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This book contains the official documents gathered by Stelian Tanase and related to the activity of Christian Rakovski in Romania. Rakovski took major part in the Communism movement in the beginning of the century. After that, in 1917, he went to Russia, where he was killed by Stalin.
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Our analysis presents the changes in the Transylvanian educational institutions and in the number of their students, according to levels of education, school types and the maintainers of the schools. The available statistics are incomplete and this did not allow us to make an exhaustive and complete presentation of the development of public education in the region. Nevertheless, we can more or less reconstruct the main characteristics of the education market and of the institutions of the educational system between 1918 and 1948 based on the data presented in our paper.On the territories annexed to Romania after World War I, and especially in the parts gained from Hungary, state schools were established in a higher rate than the national average, either through the nationalisation of institutions of Hungarian language or through the construction of new schools. The large-scale developments in infrastructure had two reasons. The first reason was to consolidate the position of the Romanian population living in the newly acquired territories as opposed to Hungarians and Germans and to the denominational schools run by minorities.The other reason was the changed role of the state in the public education. Prior to 1918 in Transylvania, in line with the practice of Hungary, educational institutions were primarily maintained by denominations, while in Romania the role of the denominations was insignificant in this respect. Thus, the Romanian state basically aimed at implementing its existing school policy also on the newly acquired territories.All these resulted in the fact that while in the 1920/1921 school year only 32.7% of the primary schools were functioning in Transylvania were maintained by the state or by the communities, by 1928/1929 this proportion jumped to 77.8%.This switch in proportion can also be observed in case of lyceums and upper girls’schools, although to a smaller degree.The data on Romanian students already indicate the effects of school policy of the Romanian Government. Prior to 1918 in Romania – thanks to the reforms of public education minister Spiru Haret –heavy emphasis was placed on practical education. This approach made its way to Transylvania, and resulted in the increased proportion of Romanian students in trade, vocational and housekeeping schools which exceeded by far the proportion of the minorities. Further factors also contributed to this: vocational schools were maintained by the state and the language of instruction in these schools was Romanian. The fact that these types of institutions were accessible for the Romanian population living mainly in rural areas is not incidental either.The proportion of Romanian students was dominant also in teacher training schools, which ensured the supply of pedagogues who were meant to fulfill the need for teachers of the expanded primary school system. Commercial schools and lyceums were also maintained primarily by the state, and this was also visible in the proportion of Romanian students. Consequently, these institutions not only ensured the closing-up of the educational gap between the Romanian population and the minorities but also established the basis of the ethnic elite change (Romanians were employed in state offices, cultural apparatus, and as professional intelligentsia).Higher education essentially mirrored the situation of secondary schools. In the case of Romanians and Jews we can again observe the overschooling, with the notable difference that in the case of Jewish students there was a decreasing tendency while in the case of Romanian students there was a continuous increase. In the period between the two world wars the supply for new generations of intelligentsia for the minorities slowed down and did not meet the societal demands.On the other hand, the number of Romanian graduates increased as a result of the “Romanianisation” of secondary schools with Matura and increased the numberof students enrolled in universities.The evolution of the Transylvanian educational system and that of the educational market were defined all along by the state policies (the elite formation strategies and the ethnic policies).
