(Не)възможната близост между двореца и българското военно командване в края на XIX и началото на XX век

Author(s): Peter Stoyanovich / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2020

Taking the Bulgarian throne in critical years for the country, Prince Ferdinand I was forced to ensure not only his personal survival, but also to quickly prove his great diplomatic and psychological skills in order to win the battle for the hearts of the largest and most influential stratum – the officer corps. In less than a decade, he was able to displace the talented dictator Stambolov and make dependent on his judgment the bulk of senior army command without directly interfering with army work and training. With this success, Prince Ferdinand proved his talents as a psychologist, ruler and tactician.

,,Urodził się na swoje własne i całego świata nieszczęście" – biografia Adolfa Hitlera, która wpłynęła na losy ludzkości

Author(s): Katarzyna Sygulska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 6/2016

The article presents the biography of Adolf Hitler with an interpretation. The author describes his life from birth to joining the Nazi party: life in the family home, after leaving home education and relationships with other people. The Development describes the critical events in Hitler's life - the death of his father and mother, inaccessibility to study the outbreak of the First World War and becoming a soldier, and participation in a Nazi meeting and joining the DAP. The author also presents impact of Hitler on German history and the world's story. She says that dealing with the topic of Nazism is important. The conclusions derived from history can help create a better reality.

100 години Ньойски договор

Author(s): Tzvetozar Yotov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 6/2019

100-th Anniversary of the Treaty of Neuilly

A grúziai Írásművelési Társaság. A nemzeti elit iskolája és nemzetszervezési tevékenysége

Author(s): Oliver REISNER / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 3/2014

On the 15th of May 1879, the Society for the Promotion of Literacy among the Georgians was officially founded in Tbilisi. It represented the late product of a small but very active group of intellectuals, the tergdaleulebi, who played a pivotal role in the building of the modern Georgian nation. The Society for the Promotion of Literacy among the Georgians thus served as a tool to introduce national self-reliance and to counter the voluntary and forced Russification of the Georgian nobility. This article initially analyses the development of the “Society” between 1879 and 1914, focusing on the number, geographic origin, estate and social background of its members, as well as their educational backgrounds, professions and political activities. The article then attempts to characterize the various activities of the “Society”. Although the activists found themselves marginalized between the nobility and the peasantry, they managed to develop a sense of Georgian ethnic affiliation as a cultural community freed from estate or locality, accessible to all of its potential members. With its cultural activities, the members developed an institution of public socialization to replace the traditional ones. The social cleavage between the nobility and the peasantry and the domination of the Tsarist state, however, hindered the rise of a political loyalty on national grounds. The non-existent political nation was substituted by a new, culturally and ethnically sensitive community with the “Society” as its main organizational backbone. In this kind of “moral community” the growing layer of marginalized, educated white collar-workers could meet each other and coordinate their efforts.

AGRARNE PRILIKE U SEMBERIJI U PRVOM DESETLJEĆU 20. STOLJEĆA (na osnovu Memoranduma-molbe veleposjednika Osman-bega Pašića iz 1912. godine, upućenog zajedničkom ministru finansija Belinskom)

Author(s): Izet Šabotić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 2/2019

The paper presents the Memorandum-Request from 1912 by Osman-bey Pašić, a landowner from Bijeljina, addressed to the Minister of Finance of Bilinski. The Memorandum highlighted numerous irregularities and difficulties encountered by Bosniak landowners and Bosniaks in Semberia. Particularly pointed out was the problem of the relationship between serfs (čifčije) and landowners, where the expression of disregard for obligations by serfs, as well as the usurpation of property occurred. In this way, the economic status of landowners has largely diminished. In addition, the security, religious, political and social rights of Bosniaks in this area were significantly compromised. So, the relation of the agas - landowners and serfs was not only of a commercial nature, but also of a national-political one. In such procedures, the authorities of Bijeljina did not function adequately, and in the memorandum minister Bilinski was asked to intervene, in order for the government to start acting. This document is only one of documents confirming all the complexity and stratification of agrarian relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina during this period, which were particularly complex in the area of Semberija.

