,,Urodził się na swoje własne i całego świata nieszczęście" – biografia Adolfa Hitlera, która wpłynęła na losy ludzkości

Author(s): Katarzyna Sygulska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 6/2016

The article presents the biography of Adolf Hitler with an interpretation. The author describes his life from birth to joining the Nazi party: life in the family home, after leaving home education and relationships with other people. The Development describes the critical events in Hitler's life - the death of his father and mother, inaccessibility to study the outbreak of the First World War and becoming a soldier, and participation in a Nazi meeting and joining the DAP. The author also presents impact of Hitler on German history and the world's story. She says that dealing with the topic of Nazism is important. The conclusions derived from history can help create a better reality.

Az új orosz állami történetfelfogásról. Három historiográfiai ujjgyakorlat

Author(s): Gyula Szvák / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

BARBARIANS, CIVILIZED PEOPLE AND BULGARIANS. Definition of Identity in Textbooks and the Press (1830–1878)

Author(s): Dessislava Lilova / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2011

Are Bulgarians barbarians or civilized? Answering this question consumed a considerable part of the intellectual energy of the Bulgarian elite in the 19th century. The dilemma was first put up for discussion at the beginning of the century and ever since then, each new generation has been joining a fresh round of the debate. Interest in the topic has been sufficiently lively to lend legitimacy to the "barbarism-civilization" taxonomy as the main framework within which the nation builds its identity. This research aims to explore the origins of this process. The analysis covers the period from the 1830s to the rise of the independent Bulgarian state in 1878. This is the chronological framework in which the intellectual elite imported and promoted the ideological grammar of modernity and the taxonomies of progress. The objective is to shed light on the history, mechanisms and results of their transfer.

Bogdan Morfov (1870–1948) et son engagement à la cause Bulgarie de la mer Égée

Author(s): Rumen Karaganev / Language(s): French / Issue: 3-4/2014

Along with his interesting, diverse and successful career (of civil engineer, Director of Railways, minister plenipotentiary), Bogdan Morfov was directly engaged tied with Bulgaria’s cause of achieving an outlet to the Aegean Sea. He experienced the vicissitudes in this national aspiration both as an ordinary citizen of the kingdom and a direct participant in the formation of its changing in time configurations. In particular, the author reveals B. Morfov’s perceptions and efforts to implement them before the Balkan War (1912–1913); Expert activity in the early post-WWI period and his participation in the Bulgarian delegation at the conference in Lausanne (1922–23); later, his efforts in the respective direction as minister plenipotentiary in Paris and his activities in the preparation of the conference in Montreux (1936) as well as in the dramatic 1940 in connection with the anticipated return of Western Thrace within the borders of Bulgaria

Borderland Identities of Bratislava: Balancing between Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians in the Second Half of the 19th Century

Author(s): Ana-teodora KURKINA / Language(s): English / Issue: 19/2015

The article regards the urban space of Bratislava as an area contested by several national groups with their competing state-building strategies in the second half of the 19th century, when the city’s status of a cultural and social crossroad started to be challenged by its’ inhabitants and their respective political agendas. While offering a category of a “mental borderland” rather than a geographical one, the paper investigates the ways in which the three major groups living in the city attempted to claim it, presenting it as a centre of their culture, while reinterpreting its landscape and history. Although the case of Bratislava-Pressburg -Pozsony fits into the context of entangled histories, connecting the social and cultural networks of the region, the approach used in the current article is more comparative, since it regards the Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians as opposing parties, whose status of a “privileged” group was changing radically during the decades. The idea of resistance is highlighted as a driving mechanism of one’s group’s successful claim. Moreover, borders are seen as categories that are socially produced within the multinational and multicultural environment of Bratislava. The article states that the city’s diverse character and multiple legacies were successfully claimed by groups most accustomed to “resisting” its “privileged” and “better standing” opponents. Therefore, the previously widely underestimated Slovak population finally turned Bratislava into its capital in the beginning of the 20th century.

