamentary elections soon began. As a matter of fact, this period entailed a totally new experience in the way Ottoman subjects, particularly in the urban centers, contemplated their relations with the authorities, in the sense that decision-making and mobilisation of populations took place mainly in the major urban centers, Izmir, Salonica and the capital Istanbul. Thus, to begin with, our interest revolves around the urban space and the ways the urban population perceived and responded to the new challenges. In this paper, our aim is to address some of the questions generated by our study of the Greek-Orthodox community in a major urban center like Izmir (Smyrna). To what extent, for instance, did the urban experience of an ethno-religious community in a particular city of the Empire bear the marks of its specifi c geographical coordinates? Moeoer, to what extent was this experience determined by the ethno-religious background of its population? To what extent, fi nally, can this experience be comprehensible to outsiders? [...]

Der Erste Weltkrieg in der modernen deutschen und russischen Geschichtsschreibung

Author(s): Nikolay Baranov / Language(s): German / Publication Year: 0

The author gives a comparative analysis of the positions and prospects of the main problems in the history of World War I in the contemporary historiography of Germany and Russia (in the last 20 years). The author concludes that not only do German historians focus on historical events but also mentality in the context of contemporary research approaches: anthropological history, the history of everyday life, history from „below”, the history of experiences (emotions) and suffering, history of violence and imprisonment. In Russian historiography as mainstream remains to study on World War I in the context of the political, military, diplomatic, and social history.

Die Familie Coburg und die Slowakei König Ferdinand von Bulgarien und seine „geliebten Leute und Berge“

Author(s): Roman Holec / Language(s): German / Issue: 3-4/2014

The article of prof. R. Holets presents new and unknown moments in the life of the Bulgarian Tsar Ferdinand after his abdication and departure from the country. Based exclusively on documents with which Bulgarian researchers were unable to work, it presents his life in an environment very different from that in Bulgaria, in a new role, unlike the one he played until 1918. The study adds new and unknown touches to the image of Tsar Ferdinand.

Die Internationale Kontrollkommission Albaniens und die albanischen Machtzentren (1913/1914). Beitrag zur Geschichte der Staatsbildung Albaniens

Author(s): Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics / Language(s): German / Issue: 73/2014

The best guarantee of protecting the rights of Christian minorities on the European territory of the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century was nothing else but the establishing of own nation-states, where the Christian population could lead his life without being ruled or controlled by the Ottoman Empire. This process found support and was assisted by the Great Powers. It means, that one form of the humanitarian intervention was the state-building instructed or assisted from abroad. One of the unexpected experiences of the Balkan Wars 1912/1913 was that the members of the Balkan League committed genocides and other kinds of mass violence against other Nationalities and the Muslim population of the peninsula. Among other things the Albanian state-building project of the Great Powers aimed to prevent further genocide and other acts of violence against the Albanian population and other refugees from Macedonia and to put an end to the anarchy of the country. Th e main international organisation to directly represent the great powers in the new Albania and to be responsible for the state-building process was the International Commission of Control.

Die orientalisierende Architektur als ein stilistischer Ausdruck des offiziellen Bauprogramms der k. u. k. bosnisch-herzegowinischen Landesregierung 1878-1918

Author(s): Alexander Zäh / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

The orientalizing architecture of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of the official building policy for this province under the Habsburg administration from 1878-1918. It was executed by a team of architects, members of the building department of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian “Landesregierung” (provincial administration) at Sarajevo. This introductory paper surveys and gives an overview of its most important monuments. It displays the building types and their functions and shows the distribution of this distinctive building style in the country, which became the last significant territorial acquisition of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the official annexation of the province in 1908. The architectural style was clearly chosen by the administration for political reasons to underline the Islamic traditions and heritage of the country, to strengthen the local identity of its citizens and to support them with and artificial, new, often very pseudo-Islamic “genius loci”. It was also chosen as an answer in the field of the material culture against the pan-slavic movements of the time, which were especially active in this province. Other aspects were economically motivated, e.g. to create a pseudo-oriental impression as an attraction for visitors of the country to support the young, prospering tourism industry within the Habsburg Empire, promoting the identity of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a “near”, but still “oriental” and “new”, exotic travel destination within Austria-Hungary’s borders. Internationally the detected orientalistic building style is part of the architectural historicism and the many related “revival” styles that other European powers used in their colonial dominions in related contexts (e.g. the “Indo-saracenic” style of British-India). The downfall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy ended this progressive architectural experiment, which would have corresponded very well with a reformed multicultural Empire in the sense of a proposed (and visionary) “United States of Greater Austria“. Most of the discussed monuments were recently declared national monuments of the young independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Geopolitical position of Poland - from time of partitions to the independence

Author(s): Jowita Brudnicka / Language(s): English / Issue: 23/2016

To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the time of the fall of the First Republic and partitions. Sketch of Polish geopolitics is well composed into the broader plan of European thought. This is not just a simpple analitycal exercise. Article contains the suggestion, that the events, experiences and geopolitical configurations may exhibit amazing repeatability.