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The past century in Poland had witnessed significant regime changes which resulted in the subsequent codification, decodification and recodification of the law, which, as far as the civil procedure is concerned – following substantial changes resulting from the third political transformation in the 20th century – has remained in effect until the present day. The following monograph is devoted to the history of codification of the Polish civil procedure, mapped against the backdrop of the evolution of this particular branch of law in Europe and the subsequent “revolution” in Poland, following the Second World War, taking into account its patterns as well as its reach in the remaining countries governed by people’s democracy. The author considers the topic from the perspective of the private and public aspects of the civil procedure, which have a profound impact on the shape and content of the Code of Civil Procedure. The monograph touches upon the works on the codification that were attempted twice in the history of the Polish civil procedure and discusses the model of civil litigation with the focus on the aspect of delineating the relationship between the individual and the state. // The two main chapters of the monograph have been preceded by comprehensive introductions, which provide the legal-historical, comparative, and theoretical background for the primary argument. In those parts of the monograph, the author discusses the evolution of the civil procedure in Western Europe in the 19th and 20th century, the specifics of the peculiar socialist civil procedure, as well as the means of recourse against judgments in the civil proceedings in the context of the interests of both the state and the individual. // In the discussion concerning the processes undertaken even before the creation of the Codification Committee in 1919, the author conducts a comparative legal analysis of the problem of the principal rules of the civil procedure as well as minute details which have fundamental bearing on the model of the Code of Civil Procedure. The following argument focuses on the efforts of the Codification Committee, unprecedented both in Europe and the entire world. At that time, the primary goal of the government was integration of the Polish lands, divided by partitions and restoration of the Polish sovereignty. As a result of the efforts of the Codification Committee of the Second Polish Republic, the first Polish Code of Civil Procedure was created (1930); this original work, the fruit of long-term efforts of the most distinguished Polish legal experts, was, in fact, an in-depth comparative study. The interwar codifiers analysed not only the civil procedures in force in Poland: Russian (1864), German (1877), Austrian (1895) and Hungarian (1911), but also the most significant civil procedures in Europe, including the civil procedure of the Swiss cantons of Zurich (1913) and Bern (1918), as well as the civil procedure of Italy (1865), Greece (1834) and, in part, England (1873–1873), despite its relative lack of significance due to the fundamental differences between the common law and the continental law. The first drafts of Code of the Civil Procedure were distinctive due to their attempts to include a fair number of the public aspects in the civil proceedings, which was also characteristic of the evolution of the civil procedure in Europe at that time and was intended as a remedy for the shortcomings of the civil jurisdiction. However, the final draft of the Code did not include several pioneering, innovative concepts which concerned preparatory proceedings, abuse of rules of procedure clause, obligation of truthfulness, the discretional power of the judge, evidence proceedings, as well as the construction of an obligatory replay to the statement of claim and default judgment. Several other significant changes, which severely misrepresented the initial intentions of the codifiers, were implemented at the governmental stage of development. The omission of the proposed institutions was caused by the desire to preserve the golden mean, which was modelled after the Austrian civil procedure to an extent. On the other hand, the governmental changes were characterised by the urge to make the first Polish Code of Civil Procedure more similar to the Russian legislation, which resulted from the pressure and protests of the lawyers coming from the former Congress Poland. // The necessity of making the civil procedure more flexible as well as making their forms more simple and the amount of regulation more reasonable, along with various other problems discussed within the framework of the civil procedural law by the Codification Committee of the Second Polish Republic, is discussed until this day, in the context of numerous changes following the political transformation and the necessity of drafting a new – third – Code of Civil Procedure. // The preservation of formal but at the same time critical and selective legal continuity in the first years of the Polish People’s Republic resulted in the necessity of revision of the inherited law and restructuring of its tenets to reflect the socialist agenda. Implementation of the Soviet ideas of difference and protection of property as well as planned economy resulted in weakening of the civil procedural law and the increased importance of the administrative law. In this context, the monograph touches upon the problems of that time, concerning restrictions on the civil procedure (non-litigious proceedings, state arbitration). The transformation of the political and legal system in countries governed by people’s democracy resulted in significant and forced unification of adjective law. This involuntary unification was conducted in a very short time. The situation was similar in the USSR, where, on the basis of the authority of the Soviet Union with regard to establishing the foundations of the judicial system and legal proceedings, as well as the civil and penal law–introduced by the resolution of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union of February 11th, 1957–the law was unified in all the federal republics, according to the USSR legislation. // The circumstances surrounding the drafting of the Polish Act of July 20th, 1950 and its content, which constituted, in fact, decodification of the civil procedure, have been discussed in comparison with the changes taking place in the civil procedure in Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Hungary at that time. The draft of the new code proposed by the Department of Justice (1955) further eroded the first Polish Code of Civil Procedure; however, ultimately, the project was not implemented. // Following the establishment of the Codification Committee in 1956, the codification efforts were characterised by relative leniency caused by comparative liberalisation connected with the change in the political climate (1956), and strictly substantial discussion based on comparative analysis that transcended the boundaries of the socialist law and thoroughly discussed the essence of the civil procedure in the light of its development. The effect of those proceedings was a satisfactory first draft of the new code (1960), which had hallmarks of evolution. This draft was later subject to changes in the second draft and later in the governmental and parliamentary stages of the codification work, until finally the second Polish Code of Civil Procedure (1964) was passed, in accordance with the political principles of the time. // The chapter devoted to the private and public aspects in the system of recourse against judgments, the author discusses the problem of the character of the appeal and the character of the third instance made by the Codification Committee of the Second Polish Republic. Next, in the context of the Soviet model and the new legal regulations in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria and East Germany, the author discusses the issues of the appeal and the extraordinary appeal against a final judgment as well as the possibility of challenging judgments in force by the state authority in the Polish People’s Republic starting with the amendment of July 20th, 1950, through the drafts of the Code of Civil Procedure, their critique and implemented changes, to the passing of the Code (1964). // The history of codification of the civil procedure in the Second Polish Republic and Polish People’s Republic, regardless of the motivation, illustrates the phenomenon in which the final draft of the act differs significantly–usually for the worse–from the initial premises and conceptions established by the experts who worked on the first draft for a prolonged period of time.