Bosnien und die Herzegowina in der österreichisch-ungarischen Orient-Eisenbahnbaupolitik

Author(s): Dževad Juzbašic / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

While the Central European issues dominated in Austrian politics, the Habsburg Monarchy was not able to get more politically engaged in the Balkans. The turning point in relation towards the Austrian construction of the Balkan railways came into being only after the historical events that have significantly changed the position of the monarchy in Europe. This turning point in the policy, which is to some extent prepared by Beust, was marked with his departure from Ballhausplatz and appointment of Julius Andrássy as foreign minister in 1871. At the Beust’s time construction of the direct rail connection with the Ottoman Empire was seen as a political and economic necessity for the Monarchy and the Turkish plan to build rail connection from Constantinople to the Austrian border near Novi in Bosnia, created in 1865, have fit the intentions of its policies. However, implementation of this plan in Bosnia ended the 1872 with construction of the normal line from Doboj to Banja Luka. Austrian and Hungarian different interests in terms of the direction of the route to the Orient and foreign policy problems were an obstacle to the connection towards the East. Andrássy’s railway policy vacillated in terms of preference over the line through Serbia or Bosnia. Hungary was firmly against the eventual construction of the Bosnian lines before establishing a connection with the Orient through Serbia. Hungarians have agreed on a connection Sisak–Dobrljin only after ensuring the main train connections via Belgrade and interests of the Hungarian railways in the Bosnian traffic with Rijeka. Hungarian government has succeeded taking the win in its conception of the realization of rail connection with the Orient and Bosnia. Hungarian interests have played a significant role in the steps undertaken by the Andrássy, while in the Austrian public, after the Berlin Congress, was present dilemma for the most rational route for the rail connection with the East. This problem will be actualized on several occasions in the late 19th and early 20th century, when new importance in the policy of the Monarchy in the relations between Austria and Hungary was gained. The Hungarian government tended more to secure themselves in relation to Austria, with more appropriate position in Bosnia for the establishing a connection with the East, than they originally had in mind as benefits of rail connection with Bosnia. The new political and economic constellation in the late 19th century re-actualized establishing normal-gauge railway connection with stripe Sarajevo–Mitrovica, which would be an extension of normal-gauge railway line Budapest–Sarajevo. The author analyzes the railway policy of Benjamin Kállay and his ideas on the strengthening of economic and political position of the Monarchy in the Western Balkans through the realization of rail links through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Kállay railway program in many issues anticipated Austro-Hungarian railway policy of the 20th century in the Balkans, which Aehrenthal and Berthold sought to realize. Railway through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar could not be taken as a world hightway and as a concurrent to the existing connection of the Western Europe with Thessaloniki. Primarily It was Austrian-Hungarian political and military interest, and only partly economical interest. Plan of the railway construction was most closely associated with the development of the international situation and they represented one of the most important elements of Balkan politics Austro-Hungarian Empire, that author follows. Since the lines in Bosnia could be built only at the expense of the country, it has been built as a narrow-gauge track line from Sarajevo to the eastern border. It remained as one torso ineligible for remodelling into the normal line, at a time just before World War when normal line through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar were plotted. Paper is focusing to the problem of the realization of the Bosnian-Serbian railway connection as well as to directing Serbian export to the port in Dalmatia. In the time before the outbreak of the Balkan War in 1912 the Austrian industrialists, inferior in international competition, sought to create a closed space in the Balkans in which they could dominate. This plan was unrealistic. The writer analyzes the Austro-Hungarian program for economic agreements with the Balkan countries adopted in February 1913, in which the railway policy was the main factor of economic penetration and political influence of the Monarchy in the Balkans. Concept Count Berthold sealed this program, by giving the role of a special political instrument to the railway connection Uvac–Mitrovica. Author also points to the opposing views of the Austrian government members who opposed to direct connection with Thessaloniki via Bosnia, in the period immediately after the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, considering the immediate Austrian interests. The opposition remained without effect on Berthold’s policy, which endured a failure. Austro-Hungarian political circles saw one of the main causes of the economic collapse of the Monarchy in the political events in the Balkans, so they gave a loud call for the solution of the situation.