Aktywizacja polityczna społeczeństwa Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego w wyborach do Reichstagu 1871–1914

Author(s): Szczepan Wierzchosławski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2018

The publication constitutes an analysis of the activation of Poles – citizens of the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Empire residing in the province of West Prussia (Eastern Pomerania) in the elections to the German parliament (Reichstag) in the 19th century (until 1914). On the one hand, it was demonstrated that every contemporary citizen of the German state had equal rights irrespective of their nationality; on the other hand, the author presented the process of shaping the national consciousness of Poles using the law to organize a network of their own electoral committees and elect their Polish representatives to the legislative institutions of that state, in the national rivalry with the German society in Eastern Pomerania. Statistically, a successive increase in activation in this area and its specific results in particular electoral districts were presented, depending not only on nationality statistics, but also on the organization of the electoral campaign and the level of the increasing social, national and political awareness. The article presents the organizational manifestations of the national independence of the Polish society of Eastern Pomerania, which was one of the basic factors justifying the inclusion of this region within the boundaries of the reborn Polish state.

AMBASADAT E HUAJA NË VILAJETIN E KOSOVËS GJATË SHEK. XIX-XX, SIPAS DOKUMENTEVE ARKIVORE OSMANE

Author(s): Ayten Ardel / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 48/2018

Vilajeti i Kosovës, i themeluar pas Luftës Ruso-Osmane (1877-1878) dhe Kongresit të Berlinit, është njëri ndër rajonet për të cilin është diskutuar dhe për të cilin ka pasur luftë të vazhdueshme, si luftë fizike ashtu edhe diplomatike. Nga njëra anë subjekti mysliman dhe jomysliman brenda elementit osman dhe në anën tjetër interesat politike të fuqive evropiane, me në krye Austrinë, Rusinë dhe Italinë, çuan në diskutimin e status-quo-së në Gadishullin Ballkanik. Ndërhyrja e Anglisë dhe Francës, mbështetja e politikës rumune nga ana e Rusisë dhe ambiciet që këto shtete kishin për Kosovën i sollën në prag të luftës. Pas shpalljes së monarkisë kushtetuese për herë të dytë nga shteti osman, në Ballkan gjendja përkeqësohet, pasi që kjo futi përçarje ndërmjet myslimanëve dhe jomyslimanëve (serbë, rumë, bullgarë dhe vlleh). Njëherësh këto zhvillime shkaktuan jostabilitet dhe pakënaqësi edhe nga ana e myslimanëve, të cilët reaguan shumë ashpër ndaj reformave të reja. Pas ardhjes në pushtet të Partisë Bashkim dhe Përparim (Partia Xhonturke), humbja e territoreve shqiptare (Kosovës) vetëm sa u përshpejtua. [...]

August Ritter von Kral. Aktorikryesor i Austro-Hungarisë në trojet shqiptare

Author(s): Kurt Gostentschnigg / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 03-04/2016

The diplomat August Ritter von Krai has been the main actor of Austria - Hungary in the Albanian territories. This article on his contribution begins with notes on the reconstruction of the political field.Then it deals with the main activities of Krai in Albania concerning the topics as follows: The Congress of Alphabet in Manastir in November 1908, the action for Albania in 1908 -1909 against Montenegro, the rebellion of 1914 in Middle Albania, the action for Albania in 1914 against Serbia and Montenegro, the Albanian Literary Commission of Shkodër in 1916 -1918, sending of ancient monuments to Sarajevo or the building of an Albanian national museum and the command of the corps against Krai in 1918, the argue on the separation of the civil commissary’s agenda from that of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ representative.In the end, you find the analysis on Krai’s activity in Albania according to Pierre Bourdieu’s praxeology referring to crucial terms: economic capital, cultural capital, social and symbolic one, as well as an analysis of the circle of friends and connections of Kral.

Az új orosz állami történetfelfogásról. Három historiográfiai ujjgyakorlat

Author(s): Gyula Szvák / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

Balkan i Srednja Evropa u metaforičnom zagrljaju

Author(s): Filip Tesař / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 7/2020

„Central Europe“ and the „The Balkans“ are figurative concepts that entail a large amount of metaphors. Unlike „Central Europe“, a large number of negative mataphors are related to „The Balkans“. An important reason for this are the ethnic conflicts at the beginning and end of the 20th century. The term „Central Europe“, which has been consolidated only since the 1980s, is not burdened in a similar way, although the forced national homogenization, after the Second World War, was carried out in this area as well. The term was further consolidated thanks to the existence of the Visegrad Group, formed in 1992, through which the political unity of Poland, The Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia was strengthened. The Visegrad Group has been supporting the entry of the Western Balkan countries into the EU since 2004, and since then the dependent relationship between „The Western Balkans“ and „Central Europe“ has been developing.

