,,Urodził się na swoje własne i całego świata nieszczęście" – biografia Adolfa Hitlera, która wpłynęła na losy ludzkości

Author(s): Katarzyna Sygulska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 6/2016

The article presents the biography of Adolf Hitler with an interpretation. The author describes his life from birth to joining the Nazi party: life in the family home, after leaving home education and relationships with other people. The Development describes the critical events in Hitler's life - the death of his father and mother, inaccessibility to study the outbreak of the First World War and becoming a soldier, and participation in a Nazi meeting and joining the DAP. The author also presents impact of Hitler on German history and the world's story. She says that dealing with the topic of Nazism is important. The conclusions derived from history can help create a better reality.

«Разбойничий» киножанр и его расцвет в годы Первой мировой войны

Author(s): V. V. Ustyugova / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 25/2018

Films of the criminal genre were widely popular among Russian audiences during the First World War and on the eve of the Revolution. Viewers of first-screen cinemas were attracted by foreign, French, and American adventure films, such as “Zigomar,” “Rocambole,” “Fantomas,” “Vampires,” “The New Exploits of Elaine,” and others. Mass audiences watched “Sonia the Golden hand,” “Vaska Chyrkin,” “Sashka, the seminary student,” and “Anton Krechet,” with their scenarios based on criminal news. “Stenka Razin,” “Emelka Pugachev,” and films about typical bandits remained popular. The reasons for the popularity of the criminal adventure genre are grounded both in the typical Russian pre-revolutionary situation, in urbanization processes, and in the expansion of the social basis of spectator culture as a whole. The “bandit” film portrays different sociocultural and sociopsychological needs of the viewers using strong sensations, escapist experiences, and safety. The image of the social bandit was attractive to lower strata audiences and was likely to show a certain escalation in aggressive behavior and crime in wartime society. Further, moral narratives of criminal films raised anxiety and expectations of narrow-minded viewers, since laws of the popular genre were expected to provide inevitable punishment for the criminals. “Bandit” films were successful business projects in cinematography in its early development, along with other popular entertainment genres of culture and leisure time practices in modern society. What is more, in some cases they appeared as аrt projects thanks to their creators’ talents, had an impact on art development, and represented the spirit of modernity.

«Шпионские гнезда» в Варшавском генерал-губернаторстве России в 1906–1914 гг. (по материалам уголовных дел)

Author(s): V. O. Zverev,V. A. Ivanov / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 26/2019

The article examines organized criminal activity by military espionage formations on the territory of the Warsaw Governor General between the Russian-Japanese War and the First World War. The study of this historical case became possible with the appearance of unique documents on foreign espionage, primarily stored in State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). The correspondences of gendarmes, counterintelligence and the Office of the Warsaw Governor-General, circulars, and intelligence on foreign intelligence activities helped shed light on the unfamiliar history of such group espionage. The goals and objectives of individual “nests of spies,” and forms and methods of their work, were revealed, providing a glimpse into some activities of organized crime by spies. Archival materials from formal inquiries and preliminary investigations for criminal cases on German and Austrian espionage were the main confirmation of a “spy past” in the Warsaw provinces. A study of criminal cases filed with the prosecutor of the Warsaw Court of Justice, and letters from prosecutors of district courts, judicial investigators, and officials of the Ministry of Justice provide a real picture of such espionage. The names of agents and emissaries or residents of German and Austrian intelligence, the scale of German and Austro-Hungarian intelligence activities in western Russia, the cost of secret documents, fees for cooperation with the enemy, judicial practice in espionage cases — this is not a complete list of information in these document. According to this study, the total number of spy networks and “spy nests” functioning in the Warsaw Governor-General can be established, as well as the number of “organized criminals” and those involved in committing criminal acts but avoiding criminal liability. In addition, signs of criminal activity indicated high functionality of this professional spy environment.

Aktywizacja polityczna społeczeństwa Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego w wyborach do Reichstagu 1871–1914

Author(s): Szczepan Wierzchoslawski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2018

The publication constitutes an analysis of the activation of Poles – citizens of the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Empire residing in the province of West Prussia (Eastern Pomerania) in the elections to the German parliament (Reichstag) in the 19th century (until 1914). On the one hand, it was demonstrated that every contemporary citizen of the German state had equal rights irrespective of their nationality; on the other hand, the author presented the process of shaping the national consciousness of Poles using the law to organize a network of their own electoral committees and elect their Polish representatives to the legislative institutions of that state, in the national rivalry with the German society in Eastern Pomerania. Statistically, a successive increase in activation in this area and its specific results in particular electoral districts were presented, depending not only on nationality statistics, but also on the organization of the electoral campaign and the level of the increasing social, national and political awareness. The article presents the organizational manifestations of the national independence of the Polish society of Eastern Pomerania, which was one of the basic factors justifying the inclusion of this region within the boundaries of the reborn Polish state.