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Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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A black grandson of the king of African Vai people and son of a German mother was growing up in Hamburg during the Nazi rise to power. Feeling a German patriot he gradually discovers that he is termed by the ideology as an enemy and nonperson.
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In the presented monograph, which is a result of research work for the last fifteen years, the author is presenting its own contribution to the issue of constitutional concept that created the base for the creation and maintenance of the first Czechoslovak Republic in the inter-war period. In the political arena, the idea of a Czechoslovak state stemmed from the conviction of its creators that the unified and common “national” state is the only possibility for the Czechs and Slovaks in order to sustain their own national existence and their own state and to defend them against territorial and other claims of its expansionistic neighbouring countries. For the Czech “component” of the “Czechoslovak nation”, this newly created state unity was aimed to guarantee a distinct majority in relation to the grievously (from the Czech point of view) high number of German national minority; the Slovak “component”, on the other hand, placed its hopes on the Czechoslovak Republic that had to save the Slovaks from the menace of “national death”, which was understood to be the inevitable consequence of Hungarian aspirations to restore the Hungarian Kingdom. Amongst implicit protagonists of the idea of Czechoslovak state in Slovakia were above all politicians like Vavro Šrobár and Ivan Dérer, partially also Milan Hodža, whose objections grew with the passing of time. The advocates of this idea were eager to spread this idea to the Slovak masses, operating in a way which was corresponding to the concept of Tomáš G. Masaryk of “detailed work” – that means by shifting the attention of the social classes to the questions of everyday life in order to prepare them for a “shock of democracy”. The democratic system was succeeding after the “Big War” in a new, joint state of Czechs and Slovaks, being accompanied by economic, political and moral split. The engagement of these protagonists in this crucial period side by side with the trio of state-founding personages – T. G. Masaryk, M. R. Štefánik and E. Beneš – have brought them to leading political positions in the Czechoslovak Republic. There were expected to adapt and implement the “idea of Czechoslovak state of a unitary Czechoslovak nation” in special conditions existing in Slovakia and to impose these ideas in all areas of life of Slovak society by operating with a team of closest collaborators and a broader circle of supporters. The five chapters of first part of the presented book titled “Protagonists” are mainly focused on activities, political concepts and the attempts to implement them in political and social level of the above mentioned Slovak representatives of the so-called centralistic camp referring to the position of Slovakia in Czechoslovak Republic. Their personal ambition and mission of these protagonists was to bring the “Czechoslovak idea” close to the mind and hearths of the Slovak people, to build strong ties between the people and the democratic and republican political order of Czechoslovakia and also to upgrade their Slovak identity, which they interpreted as a partial identity, to the mutual “Czechoslovak identity”. Author’s ambition in the mentioned five chapters of this monograph is to answer the question, which methods and instruments did the “protagonists” use in order to achieve their goals and why they did not succeed. In contrast to the slogan of autonomy according to the Pittsburgh Treaty proclaimed by the Slovak Peoples Party, the “protagonists” announced the concept of “administrative autonomy”, which, asthey have thought, could gradually fulfil the legitimate requirements of Slovaks without affecting the integrity and unity of Czechoslovak state and to put the republic at risk of neighbouring countries having anti-Czechoslovak attitude. There was a significant difference between Šrobár’s and Dérer’s understanding of Czechoslovak “ethnic unity” and Hodža’s aiming to the concept of Czechoslovak “political unity”. The bearers of the idea of a Czechoslovak state were government offices and all parts of public administration. The five chapters of the second part of the book are paying attention to the problems of organisation of public administration and self-administration (district- and municipal administration) and its financing, staff, representation of Slovaks in supreme public offices and the possibility of delegating the Slovaks civil servants to the district- or municipal-offices of public administration in the Czech Lands or Moravia-Silesia. This topic includes also a very significant