Brunnbauer, Ulf. Globalizing Southeastern Europe. Emigrants, America, and the State since the Late Nineteenth Century. New York, 2016

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova,Petia Bankova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

Contesting the Old Order: Greek Orthodox and Muslims in Izmir welcome the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution

Author(s): Vangelis Kechriotis / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2007

In 1908, after thirty three years of autocratic rule and following the successful course of the Revolution organized by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti), which was set up by dissident young officers and bureaucrats better known as Young Turks, the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II was urged to restore the Constitution that he had suspended in 1878. The news triggered enthusiasm among all communities, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, and preparations for the parliamentary elections soon began. As a matter of fact, this period entailed a totally new experience in the way Ottoman subjects, particularly in the urban centers, contemplated their relations with the authorities, in the sense that decision-making and mobilisation of populations took place mainly in the major urban centers, Izmir, Salonica and the capital Istanbul. Thus, to begin with, our interest revolves around the urban space and the ways the urban population perceived and responded to the new challenges. In this paper, our aim is to address some of the questions generated by our study of the Greek-Orthodox community in a major urban center like Izmir (Smyrna). To what extent, for instance, did the urban experience of an ethno-religious community in a particular city of the Empire bear the marks of its specifi c geographical coordinates? Moeoer, to what extent was this experience determined by the ethno-religious background of its population? To what extent, fi nally, can this experience be comprehensible to outsiders? [...]

Der Erste Weltkrieg in der modernen deutschen und russischen Geschichtsschreibung

Author(s): Nikolay Baranov / Language(s): German / Publication Year: 0

The author gives a comparative analysis of the positions and prospects of the main problems in the history of World War I in the contemporary historiography of Germany and Russia (in the last 20 years). The author concludes that not only do German historians focus on historical events but also mentality in the context of contemporary research approaches: anthropological history, the history of everyday life, history from „below”, the history of experiences (emotions) and suffering, history of violence and imprisonment. In Russian historiography as mainstream remains to study on World War I in the context of the political, military, diplomatic, and social history.

Die Familie Coburg und die Slowakei König Ferdinand von Bulgarien und seine „geliebten Leute und Berge“

Author(s): Roman Holec / Language(s): German / Issue: 3-4/2014

The article of prof. R. Holets presents new and unknown moments in the life of the Bulgarian Tsar Ferdinand after his abdication and departure from the country. Based exclusively on documents with which Bulgarian researchers were unable to work, it presents his life in an environment very different from that in Bulgaria, in a new role, unlike the one he played until 1918. The study adds new and unknown touches to the image of Tsar Ferdinand.

Die Internationale Kontrollkommission Albaniens und die albanischen Machtzentren (1913/1914). Beitrag zur Geschichte der Staatsbildung Albaniens

Author(s): Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics / Language(s): German / Issue: 73/2014

The best guarantee of protecting the rights of Christian minorities on the European territory of the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century was nothing else but the establishing of own nation-states, where the Christian population could lead his life without being ruled or controlled by the Ottoman Empire. This process found support and was assisted by the Great Powers. It means, that one form of the humanitarian intervention was the state-building instructed or assisted from abroad. One of the unexpected experiences of the Balkan Wars 1912/1913 was that the members of the Balkan League committed genocides and other kinds of mass violence against other Nationalities and the Muslim population of the peninsula. Among other things the Albanian state-building project of the Great Powers aimed to prevent further genocide and other acts of violence against the Albanian population and other refugees from Macedonia and to put an end to the anarchy of the country. Th e main international organisation to directly represent the great powers in the new Albania and to be responsible for the state-building process was the International Commission of Control.