GRADITELJSKA OSTAVŠTINA ITALIJANA CORDIGNANO I CANDOTTI U TUZLI

Author(s): Tihomir Knežicek / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 6/2013

Cordignano and Candotti are Italians in origin civil engineering entrepreneurs who designed and built significant number of government and private building in Tuzla during Austria Hungarian empire. The buildings are built in romantic and neoromansa stiles, and represent the grandeur of ornaments and new living styles initiated by appearance of Austria-Hungarian empire in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Tuzla was considered as the center of North-east Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the locality closest to the empire's border towards Serbia. This causes intensive movement of citizens from the Europe, the parts of the Monarchy, and among them masters for construction and civil engineering works. Those masters were invited to build buildings for various purposes, for government and citizens needs. Established construction company “Cordignano and Candotti”, owned by Tuzla civil engineering entrepreneurs Cordignano and Candotti, was imposed by their quality and speedy dynamics of works. Their presence in Tuzla they remarked by designing and building Grand gymnasium in Donja Tuzla (Tuzla), County post office, Catholic church, Trade academy – school, and a number of building for combined business and private purposes. They upgrade the monastery in Plehan near Derventa, build own family houses, and houses for important persons in Tuzla during that time.

Hrvatski klub i nastanak Stranke prava u Dalmaciji

Author(s): Marina Diklic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Dissatisfaction with the politics of the National Party in Dalmatia, which played an important part in the national awakening in Dalmatia, appeared at the end of the 1870s, and culminated at the end of the 1880s and beginning of the 1890s. At the head of the politically disaffected, those who tended to be especially oriented toward Croatian nationalism and Rightist ideas, was first and foremost Don Mihovil Pavlinović, and after his death in 1887, Don Juraj Biankini. At the end of the 1880s and the beginning of the 1890s, several conflicts broke out among the members of the National Party which led to a change in its name to the National Croatian Party in 1889 and even to a split in the party in 1892. Disappointed by a lack of success in economic and political affairs a group of National Party representatives led by Biankini decided to break from the Representative Club of the old National Croatian Party and form their own club, the Croat Club. At the beginning of the 1890s a process began in Dalmatia whereby all the Rightists and the Rightist oriented groups began to unify into a united Party of Right. The main instigators of the process were Don Ivo Prodan, who led the religious- Rightist grouping, and Dr. Ante Trumbić and Frano Supilo, who led the liberal Rightist grouping. They would soon be joined by Biankini’s Croat club, which took upon itself the task of key organizer, leading ultimately to the unification of all three Dalmatian Rightist groupings and the formation of a Party of Right in Zadar in 1894. The President of the Croat Club, J. Kazimir Ljubić, became the first president of the newly established Dalmatian Party of Right.

I pred njima jezdi sandžački muftija (Muftija Šemsekadić u bitkama i narodnim pjesmama)

Author(s): Avdija Avdic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 75-76/2017

Markantna ličnost, gazija, vatreni govornik, vatreni agitator, izvanredan strateg, der heilige mufti (muftija svetac), izvanredan taktičar, izuzetno hrabar, energičan, sinonim borbe, rodoljub, buntovnik, ohole naravi, drzovit… - to su osobine koje historiografi daju Mehmedu Nurudinu Šemsekadiću, jednom od najvećih protivnika austro-ugarske okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine (1878) i zaposijedanja Novopazarskog sandžaka (1879). Ustao protiv odluke Berlinskog kongresa kojom je Austro- Ugarska dobila pravo da okupira Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Novopazarski sandžak, vatrenom agitacijom podizao narod na otpor okupatoru, vještom borbenom taktikom nanosio neprijatelju žestoke poraze. Odlučnost stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine, pretežno Bošnjaka, da se odupre sporazumu u Berlinu i bori za svoju slobodu, kao i snaga otpora, iznenadili su cijelu Evropu.

Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.