BALKANLARDA DENGE OYUNU-1914

Author(s): Ökkeş Narinç ,Mustafa Ekincikli / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 10/2017

The Balkan States being in a situation quite different than that before the Balkan Wars, dis not pay off the old scores after war yet.While Serbia was making plans for dream of Great Serbian Kingdom, Bulgaria was calculating possibility taking back the areas lost in Macedonia and the Dobruca captured by Romania. On the other hand, Romania and Greece were following policy for preservation of existing stuation. The politic of “preserve existing, never stop to obtain” was dominant in Ottoman State. While still feeling the temperature of the Balkan Wars, emerging of first spark of Great War that will reach global dimensions in this territory, it is enough to understand how deep unpaid off old scores. The upcoming war gathered the Colonial Powers and paved the way for struggle with each other. The area of war again was Ottoman and Eastern European geography. In this work, after forced alliance agreement that Ottoman State being direct target, signed with Germany on August 2, 1914, alliance planned to be constituted with Bulgaria and Romania, and steps taken towards this alliance has been tackled. Also, how being carried out of these steps intensively through diplomacy, and served all these efforts to single purpose has been tried to be explained.

BARBARIANS, CIVILIZED PEOPLE AND BULGARIANS. Definition of Identity in Textbooks and the Press (1830–1878)

Author(s): Dessislava Lilova / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2011

Are Bulgarians barbarians or civilized? Answering this question consumed a considerable part of the intellectual energy of the Bulgarian elite in the 19th century. The dilemma was first put up for discussion at the beginning of the century and ever since then, each new generation has been joining a fresh round of the debate. Interest in the topic has been sufficiently lively to lend legitimacy to the "barbarism-civilization" taxonomy as the main framework within which the nation builds its identity. This research aims to explore the origins of this process. The analysis covers the period from the 1830s to the rise of the independent Bulgarian state in 1878. This is the chronological framework in which the intellectual elite imported and promoted the ideological grammar of modernity and the taxonomies of progress. The objective is to shed light on the history, mechanisms and results of their transfer.

Batum’da Son Türk İdaresi (1921)

Author(s): Mustafa Sarı / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: Spec.issue/2017

Batum, conquered by the Ottoman State in the late 15th century, was left to Russia after a Turkish domination of nearly 500 years, as a result of the Treaty of Berlin, signed in the end of the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878. Although the Ottoman State regained Batum in April 1918 with the conditions created by the Russian revolutions during the World War I, the Ottoman State had to evacuate the region with the Mudros Armistice, signed after the war. After the armistice, the British occupation began in the city. However, due to the advance of the Bolsheviks in the Caucasus and other reasons, the British evacuated their troops from Batum and gave up the city to the Georgians in July 1920.

BİRİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞI’NDA ERMENİLER VE ERMENİLERE YÖNELİK UYGULAMALAR: ADIYAMAN ÖRNEĞİ

Author(s): Ali Kaşıyuğun / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2019

The first world war is of great significance for not only history of the world but also Turkish history. This war as well as being the last war for the Ottoman State, caused some issues that have been still discussed today. One of these problems is Armenian Question. Armenians made use of an opportunity the World war first, revolted against the Ottoman state, helped all the way the Russian army by establishing volunteer armies. The Ottoman State had taken all necessary precautions. The Ottoman State arrested leaders of Armenia and dispatched them because they continued to rebeling. During the dispatch they had taken precautions and penalized those whom malfeasance their duties. Today Turkey is tried to be convicted on this case that is used for the different political purposes. Besides the dignitaries took all the precautions, some negations seen when the resources were being evaluated related to this era during the dispatch and housing. Accordingly, the people who had faults and disregards strictly had been punished and some possible negations were tried to be prevented. Thus Mr.Hakkı, district governor of Kahta and Mr.Edhem Kadri, district governor of Besni were dismissed due to the same reason. The aim of this study; to show what happened during the dispatch and housing throughout the World war I was not genocide as in Adıyaman sample. In this study, it is aimed to contribute to clear up the era by using archival documents, newspapers and secondary sources.

Biser Georgiev. Die parlamentarische Opposition und die Innenpolitk der bulgarischen Regierungen (August 1887 – Januar 1908). Universitätsverlag „Bischof Konstantin Preslavski”, Schumen, 2014, 607 S.