institution of citizenship; i. a. the searching for a solution in order to find a possibility to don’t let the autochthonous inhabitants of Slovakia feel like a “inferior” population in its own country. Mechanisms had to be found, which should guarantee that not only national minorities. i. e. loyal citizens of Czechoslovakia, but also the Slovaks as a “limb of the ruling nation” wouldn’t feel as second-class citizens in consequence of their treatment by the Czechoslovak public offices. On the other hand, taking into account the efforts undertaken by forces eventually trying to destruct the Czechoslovak state, the possibility had to be excluded to abuse the democratic understanding of citizenship and civil rights guaranteed by the Constitution of Czechoslovak Republic. Third part of the book titled “Opponents” is dedicated notably to the radical-socialist and communist, or Bolshevik opponents of the idea of Czechoslovak state. This issue belongs to author’s profiling research topics, which get new impetus after 1989. This thematic bloc starts with a historiographic overview of monographs and texts written since the Communist coup d’état in 1948 till the fall of totalitarian regime in 1989. It was inevitable to tackle the older historiographic production without bias or, in other words, „sine ira et studio“. In three following chapters, which are relatively extensive in comparison to the other chapters, the author’s interest is focused on issues closely related to the main topic of this monograph: the nationality-policy and the solutions proposed and considered of the status of Slovakia in Czechoslovakia, both during the first years of the existence of Republic and the period before the fall of First Czechoslovak Republic. The reader may find concrete examples of tactical approach followed by the Communist International (Comintern) that was mostly motivated by the interests of the Leninist/Stalinist geopolitics aiming at Soviet domination in East-Central Europe: starting with the slogan of autonomy within the Hungarian Soviet Republic, event. Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic of 1919-1920, through the denying of the Czechoslovak unity promoted under the phrase of “the right of the nations to self-determination up to the separation and creation of their own national state”, and finally till the slogan of “defending Czechoslovak democracy against the interior and foreign fascism” during the so-called Munich-crisis and even more colourful phrases and slogans, which arose in the autonomous Slovakia (1938-1939) and in Slovak Republic during the primary stage of Second World War. The research of this topic is based on newly accessible archival documents and foreign literature. The author is pointing out that in present Slovakia, there is no scientific or a broader social discussion dealing with problems of radical socialist and Communist movement, which existed in the conditions of the democratic, First Czechoslovak Republic, understood as both “systematic” and “anti-systematic element” of its political system. The attention of the Slovak historiography after 1900 is mainly directed to the era of Communist totalitarian regime (both institutionally and personally) installed after 1948 and the Communist-crimes. Author is presenting its own explicit point of view to this issue in a commented bibliography that is introducing the last topical part of the presented monograph. It is also impossible to understand and interpret the “idea of Czechoslovak Republic constituted by a unitary Czechoslovak nation” properly, by restricting oneself to the conclusion that it failed, or to an aprioristic refusal of this idea by pointing out that it was an “artificial idea”, a “so-called idea” or “fictive idea”. There is no doubt that it was a construct, which was at the beginning adopted only by a small part of protagonists, since certain parts of Slovak society didn’t absolutely agreed with it and had some reservations (partly influenced by the autonomist or communist opponents), but the biggest part refused this idea. The balance of power between the Czechoslovak, or in other words “centralistic”, and the autonomist group changed and it should be underlined that even the most prominent protagonists of Slovak autonomous movement (Andrej Hlinka, the nationalist “Old-ludáks”, or the national wing represented by Emil Stodola and Martin Rázus) were formulating their political program of autonomy in the frames of Czechoslovakia, eventually Czecho-Slovakia. It were first of all international circumstances of foreign policy and not the mistakes (although some of them were serious) of “Czechoslovakism” and “centralism” that resulted in the fall of Czechoslovakia and opened the way for an independent (although only formally) Slovakia existing during Second World War. However, the disapproval with a unitary Czechoslovakia resulted in a swift destruction of democracy and the coming to a power of first totalitarian regime.