Die orientalisierende Architektur als ein stilistischer Ausdruck des offiziellen Bauprogramms der k. u. k. bosnisch-herzegowinischen Landesregierung 1878-1918

Author(s): Alexander Zäh / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

The orientalizing architecture of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of the official building policy for this province under the Habsburg administration from 1878-1918. It was executed by a team of architects, members of the building department of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian “Landesregierung” (provincial administration) at Sarajevo. This introductory paper surveys and gives an overview of its most important monuments. It displays the building types and their functions and shows the distribution of this distinctive building style in the country, which became the last significant territorial acquisition of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the official annexation of the province in 1908. The architectural style was clearly chosen by the administration for political reasons to underline the Islamic traditions and heritage of the country, to strengthen the local identity of its citizens and to support them with and artificial, new, often very pseudo-Islamic “genius loci”. It was also chosen as an answer in the field of the material culture against the pan-slavic movements of the time, which were especially active in this province. Other aspects were economically motivated, e.g. to create a pseudo-oriental impression as an attraction for visitors of the country to support the young, prospering tourism industry within the Habsburg Empire, promoting the identity of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a “near”, but still “oriental” and “new”, exotic travel destination within Austria-Hungary’s borders. Internationally the detected orientalistic building style is part of the architectural historicism and the many related “revival” styles that other European powers used in their colonial dominions in related contexts (e.g. the “Indo-saracenic” style of British-India). The downfall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy ended this progressive architectural experiment, which would have corresponded very well with a reformed multicultural Empire in the sense of a proposed (and visionary) “United States of Greater Austria“. Most of the discussed monuments were recently declared national monuments of the young independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Hrvatski klub i nastanak Stranke prava u Dalmaciji

Author(s): Marina Diklic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Dissatisfaction with the politics of the National Party in Dalmatia, which played an important part in the national awakening in Dalmatia, appeared at the end of the 1870s, and culminated at the end of the 1880s and beginning of the 1890s. At the head of the politically disaffected, those who tended to be especially oriented toward Croatian nationalism and Rightist ideas, was first and foremost Don Mihovil Pavlinović, and after his death in 1887, Don Juraj Biankini. At the end of the 1880s and the beginning of the 1890s, several conflicts broke out among the members of the National Party which led to a change in its name to the National Croatian Party in 1889 and even to a split in the party in 1892. Disappointed by a lack of success in economic and political affairs a group of National Party representatives led by Biankini decided to break from the Representative Club of the old National Croatian Party and form their own club, the Croat Club. At the beginning of the 1890s a process began in Dalmatia whereby all the Rightists and the Rightist oriented groups began to unify into a united Party of Right. The main instigators of the process were Don Ivo Prodan, who led the religious- Rightist grouping, and Dr. Ante Trumbić and Frano Supilo, who led the liberal Rightist grouping. They would soon be joined by Biankini’s Croat club, which took upon itself the task of key organizer, leading ultimately to the unification of all three Dalmatian Rightist groupings and the formation of a Party of Right in Zadar in 1894. The President of the Croat Club, J. Kazimir Ljubić, became the first president of the newly established Dalmatian Party of Right.

Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

İngiltere’nin Arap İsyanı Tertibi (1914-1918): İsyanın Cumhuriyet Dönemi Hükümet Programlarındaki Dış Politika Yansımaları

Author(s): Ismail Köse / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 14/2017

Arabian peninsula was brought under Ottoman rule after the conquest of Egypt by Sultan Selim the Grim in 1517. From this date onward it was ruled by Ottomans about 400 years. The only exception of Ottoman rule, were Egypt’s invasion by French under Napoleon Bonaparte (1798-1801) and later annexation by Britain in 1882. Ottoman existence in Arabian peninsula ended due to the revolts during the first years of World War First. Arab revolts were the last uprising against the Ottomans that they had to face with. The revolts were plotted during the most difficult days of World War First during the Dardanelles Wars, because of which Turkish soldiers confronted considerable losses and damages in Arabia. Therefore after the very foundation of Turkish Republic, World War First experiences, fueled by politicized Arabian nationalism also paved the way to mistrust of Turkish decision makers. Despite a few periodical betterments of the relations between both sides due to hesitant approaches, for a long time it could not be possible to establish mutual confidence building measures in diplomatic relations.