Author(s): Rumyana Parvanova / Language(s): German / Issue: 1-2/2016

Book Review

Bogdan Morfov (1870–1948) et son engagement à la cause Bulgarie de la mer Égée

Author(s): Rumen Karaganev / Language(s): French / Issue: 3-4/2014

Along with his interesting, diverse and successful career (of civil engineer, Director of Railways, minister plenipotentiary), Bogdan Morfov was directly engaged tied with Bulgaria’s cause of achieving an outlet to the Aegean Sea. He experienced the vicissitudes in this national aspiration both as an ordinary citizen of the kingdom and a direct participant in the formation of its changing in time configurations. In particular, the author reveals B. Morfov’s perceptions and efforts to implement them before the Balkan War (1912–1913); Expert activity in the early post-WWI period and his participation in the Bulgarian delegation at the conference in Lausanne (1922–23); later, his efforts in the respective direction as minister plenipotentiary in Paris and his activities in the preparation of the conference in Montreux (1936) as well as in the dramatic 1940 in connection with the anticipated return of Western Thrace within the borders of Bulgaria

Borderland Identities of Bratislava: Balancing between Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians in the Second Half of the 19th Century

Author(s): Ana-Teodora Kurkina / Language(s): English / Issue: 19/2015

The article regards the urban space of Bratislava as an area contested by several national groups with their competing state-building strategies in the second half of the 19th century, when the city’s status of a cultural and social crossroad started to be challenged by its’ inhabitants and their respective political agendas. While offering a category of a “mental borderland” rather than a geographical one, the paper investigates the ways in which the three major groups living in the city attempted to claim it, presenting it as a centre of their culture, while reinterpreting its landscape and history. Although the case of Bratislava-Pressburg -Pozsony fits into the context of entangled histories, connecting the social and cultural networks of the region, the approach used in the current article is more comparative, since it regards the Slovaks, Germans and Hungarians as opposing parties, whose status of a “privileged” group was changing radically during the decades. The idea of resistance is highlighted as a driving mechanism of one’s group’s successful claim. Moreover, borders are seen as categories that are socially produced within the multinational and multicultural environment of Bratislava. The article states that the city’s diverse character and multiple legacies were successfully claimed by groups most accustomed to “resisting” its “privileged” and “better standing” opponents. Therefore, the previously widely underestimated Slovak population finally turned Bratislava into its capital in the beginning of the 20th century.

Bosanskohercegovačko izaslanstvo gradske i crkvene uprave posljednjem austrougarskom caru Karlu IV i carici Ziti 1917. godine

Author(s): Sandra Biletić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 18/2019

Throughout the occupation, Bosnia and Herzegovina found itself in an exceptional position, specific in its state-legal status as well as in militarystrategic importance for the Austro-Hungarian war plans. Shortly after the Sarajevo assassination, the declaration of war and the offensive against Serbia, gave the Austro-Hungarian authorities a justification to dissmis all social organizations, to ban the press and prevent any sociopolitical activity in the occupied areas, soon followed by abolition of the Bosnian Parliament. Obviously, the aim was to achieve complete isolation of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the events that affected the Balkans and Europe and especially from the revolutionary ideas, which were already sprouting, captivating the moods of the masses. All efforts to suppress any spreading of revolutionary, socialist, Bolshevik and communist ideas have failed, but precisely these ideas have found fertile ground thus making Bosnia and Herzegovina the initial point of the wider Yugoslav movement. A little over a year after the audience with the emperor, the “South Slav question” was resolved by the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes under the rule of the Karadjordjevic dynasty.

Bosnien und die Herzegowina in der österreichisch-ungarischen Orient-Eisenbahnbaupolitik