AMBASADAT E HUAJA NË VILAJETIN E KOSOVËS GJATË SHEK. XIX-XX, SIPAS DOKUMENTEVE ARKIVORE OSMANE

Author(s): Ayten Ardel / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 48/2018

Vilajeti i Kosovës, i themeluar pas Luftës Ruso-Osmane (1877-1878) dhe Kongresit të Berlinit, është njëri ndër rajonet për të cilin është diskutuar dhe për të cilin ka pasur luftë të vazhdueshme, si luftë fizike ashtu edhe diplomatike. Nga njëra anë subjekti mysliman dhe jomysliman brenda elementit osman dhe në anën tjetër interesat politike të fuqive evropiane, me në krye Austrinë, Rusinë dhe Italinë, çuan në diskutimin e status-quo-së në Gadishullin Ballkanik. Ndërhyrja e Anglisë dhe Francës, mbështetja e politikës rumune nga ana e Rusisë dhe ambiciet që këto shtete kishin për Kosovën i sollën në prag të luftës. Pas shpalljes së monarkisë kushtetuese për herë të dytë nga shteti osman, në Ballkan gjendja përkeqësohet, pasi që kjo futi përçarje ndërmjet myslimanëve dhe jomyslimanëve (serbë, rumë, bullgarë dhe vlleh). Njëherësh këto zhvillime shkaktuan jostabilitet dhe pakënaqësi edhe nga ana e myslimanëve, të cilët reaguan shumë ashpër ndaj reformave të reja. Pas ardhjes në pushtet të Partisë Bashkim dhe Përparim (Partia Xhonturke), humbja e territoreve shqiptare (Kosovës) vetëm sa u përshpejtua. [...]

August Ritter von Kral. Aktorikryesor i Austro-Hungarisë në trojet shqiptare

Author(s): Kurt Gostentschnigg / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 03-04/2016

The diplomat August Ritter von Krai has been the main actor of Austria - Hungary in the Albanian territories. This article on his contribution begins with notes on the reconstruction of the political field.Then it deals with the main activities of Krai in Albania concerning the topics as follows: The Congress of Alphabet in Manastir in November 1908, the action for Albania in 1908 -1909 against Montenegro, the rebellion of 1914 in Middle Albania, the action for Albania in 1914 against Serbia and Montenegro, the Albanian Literary Commission of Shkodër in 1916 -1918, sending of ancient monuments to Sarajevo or the building of an Albanian national museum and the command of the corps against Krai in 1918, the argue on the separation of the civil commissary’s agenda from that of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ representative.In the end, you find the analysis on Krai’s activity in Albania according to Pierre Bourdieu’s praxeology referring to crucial terms: economic capital, cultural capital, social and symbolic one, as well as an analysis of the circle of friends and connections of Kral.

Az új orosz állami történetfelfogásról. Három historiográfiai ujjgyakorlat

Author(s): Gyula Szvák / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

BALKANLARDA DENGE OYUNU-1914

Author(s): Ökkes Narinç ,Mustafa Ekincikli / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 10/2017

The Balkan States being in a situation quite different than that before the Balkan Wars, dis not pay off the old scores after war yet.While Serbia was making plans for dream of Great Serbian Kingdom, Bulgaria was calculating possibility taking back the areas lost in Macedonia and the Dobruca captured by Romania. On the other hand, Romania and Greece were following policy for preservation of existing stuation. The politic of “preserve existing, never stop to obtain” was dominant in Ottoman State. While still feeling the temperature of the Balkan Wars, emerging of first spark of Great War that will reach global dimensions in this territory, it is enough to understand how deep unpaid off old scores. The upcoming war gathered the Colonial Powers and paved the way for struggle with each other. The area of war again was Ottoman and Eastern European geography. In this work, after forced alliance agreement that Ottoman State being direct target, signed with Germany on August 2, 1914, alliance planned to be constituted with Bulgaria and Romania, and steps taken towards this alliance has been tackled. Also, how being carried out of these steps intensively through diplomacy, and served all these efforts to single purpose has been tried to be explained.