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It is a memoir of Aleksander Uszyński, a rank-and-file soldier of the Polish underground army, a participant of the Warsaw Uprising, a German prisoner of war and a political emigrant in the post-war years. It frankly portrays his happy childhood in independent Poland, the tragedy of the outbreak of war, the motivation to join the underground, episodes of serving in the underground army and in the Warsaw Uprising. The memoir also describes his experiences in France when he had to make up for his educational limitations from the war time and adapt to a society that was new to him.
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As for the historical claims, we will certainly be happy when chance establishes an absolute or relative agreement between them and the new route, but there will be, in short, only aesthetic satisfaction. Today's world has neither the time nor the inclination to perpetuate the memory of more or less ancient spoliations, of more or less long usurpations. One of the essential conceptions which inspire the increasing efforts at the present time to organize an unprecedented international regime, is precisely that by virtue of which the so-called rights acquired by arms are held to be null. Finally and above all, whenever the reconciliation of systems based on geographical unity, the homogeneity of race, language, religion, the needs of military or naval defense, agricultural, industrial, commercial resources, has failed in the face of impossibilities or an excess of difficulties, the solution of the problem will be required from the popular will. There is one principle that dominates all others in our time. It is this, for example, much more than the principle of nationalities, which makes legitimate, sacred, in the eyes of all people of good sense and good faith, of all honest people, the aspirations of Alsace and from Lorraine, Slesvig, Transilvanie, Trentino. We propose to study, in the following chapters, what Yugoslavia can and should be for anyone who refers to the above ideas and feelings. (from author's introduction)
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The individual chapters of the book, which appears here in German translation, were largely published by Lloyd George as newspaper articles towards the end of 1922 and in the first half of 1923. They clearly bear the signs of their creation; In many cases its subject matter is so much history that the lively polemics with which the author treats it may appear outdated. However, the careful reader will find that this is by no means the case. The same problems with which the author is grappling, the correct solution of which he is passionately trying to present to the European public, are still to be decided today and are of particular interest today. This applies above all to the French Ruhr policy and the reparations question. The tendency of the recently published French Yellow Book is refuted here in advance. // German edition published in Leipzig, 1924 by Paul List Verlag
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Published in 1921 by DEUTSCHE VERLAGSGESELLSCHAFT FÜR POLITIK UND GESCHICHTE, BERLIN // The author has been fellow employee of the League of Nations. // From her introduction: „To write a history of the peace conference today (=1921) would not only be presumptuous, but an impossibility. On the other hand, posting material that contributes to their knowledge is a duty. That is the consideration that prompted this work. The minutes of the Paris meeting are not yet available. Despite Wilson's "Open covenants openly arrived at"; despite Lloyd George's promises in Parliament. But some “who were there” have already given their testimony. Appointed and uncalled. These publications, all of which have appeared in foreign languages, are the sources for this publication. This book is not written out of party attitudes. Some may derive the justification for a war of revenge from this. But whoever draws this conclusion does not understand the doctrine which it loudly and irrefutably preaches. In proving the inability of the old ideology and diplomacy to bring peace to the world, it is a powerful reminder to get serious about the new attitude.”