Author(s): Dževad Juzbašić / Language(s): German / Issue: 72/2013

While the Central European issues dominated in Austrian politics, the Habsburg Monarchy was not able to get more politically engaged in the Balkans. The turning point in relation towards the Austrian construction of the Balkan railways came into being only after the historical events that have significantly changed the position of the monarchy in Europe. This turning point in the policy, which is to some extent prepared by Beust, was marked with his departure from Ballhausplatz and appointment of Julius Andrássy as foreign minister in 1871. At the Beust’s time construction of the direct rail connection with the Ottoman Empire was seen as a political and economic necessity for the Monarchy and the Turkish plan to build rail connection from Constantinople to the Austrian border near Novi in Bosnia, created in 1865, have fit the intentions of its policies. However, implementation of this plan in Bosnia ended the 1872 with construction of the normal line from Doboj to Banja Luka. Austrian and Hungarian different interests in terms of the direction of the route to the Orient and foreign policy problems were an obstacle to the connection towards the East. Andrássy’s railway policy vacillated in terms of preference over the line through Serbia or Bosnia. Hungary was firmly against the eventual construction of the Bosnian lines before establishing a connection with the Orient through Serbia. Hungarians have agreed on a connection Sisak–Dobrljin only after ensuring the main train connections via Belgrade and interests of the Hungarian railways in the Bosnian traffic with Rijeka. Hungarian government has succeeded taking the win in its conception of the realization of rail connection with the Orient and Bosnia. Hungarian interests have played a significant role in the steps undertaken by the Andrássy, while in the Austrian public, after the Berlin Congress, was present dilemma for the most rational route for the rail connection with the East. This problem will be actualized on several occasions in the late 19th and early 20th century, when new importance in the policy of the Monarchy in the relations between Austria and Hungary was gained. The Hungarian government tended more to secure themselves in relation to Austria, with more appropriate position in Bosnia for the establishing a connection with the East, than they originally had in mind as benefits of rail connection with Bosnia. The new political and economic constellation in the late 19th century re-actualized establishing normal-gauge railway connection with stripe Sarajevo–Mitrovica, which would be an extension of normal-gauge railway line Budapest–Sarajevo. The author analyzes the railway policy of Benjamin Kállay and his ideas on the strengthening of economic and political position of the Monarchy in the Western Balkans through the realization of rail links through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Kállay railway program in many issues anticipated Austro-Hungarian railway policy of the 20th century in the Balkans, which Aehrenthal and Berthold sought to realize. Railway through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar could not be taken as a world hightway and as a concurrent to the existing connection of the Western Europe with Thessaloniki. Primarily It was Austrian-Hungarian political and military interest, and only partly economical interest. Plan of the railway construction was most closely associated with the development of the international situation and they represented one of the most important elements of Balkan politics Austro-Hungarian Empire, that author follows. Since the lines in Bosnia could be built only at the expense of the country, it has been built as a narrow-gauge track line from Sarajevo to the eastern border. It remained as one torso ineligible for remodelling into the normal line, at a time just before World War when normal line through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar were plotted. Paper is focusing to the problem of the realization of the Bosnian-Serbian railway connection as well as to directing Serbian export to the port in Dalmatia. In the time before the outbreak of the Balkan War in 1912 the Austrian industrialists, inferior in international competition, sought to create a closed space in the Balkans in which they could dominate. This plan was unrealistic. The writer analyzes the Austro-Hungarian program for economic agreements with the Balkan countries adopted in February 1913, in which the railway policy was the main factor of economic penetration and political influence of the Monarchy in the Balkans. Concept Count Berthold sealed this program, by giving the role of a special political instrument to the railway connection Uvac–Mitrovica. Author also points to the opposing views of the Austrian government members who opposed to direct connection with Thessaloniki via Bosnia, in the period immediately after the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, considering the immediate Austrian interests. The opposition remained without effect on Berthold’s policy, which endured a failure. Austro-Hungarian political circles saw one of the main causes of the economic collapse of the Monarchy in the political events in the Balkans, so they gave a loud call for the solution of the situation.

BRIGA ZA NAROD U DIJASPORI DO LATENTNOG SUKOBA SA DOMICILNIM NARODOM – AKTUALIZACIJA PROŠLOSTI NA SADAŠNJOST U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Ivan Balta / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 2/2019

The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations’ constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations’ oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian government's pro-government project "Julian Action".So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, i.e. mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, e. g. of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools (e. g. through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (e. g. Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Julian campaign was politically instrumentalized because of “taking care of its people in diaspora", and in some parts crossed the boundaries of "preserving" them, it began with "unintentional" assimilation through schools, railways and cultural societies. So it necessarily had to come into conflict with other nations. From the Hungarian point of view, the so-called "Bosnian Action" and "Slavonic Action" of the Hungarian Government were directed towards the care of Hungarians in the so-called "affiliated" and annexed province, as well as to strengthening and expansion of Hungarian influence in the countries where the majority of population were Muslims-Bosnians, Serbs and Croats. The same action ranged from the accusation of "Hungarianization” to the theory of the Hungarians threatened by assimilation; however, the action did not achieve a long-term goal and did not prove permanent because, after the end of the First World War, a small group of Hungarians in the newly established countries did not have any legal guarantees, and new authorities did not ensure its survival.