BARBARIANS, CIVILIZED PEOPLE AND BULGARIANS. Definition of Identity in Textbooks and the Press (1830–1878)

Author(s): Dessislava Lilova / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2011

Are Bulgarians barbarians or civilized? Answering this question consumed a considerable part of the intellectual energy of the Bulgarian elite in the 19th century. The dilemma was first put up for discussion at the beginning of the century and ever since then, each new generation has been joining a fresh round of the debate. Interest in the topic has been sufficiently lively to lend legitimacy to the "barbarism-civilization" taxonomy as the main framework within which the nation builds its identity. This research aims to explore the origins of this process. The analysis covers the period from the 1830s to the rise of the independent Bulgarian state in 1878. This is the chronological framework in which the intellectual elite imported and promoted the ideological grammar of modernity and the taxonomies of progress. The objective is to shed light on the history, mechanisms and results of their transfer.

Batum’da Son Türk İdaresi (1921)

Author(s): Mustafa Sari / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 0/2017

Batum, conquered by the Ottoman State in the late 15th century, was left to Russia after a Turkish domination of nearly 500 years, as a result of the Treaty of Berlin, signed in the end of the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878. Although the Ottoman State regained Batum in April 1918 with the conditions created by the Russian revolutions during the World War I, the Ottoman State had to evacuate the region with the Mudros Armistice, signed after the war. After the armistice, the British occupation began in the city. However, due to the advance of the Bolsheviks in the Caucasus and other reasons, the British evacuated their troops from Batum and gave up the city to the Georgians in July 1920.

Biser Georgiev. Die parlamentarische Opposition und die Innenpolitk der bulgarischen Regierungen (August 1887 – Januar 1908). Universitätsverlag „Bischof Konstantin Preslavski”, Schumen, 2014, 607 S.

Author(s): Rumyana Parvanova / Language(s): German / Issue: 1-2/2016

Book Review

Bogdan Morfov (1870–1948) et son engagement à la cause Bulgarie de la mer Égée

Author(s): Rumen Karaganev / Language(s): French / Issue: 3-4/2014

Along with his interesting, diverse and successful career (of civil engineer, Director of Railways, minister plenipotentiary), Bogdan Morfov was directly engaged tied with Bulgaria’s cause of achieving an outlet to the Aegean Sea. He experienced the vicissitudes in this national aspiration both as an ordinary citizen of the kingdom and a direct participant in the formation of its changing in time configurations. In particular, the author reveals B. Morfov’s perceptions and efforts to implement them before the Balkan War (1912–1913); Expert activity in the early post-WWI period and his participation in the Bulgarian delegation at the conference in Lausanne (1922–23); later, his efforts in the respective direction as minister plenipotentiary in Paris and his activities in the preparation of the conference in Montreux (1936) as well as in the dramatic 1940 in connection with the anticipated return of Western Thrace within the borders of Bulgaria

Borderland Identities of Bratislava: Balancing between Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians in the Second Half of the 19th Century

Author(s): Ana-teodora KURKINA / Language(s): English / Issue: 19/2015

The article regards the urban space of Bratislava as an area contested by several national groups with their competing state-building strategies in the second half of the 19th century, when the city’s status of a cultural and social crossroad started to be challenged by its’ inhabitants and their respective political agendas. While offering a category of a “mental borderland” rather than a geographical one, the paper investigates the ways in which the three major groups living in the city attempted to claim it, presenting it as a centre of their culture, while reinterpreting its landscape and history. Although the case of Bratislava-Pressburg -Pozsony fits into the context of entangled histories, connecting the social and cultural networks of the region, the approach used in the current article is more comparative, since it regards the Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians as opposing parties, whose status of a “privileged” group was changing radically during the decades. The idea of resistance is highlighted as a driving mechanism of one’s group’s successful claim. Moreover, borders are seen as categories that are socially produced within the multinational and multicultural environment of Bratislava. The article states that the city’s diverse character and multiple legacies were successfully claimed by groups most accustomed to “resisting” its “privileged” and “better standing” opponents. Therefore, the previously widely underestimated Slovak population finally turned Bratislava into its capital in the beginning of the 20th century.