Iseljavanje muhadžira, regulisanje njihovih prava u Crnoj Gori i naseljavanje Crnogoraca na toj zemlji

Author(s): Jovan Muhadinovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 71-72/2016

Poslije Berlinskog kongresa, muslimani su se većim dijelom odlučivali da napuste Crnu Goru, i da se nastane na teritoriji koja je pod upravom Osmanskog Carstva. Po Ugovoru kojim je završen Velji rat (1876- 1878), njima je garantovana bezbjednost svojine, članom 30.1 Pored toga oni su odlazili. Osnovni razlozi njihovog iseljavanja su bili: druga vlast, druga vjera, strah od odmazde, oduzimanje imovine. Tako da po njima nije bilo nikakvog razloga da na svojoj zemlji ostanu. Engleski konzul u Skadru smatra da je najveći razlog to što bi ostankom, sada u crnogorskoj ržavi, morali da idu u crnogorsku vojsku.

Islam i muslimani u pravaškoj ideologiji: o pokušaju gradnje “pravaške” džamije u Zagrebu 1908.

Author(s): Zlatko Hasanbegovic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

The attitude toward Islam and Muslims is one of the foundations of Rightist political-national ideology. It was framed in terms of the reality of the so-called Eastern Question in the second half of the 19th century, and as a key component of the Rightist concept of a multi-religious Croatian nation. The father of the Rightist attitude to Islam and Bosnian Muslims was the founder of the Party of Right, A. Starčević, who in his writings on the complexity of the Eastern Question compared the demonization of Islam and the Ottoman state in the ideology of Croatian Yugoslavism with the moral and social bases of Islamic teaching as well as an idealized view of the Bosnian Muslim aristocracy and the main Ottoman social and legalpolitical institutions. J. Frank and his Pure Party of Right held the same attitude toward Islam and the Muslims because in religious and cultural matters they faithfully followed the original Rightist liberal programme, taking a stand against religious exclusivism, the conflation of religion and nationality, and a politics founded upon confessional principles. Rightist liberal nationalism freed of all confessional ingredients magnetically drew the first post-Ottoman Bosnian Muslim intellectual generation infused with the ideal of harmonizing Islamic traditions and the main currents of modernism.

Između revizije i tradicije: savremena istoriografija postjugoslovenskih zemalja o razdoblju protonacionalnog razvoja južnoslovenskih naroda (1780-1800)

Author(s): Boro Bronza / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 0

This article deals with the certain aspects of historiography on the space of post Yugoslavian countries in the matter of last few decades of 18th century (1780-1800). This period, known as period of “early national development”, has had a marginal position in the global hemisphere of former Yugoslavian historiography. The fact is that this position was not changed much during last decade. On the other hand, understanding of this short period in the term of its significance in national development on the space of former Yugoslavia is very much increased. There are two reasons for that – nationalistic explosion during 1990′s and greater level of comparative analysis of national development in Europe during the second half of 18th century which was not very present in the earlier historiography. Circumstances at the space of contemporary Slovenia and Macedonia during last few decades of 18th century were much different in the comparison with the other regions of former Yugoslavia, and for that Slovenia and Macedonia are not part of this analysis. The number of books about this problem is very much increased during last decade. Because of great influence of Habsburg Monarchy on the space of former Yugoslavia at the end of 18th century there are numerous books and articles from Austrian historians that have increased influence at the historiography of former Yugoslavia, like for example works of Karl Kaser, Harald Heppner, Ulrike Tischler etc. Their works, together with works of their colleagues from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro have led towards some new definitions and conclusions. The emphasis is still on the war between Habsburg Monarchy and Otto¬man Empire 1788-1791. Policy of Habsburg Monarchy towards West Balkan in the last few decades of 18th century was, among other things, marked with the cooperation between Austrian Court and Christians from the space of Ottoman Empire. This kind of cooperation was very present especially in the north-western parts of Bosnia, because of its geographical position and tradition of Austrian military campaigning in this area in numerous encounters during 17th and 18th century. Beside of the offensive military approach of the emperor Joseph II (1780-1790), very significant part in the Austrian policy was political and religious influence on the Christians in the region. The problem for this cooperation and the development of political and religious intentions of local Christian inhabitants was strong confessional division between Catholics and Orthodox Christians, and especially between their religious leaders. The fact is that Austrian policy was a catalyst for faster development of “early national development”, which was speeded through crucial medium for transfer of national and political ideas at that time - religious mobilization. One of the conclusions is that there still are great possibilities in further research of this matter especially in Vienna archives (ÖsterreichischeStaatsarchiv, Abteilung Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv and Abteilung Kriegsarchiv), because some very valuable repports (like for example in series “ Aufstellungsverzeichnis des Botschaftsarchivs Konstantinopel”) are hardly seen by any earlier historian from the space of postyugoslavian countries.