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Any formation of thought is considered by Szende as an “Ideology” which exceeds, by interpretation, by conceptual definition, by intellectual converting, and by logical classification, simple human perception. It is the historical role of ideologies to bring individuals or masses, through psychological inducement, to either historical action or to passiveness concerning social order and its conservation or its reform resp. revolution. The main characteristics of ideologies triggering either conservative attitudes and passiveness or reform resp. revolution can be described as “Verhüllung” (disuise) or “Enthüllung” (unveiling). // “It is the essential feature of every revolution and crisis period that the social driving forces, which in less turbulent times are veiled, distorted, whitewashed, impetuously come to the surface from the depths, and are presented to human knowledge in an unadulterated form. Every revolution is the apocalypse of the unconscious, the real agents of events that have not yet been recognized at all or have been recognized in a different way. The potential energies of society - stored up since time immemorial - discharge themselves in grandiose shooting up, creating new things, destroying the old. The rate of the world clock is accelerated. A gigantic film shows the keen eye the biogenetic law of history; every stage of development in human society is shown to us in a flash of lightning.” (Paul Szende)
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Basically, the question of Bessarabia arises, now, as in the past, in relation to that of the Straits. The importance of Bessarabia's wheat lands may also have something to do with the attitude of the Russian government as it attempts to resume grain exports to Europe after several years of crop failures. or even starvation. But the main thing is not there. Since Finland, the Baltic States and Poland have severely restricted Russia’s access to the Baltic Sea, it has attached greater importance than ever to the Black Sea problem. // What the Soviets see above all in Bessarabia is a territory which would allow them to get closer to Constantinople and the Straits - which they continue to consider as the door of their house - and which, moreover, their would make it possible to control the mouths of the Danube. This, it seems, is the real meaning of their attitude on the Bessarabia question. In this area, as in many others, Bolshevik imperialism is a fairly exact continuation of the old Tsarist imperialism. (conclusion by the author) . // PUBLISHED BY LIBRAIRIE FÉLIX ALCAN (Paris)
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From 1924 to 1926, the Soviet government, or more precisely the Cheka, detained me, a foreigner, not guilty of any crime, in various places of detention, and finally deported me to the concentration camp. of Solovetzk for a period of three years, without prior judgment and in force by a simple decision of the Gué-Pé-Ou, in other words the Cheka. // My experiences in Soviet Russia are so implausible, because of the cruelty and cynicism shown towards me, that I have found it useful to add to this book the copy of certain documents extracted correspondence concerning my "case" and exchanged between the Consulate of Finland and the Public Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. Unfortunately, I am currently unable to publish in full the many documents relating to the talks between the Finnish government and the Soviet government regarding my arrest and release. But the few pieces that I have found opportune to publish amply confirm the veracity of my account. I would like to draw the reader's attention to the fact that in the course of the following account I have changed the surnames of the people I have mentioned, as well as certain circumstances, but only in cases where I do so. I deemed it necessary for the safety of these people, who are still alive and who are in a territory where they would risk being reached by the Gué-Pé-Ou, in other words the Tcheka. (from Author’s introduction) - DIGITIZED COPY OF THE 1928 EDITION OF «EDITIONS JULES TALLANDIER», Paris
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The book presents the history of founding of a summer resort, at present known as Żarki Letnisko, located in the Jura Krakowsko-Częstochowska region. The settlement is a very rare example of a successful subdivision of manorial land in the interwar Poland with a view to create a “garden city”, comparable to that of Podkowa Leśna near Warsaw. The process of developing the “garden city” of Żarki is presented against a broad backdrop of ideological, social, and economic transformations taking place in the Second Polish Republic. The book also portrays the founder of the “garden city” of Żarki – Karol Raczyński from Złoty Potok, as well as his wife Stefania and his most famous ancestors coming from aristocratic families of Krasińscy, Braniccy and Raczyńscy. Furthermore, the general concept of “garden city” is discussed, along with its evolution and reception on the Polish lands.
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In clear, concise language, Matzhold outlines the situation and the way of life in the Balkan countries, always drawing from his own experience. Pressed and influenced by a dozen different ideologies and religions, they represent a source of fire that begins to flicker incessantly in the most diverse places. The great contrasts are described which exist economically, politically and socially in the heart of the Balkan man, in his family, in the states and finally in the whole region and are in conflict with each other. Here the bandages are mercilessly torn from a wound that keeps Europe feverish and threatens the Balkans themselves, indeed the whole world, with a new war. In the author's view, the fate of the West, of contemporary European civilization, will be decided in the Balkans. (blurb of the original edition) PUBLISHED IN 1936 BY L. W. SEIDEL VERLAG, VIENNA - written by the head correspondent of Associated Press to the Balkans
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You can read geographical data, a historical overview, and population data about the countries listed in the subheading. We can find out what animals and plants live in the given place and what is worth hunting. Mineral resources are also mentioned in the volume, not to mention rivers and lakes. We can obtain important information about the country's export and import articles, agriculture and religion. You can even find out the addresses of embassies, the dates of fairs and major holidays, and the addresses of important daily newspapers from the publication. (blurb of the original edition) // FIRST PUBLISHED IN 1932 BY THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN TIMES PUBLISHING CO. LTD., ZÜRICH, SWITZERLAND. THIS DIGITISED VERSION IS MADE FROM THE 1934 EDITION.
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autobiographic work of Fjodor Iwanowitsch Schaljapin. published in German language in the year of his death, 1938, ba Adlerverlag in Berlin
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