Bosnien und die Herzegowina in der österreichisch-ungarischen Orient-Eisenbahnbaupolitik

Author(s): Dževad Juzbašic / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

While the Central European issues dominated in Austrian politics, the Habsburg Monarchy was not able to get more politically engaged in the Balkans. The turning point in relation towards the Austrian construction of the Balkan railways came into being only after the historical events that have significantly changed the position of the monarchy in Europe. This turning point in the policy, which is to some extent prepared by Beust, was marked with his departure from Ballhausplatz and appointment of Julius Andrássy as foreign minister in 1871. At the Beust’s time construction of the direct rail connection with the Ottoman Empire was seen as a political and economic necessity for the Monarchy and the Turkish plan to build rail connection from Constantinople to the Austrian border near Novi in Bosnia, created in 1865, have fit the intentions of its policies. However, implementation of this plan in Bosnia ended the 1872 with construction of the normal line from Doboj to Banja Luka. Austrian and Hungarian different interests in terms of the direction of the route to the Orient and foreign policy problems were an obstacle to the connection towards the East. Andrássy’s railway policy vacillated in terms of preference over the line through Serbia or Bosnia. Hungary was firmly against the eventual construction of the Bosnian lines before establishing a connection with the Orient through Serbia. Hungarians have agreed on a connection Sisak–Dobrljin only after ensuring the main train connections via Belgrade and interests of the Hungarian railways in the Bosnian traffic with Rijeka. Hungarian government has succeeded taking the win in its conception of the realization of rail connection with the Orient and Bosnia. Hungarian interests have played a significant role in the steps undertaken by the Andrássy, while in the Austrian public, after the Berlin Congress, was present dilemma for the most rational route for the rail connection with the East. This problem will be actualized on several occasions in the late 19th and early 20th century, when new importance in the policy of the Monarchy in the relations between Austria and Hungary was gained. The Hungarian government tended more to secure themselves in relation to Austria, with more appropriate position in Bosnia for the establishing a connection with the East, than they originally had in mind as benefits of rail connection with Bosnia. The new political and economic constellation in the late 19th century re-actualized establishing normal-gauge railway connection with stripe Sarajevo–Mitrovica, which would be an extension of normal-gauge railway line Budapest–Sarajevo. The author analyzes the railway policy of Benjamin Kállay and his ideas on the strengthening of economic and political position of the Monarchy in the Western Balkans through the realization of rail links through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Kállay railway program in many issues anticipated Austro-Hungarian railway policy of the 20th century in the Balkans, which Aehrenthal and Berthold sought to realize. Railway through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar could not be taken as a world hightway and as a concurrent to the existing connection of the Western Europe with Thessaloniki. Primarily It was Austrian-Hungarian political and military interest, and only partly economical interest. Plan of the railway construction was most closely associated with the development of the international situation and they represented one of the most important elements of Balkan politics Austro-Hungarian Empire, that author follows. Since the lines in Bosnia could be built only at the expense of the country, it has been built as a narrow-gauge track line from Sarajevo to the eastern border. It remained as one torso ineligible for remodelling into the normal line, at a time just before World War when normal line through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar were plotted. Paper is focusing to the problem of the realization of the Bosnian-Serbian railway connection as well as to directing Serbian export to the port in Dalmatia. In the time before the outbreak of the Balkan War in 1912 the Austrian industrialists, inferior in international competition, sought to create a closed space in the Balkans in which they could dominate. This plan was unrealistic. The writer analyzes the Austro-Hungarian program for economic agreements with the Balkan countries adopted in February 1913, in which the railway policy was the main factor of economic penetration and political influence of the Monarchy in the Balkans. Concept Count Berthold sealed this program, by giving the role of a special political instrument to the railway connection Uvac–Mitrovica. Author also points to the opposing views of the Austrian government members who opposed to direct connection with Thessaloniki via Bosnia, in the period immediately after the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, considering the immediate Austrian interests. The opposition remained without effect on Berthold’s policy, which endured a failure. Austro-Hungarian political circles saw one of the main causes of the economic collapse of the Monarchy in the political events in the Balkans, so they gave a loud call for the solution of the situation.

Brunnbauer, Ulf. Globalizing Southeastern Europe. Emigrants, America, and the State since the Late Nineteenth Century. New York, 2016

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova,Petia Bankova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

Contesting the Old Order: Greek Orthodox and Muslims in Izmir welcome the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution

Author(s): Vangelis Kechriotis / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2007

In 1908, after thirty three years of autocratic rule and following the successful course of the Revolution organized by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti), which was set up by dissident young officers and bureaucrats better known as Young Turks, the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II was urged to restore the Constitution that he had suspended in 1878. The news triggered enthusiasm among all communities, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, and preparations for the parliamentary elections soon began. As a matter of fact, this period entailed a totally new experience in the way Ottoman subjects, particularly in the urban centers, contemplated their relations with the authorities, in the sense that decision-making and mobilisation of populations took place mainly in the major urban centers, Izmir, Salonica and the capital Istanbul. Thus, to begin with, our interest revolves around the urban space and the ways the urban population perceived and responded to the new challenges. In this paper, our aim is to address some of the questions generated by our study of the Greek-Orthodox community in a major urban center like Izmir (Smyrna). To what extent, for instance, did the urban experience of an ethno-religious community in a particular city of the Empire bear the marks of its specifi c geographical coordinates? Moeoer, to what extent was this experience determined by the ethno-religious background of its population? To what extent, fi nally, can this experience be comprehensible to outsiders? [...]

Der Erste Weltkrieg in der modernen deutschen und russischen Geschichtsschreibung

Author(s): Nikolay Baranov / Language(s): German / Publication Year: 0

The author gives a comparative analysis of the positions and prospects of the main problems in the history of World War I in the contemporary historiography of Germany and Russia (in the last 20 years). The author concludes that not only do German historians focus on historical events but also mentality in the context of contemporary research approaches: anthropological history, the history of everyday life, history from „below”, the history of experiences (emotions) and suffering, history of violence and imprisonment. In Russian historiography as mainstream remains to study on World War I in the context of the political, military, diplomatic, and social history.

Der Erste Weltkrieg und seine Auswirkungen auf die bosnisch-herzegowinische Bevölkerung

Author(s): Rüdiger Malli / Language(s): German / Issue: 40/2010

In diesem Beitrag wird versucht, die Bedeutung des Tagebuches von Thallóczy für die Beleuchtung des Ersten Weltkrieges, besonders für Bosnien und Herzegowina darzustellen. Es wird der Forschungsstand hinsichtlich der Quelleneditionen und der zugehörigen Literatursituation behandelt. Gleichzeitig werden Editionskonzepte und Publikationsvorschläge angeboten. Der zweite Teil beschäftigt sich mit der Person auf Grund seines Tagebuches und mit der Bewertung der Quellen.

Didysis karas (1914–1918) lietuvių memuarinėje literatūroje: atminties diskursų spektras, nepriklausomybės „byla“ ir užmaršties kontekstas

Author(s): Eugenijus Žmuida / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 2/2018

The article analyses memoirs by Lithuanians dealing with the Great War (1914-1918). The events of the early 20th century led to the emergence of Lithuanian independent state. They affected the lives of every Lithuanian, and shaped the most important part of individual and collective memory. Many famous political and cultural figures of that time left behind their memoirs. A variety of memoir literature opens a broad panorama of historical events and personal experiences, expressed in a wide diversity of forms. The article presents examples of the most notable memoirs from different fields. Aleksandras Uspenskis served in the Russian Army, Teodoras Reingardas in the Russian Navy, and Jurgis F. Jonaitis fought on the side of the Entente. The situation in occupied Lithuania is told by such authors as Gabrielė Petkevičaitė-Bitė (from North-Eastern Lithuania), priest Pranciškus Žadeikis (from North-West Lithuania) and Antanas Gintneris (from Southern Lithuania). Priest Pranas Bieliauskas writes about life during the war in Vilnius in his Diary of Vilnius. Memoirs by Martynas Yčas, who was the deputy of the Russian State Duma and a chairman of the Lithuanian War Relief Society, provides a detailed account about lives and affairs of Lithuanians who evacuated to Russia and views of Lithuanian intellectuals on the future of their homeland. The article, using methodological concepts of memory discourses (Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann, Aleida Assmann, and etc.), aims to return this significant part of literature to the horizons of historical and cultural memory, and to analyse the interplay of memory vs. forgetfulness as political and social constructs in the context of historical cataclysms of the 20th century.

Die Familie Coburg und die Slowakei König Ferdinand von Bulgarien und seine „geliebten Leute und Berge“

Author(s): Roman Holec / Language(s): German / Issue: 3-4/2014

The article of prof. R. Holets presents new and unknown moments in the life of the Bulgarian Tsar Ferdinand after his abdication and departure from the country. Based exclusively on documents with which Bulgarian researchers were unable to work, it presents his life in an environment very different from that in Bulgaria, in a new role, unlike the one he played until 1918. The study adds new and unknown touches to the image of Tsar Ferdinand.