Između starog i modernog pravaštva

Author(s): Stjepan Matkovic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

This paper examines the changes which took place in the Party of Right’s approach at the end of the 19th century. The appearance of new leaders in the party (J. Frank and his collaborators) and the gradual departure of the older generation, above all A. Starčević, brought about certain changes in the tactics of the Rightists. The Party of Right’s change in direction was influenced by forces outside of the party: the constitutional system created by the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868, the crisis of Dualism, the situation in the Croatian opposition, and the change in foreign policy direction. The term ‘modern Rightism’ was first coined by opponents of the Party of Right, who wanted to belabour the new Rightists with blame for divesting themselves of authentic Starčevićism. Modern Rightism certainly transformed its approach, but not in a negative sense. Its proponents accepted modernization in the political field, and tailored their political tactics to developments in Austria-Hungary. Political modernization meant setting up an organized party structure and accepting the challenges posed by the democratization of the political system. This set in motion a reciprocal process, because while democratization created the possibility for mass parties, the creation of such a party also necessitated good organization (administration, programme, statutory documents, membership, regular financial support, promotion, a network of associations, etc.). Nevertheless, adherents of modern Rightism remained faithful to the traditions of Rightist ideology established on the basis of furthering Croatian State Right and Croatian national identity. Modern Rightists (mostly followers of J. Frank, or Frankists), supported the solution of the Croatian national question within the Habsburg Monarchy, because they estimated that within its framework they could realize specific political aims and enable the economic development of Croatia.

Jedan pogled na gospodarsku aktivnost pravaških vođa od 1861. do 1914. godine

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijevic / Language(s): Croatian / Publication Year: 0

Rightist economic activity changed from case to case; it was strongly influenced by the regulations of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868. The article divides the economic management of the Party of Right into three time periods: 1. 1861-1871. Kvaternik writes his well known work Hrvatski glavničar (Croatian Capitalist) which points to the necessity of creating domestic capital and stimulating its growth with a stock exchange. His ideas did not find fertile ground because the members of the party did not recognize their importance. 2. 1878-1894 Following the quiet that descended upon Rightist ranks after the Rakovica uprising of 1871, the party activists returned to the political stage in 1878. Until 1890, F. Folnegović was the most important individual in the party concerned with economic matters. His efforts enabled the publication of official party organs and the construction of the Starčević Dom (Starčević House). 3. 1895-1914 In 1890, J. Frank joined the Party of Right. Even though he never established a particular economic programme for strengthening the Pure Party of Right, he can largely be credited for the fact that the coffers of the Party began to receive important contributions which he invested into party activities, but which he also used to initiate the development of industry and banking (for e.g., “Danica” in Koprivnica). During the term of P. Rauch as Ban, work was begun on establishing a Department of Economy for the Land Government, which in 1914 resulted in the creation of the fourth branch of this government, the Department of National Economy, which, even if it came too late, changed the very nature of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement.